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I 


EARLY   TRAVELS    IN   INDIA 


PRINTED  IN   ENGLAND 

AT  THE   OXFORD    UNIVERSITY    PRESS 

BY    FREDERICK   HALL 


EARLY  TRAVELS 
IN  INDIA 

1583—1619 

EDITED    BY 

WILLIAM    FOSTER,  CLE. 


;6)S3  Q-l. 
i].  I.    ^3« 


HUMPHREY   MILFORD 

OXFORD    UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON      EDINBURGH      GLASGOW      COPENHAGEN 

NEW  YORK    TORONTO    MELBOURNE    CAPE  TOWN 
BOMBAY    CALCUTTA    MADRAS    SHANGHAI    PEKING 

1921 


LIST   OF   CONTENTS 


PAGE 

PREFACE .  .  .       vii 

LIST  OF  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED      .  .         .     xiii 

1383-91.         RALPH  FITCH 1 

1599-1606.     JOHN  MILDENHALL 48 

1608-13.        WILLIAM  HAWKINS 60 

1608-11.  WILLIAM  FINCH           .          .          .          .          .122 

1612-16.  NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON   .          .          .          .188 

1612-17.         THOMAS  CORYAT 234 

1616-19.         EDWARD  TERRY 288 

INDEX 333 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

India  in  1605  ......  Frontispiece 

Mesopotamia   .......       To  face  page  S 

The  Ghats  at  Benares  .......       20 

From  a  photograph  by  the  editor. 

Mildenhall's  Tomb  .......       50 

From  a  photograph  by  Miss  Milford,  reproduced  in 
Mr.  E.  A.  H.  Blunt's  Christian  Tombs  and  Monuments 
in  the  United  Proxnnces. 

JahangIr  .........       80 

From  a  drawing  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris. 

SuRAT  Castle  .........     134 

From  a  photograph  by  Mr.  V.  M.  Mehta. 

BuRHANPUR  Castle  .  .  .  .         .  .         .138 

From  a  photograph  by  Mr.  B.  K.  Parry,  I.C.S. 

Ajmer      .         .  .  .         .         .         .         •         •         •     170 

From  a  photograph  by  the  editor. 

CORYAT    ON    AN   ELEPHANT  ......       248 

From  tlie  1616  pamphlet. 

Edward  Terry         ........     288 

From  his  Voyage  to  East  India  (1655). 


PREFACE 

The  following  pages  contain  the  narratives  of  seven  English- 
men who  travelled  in  Northern  and  Western  India  during  the 
reigns  of  the  Emperors  Akbar  and  Jahangir.  Though  these  do 
not  by  any  means  exliaust  the  list  of  English  visitors  of  that 
period  who  have  left  us  records  of  their  experiences,  they 
include  practically  all  those  of  real  importance,  with  the 
exception  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  whose  lengthy  account  of  his 
embassy  is  already  procurable  in  a  modern  edition. 

In  the  case  of  none  of  these  narratives  is  a  manuscript 
source  available,  and  it  has  been  necessary  to  go  instead  to 
the  earliest  printed  editions.  Ralph  Fitch's  story  of  his 
adventures  appeared  first  in  Hakluyt's  Principall  Navigations, 
from  which  it  is  here  reprinted.  The  other  six  are  to  be  found 
in  the  voluminous  collection  published  by  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Purchas  in  1625,  and  in  the  case  of  four  of  them  we  follow  the 
text  there  given.  For  Nicholas  VVithington,  however,  use  has^ 
also  been  made  of  a  fuller  version  (from  his  original  manu- 
script) given  in  a  scarce  eighteenth-century  work  ;  while  the 
letters  of  Thomas  Coryat  are  printed  from  the  contemporary 
pamphlets  in  which  they  first  saw  the  Kght  and  from  which 
Purchas  made  merely  a  selection. 

Since  each  of  the  narratives  has  its  own  introduction, 
little  need  be  said  here  by  way  of  preliminary.  It  may  perhaps 
be  pointed  out  that  at  the  time  (1584)  when  the  earliest  of 
our  travellers  reached  the  court  of  Akbar,  the  Mughal  Empire 
in  India  had  not  yet  reached  its  sixtieth  anniversary.  It  was 
in  1525  that  Babur,  then  King  of  Kabul,  crushed  at  Panlpat 
the  Afghan  dynasty  which  had  ruled  at  Delhi  during  the 
preceding  three-quarters  of  a  century.  Babur's  son,  Humayiin, 
was  driven  from  his  throne  in  1540  by  Sher  Shah,  the  Afghan 


^ii  PREFACE 

ruler  of  Bengal  and  Bihar,  but  recovered  his  kingdom  in  1555, 
only  to  die  in  the  following  year,  leaving  to  his  young  son 
Akbar  a  precarious  dominion  over  a  territory  which  is  to-day 
represented  by  parts  of  the  Panjab  and  the  United  Provinces 
of  Agra  and  Oudh.  By  1584  Akbar  Juid  largely  extended  his 
domains.  Partly  by  policy  and  partly  by  conquest  he  had 
become  master  of  Gujarat,  Malwa,  and  the  bulk  of  Rajputana  ; 
while  on  the  east  he  had  subdued,  but  not  yet  entirely  assimi- 
lated, the  provinces  of  Bihar  and  Bengal.  Later  in  his  reign 
he  recovered  control  of  Kabul  (which  had  become  practically 
independent  under  his  brother,  Muhammad  Hakim)  and  added 
to  his  empire  Kashmir,  Sind,  Kandahar,  Ivliandesh,  and  parts 
of  Ahmadnagar.  On  his  death  in  1G05  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  only  surviving  son,  Sallm,  who  took  the  title  of  Nur-ud-din 
Jahangir.  The  latter  was  Emperor  at  the  time  of  the  visits 
of  all  but  the  first  two  of  our  travellers. 

Though  Southern  India  has  little  to  do  with  our  story, 
it  may  be  noted  that  immediately  to  the  south  of  the  Mughal 
dominions  lay  the  Muhammadan  kingdoms  of  Ahmadnagar 
on  the  western  and  Golconda  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  peninsula. 
South  of  Ahmadnagar  Avas  a  third  Muhammadan  kingdom, 
that  of  Bijapur  ;  while  the  rest  of  the  peninsula  was  still 
under  the  rule  of  petty  Hindu  princes,  the  chief  of  whom  was 
the  Raja  of  Chandragiri,  who  represented  the  once  powerful 
dynasty  of  Vijayanagar.  In  contemporary  records  he  is 
commonly,  though  incorrectly,  described  as  King  of  the 
Carnatic. 

The  only  European  nation  holding  any  territorial  possessions 
in  India  at  the  time  was  the  Portuguese,  whose  regular 
dominions  comprised  merely  the  district  round  Goa  and  a  few 
other  ports  on  the  western  coast,  though  some  of  their  com- 
patriots had  established  themselves,  in  a  position  more  or  less 
independent,  at  various  places  on  the  other  side  of  the  p>eninsula 
and  in  the  delta  of  the  Ganges.  The  Portuguese  had  been  in 
India  longer  than  the  Mughals,  and  the  control  they  exercised 


PREFACE  ix 

over  the  neighbouring  seas  was  accepted  without  repining  by 
Akbar  and  his  successor.  This  was  not  tlie  case  with  our  own 
countrymen,  and  the  story  of  the  successful  endeavours  of 
the  English  to  establish  their  right  to  trade  with  India, 
notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  Portuguese,  forms  the 
underplot  of  the  present  volume.  Its  main  purpose,  of  course, 
is  to  give  a  picture  of  the  Mughal  Empire  as  it  appeared  to 
English  eyes  in  the  days  of  Shakespeare. 

The  accuracy  of  the  picture  so  presented  can  be  judged  by 
comparison  with  modern  reconstructions  of  the  period.  The 
narratives  printed  in  this  volume  are  individually  partial  and 
incomplete,  but  their  general  effect  is  in  close  accordance  with 
such  works  as  the  late  Dr.  Vincent  Smith's  Akbar  the  Great 
Mogul,  and  Mr.  W.  H.  Moreland's  India  at  the  Death  of  Akbar, 
both  of  which  are  based  on  a  much  more  extensive  mass  of 
evidence.  In  some  respects  the  passing  of  four  centuries  has 
made  little  difference  ;  Indians  are  naturally  conservative, 
though  we  need  not  go  so  far  as  to  agree  that,  as  asserted  by 
an  Englishman  in  1675,  they  '  preferr  an  old  Hell  to  a  new 
Heaven  '.  But  in  many  important  respects  the  change  is 
remarkable.  Even  physically  a  great  difference  may  be  noted. 
Large  stretches  of  ground  now  highly  cultivated  were  then 
covered  with  jungle  or  else  left  barren.  Roads  were  few  and 
bad,  canals  scarcely  existed,  and  railways  of  course  had 
not  been  dreamt  of.  Goods  were  mostly  carried  from  place 
to  place  on  camels  or  oxen  ;  and  travellers,  if  they  had  any- 
thing worth  taking,  could  move  only  in  large  bodies  or  with 
guards,  for  fear  of  the  outlaws  that  infested  the  ways.  On 
the  frontiers  (of  which  the  southern  cut  right  across  Central 
India)  hostilities  were  almost  incessant  ;  while  civil  wars  were 
of  frequent  occurrence.  Epidemics  and  famines  constantly 
swept  away  large  numbers,  and  their  advent  found  the 
authorities  fatalistic  and  impotent.  The  Government  was 
a  pure  despotism,  and  the  lives  and  property  of  all  subjects, 
from  prince  to  peasant,  were  subject  to  the  caprice  of  the 


X  PREFACE 

rei<«ning  monarch.  The  revenues  of  the  country  were  either 
spent  in  extravagant  display  and  in  maintaining  large  military 
forces,  or  else  were  hoarded  in  the  imperial  treasury.  On  the 
other  hand  justice,  if  rough  and  liable  to  be  influenced  by 
bribery,  was  fairly  good  ;  traders  of  all  nations  were  freely 
admitted  ;  and  in  religious  matters  toleration  was  more 
consistently  practised  than  in  any  European  country  at  that 
period.  On  the  whole,  our  travellers,  who  were  of  course 
comparing  Indian  conditions  with  those  of  their  own  coiuitry, 
were  not  unfavourably  impressed.  This  was  particularly  the 
case  with  Terry,  though  his  optimistic  views  are  discounted 
by  the  fact  that  he  really  saw  less  of  India  than  any  of  the 
other  narrators  whose  stories  are  here  given. 

One  fact  it  is  well  to  keep  in  mind  is  that  none  of  these 
accounts  was  designedly  written  for  publication,  except 
possibly  that  of  Withington,  who  may  have  intended  to 
issue  it  for  his  own  justification,  though  there  is  no  evidence 
that  he  did  so.  Terry's  treatise — the  only  one  that  deals 
with  the  subject  in  a  broad  manner — ^was  composed  for  the 
edification  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  ;  Hawkins's  for  the  informa- 
tion of  his  employers.  Fitch's  narrative,  as  Hakluyt  tells 
us  in  the  dedication  of  his  second  volume,  was  presented  to 
Lord  Burleigh,  who  had  doubtless  taken  an  interest  in  the 
setting  forth  of  the  expedition.  The  section  that  bears  the 
name  of  Finch  was  compiled  from  his  journal  after  his  death 
by  the  diligent  Purchas.  Those  dealing  with  the  travels  of 
Mildenhall  and  Coryat  are  true  letters,  and  their  writers  had 
no  hand  in  their  publication.  These  facts  account  to  some 
extent  for  an  occasional  want  of  proportion,  minor  matters 
being  described  at  length,  whilst  others,  of  which  we  should 
have  been  glad  to  hear  full  details,  are  slurred  over  or  omitted. 
There  is  compensation,  however,  in  the  greater  natu'"alness  of 
the  narrative.  Most  of  our  travellers  are  seen,  as  it  were,  in 
undress,  and  we  learn  more  of  their  characters  than  we 
probably  should,  had  they  been  conscious  that  they  were 


PREFACE  xi 

addressing  a  wider  audience.  Little  as  we  know  of  them, 
beyond  what  we  can  gather  from  their  writings,  the  impressions 
left  are  favourable.  If  they  appear  at  times  self-assertive, 
this  was  natural  enough  when  the  English  were  practically 
unknown  in  India  and  had  to  encounter  a  steady  stream  of 
disparagement  from  the  Portuguese  and  their  agents,  the 
Roman  Catholic  missionaries.  The  hostility  thus  engendered 
makes  our  travellers  at  times  unjust  to  the  latter  ;  but  here 
we  must  reckon  with  the  sturdy  Protestantism  of  the  English- 
man, which  rendered  him  quite  incapable  of  recognizing  any 
merit  in  a  Jesuit.  For  the  travellers  themselves  one  feels 
a  genuine  admiration.  One  and  all,  the  men  who  here  write 
their  adventures  so  soberly  and  so  modestly,  with  many 
a  shrewd  observation  and  occasionally  a  flash  of  humour, 
ran  daily  great  risks  ;  and  in  fact  three  of  them  found  in 
the  East  their  last  resting-place,  while  a  fonrth  died  on  the 
voyage  home.  Sickness,  robbery,  threats  of  violence,  were 
incidents  that  did  not  shake  their  cheerfulness,  and  there 
is  little  reflection  in  their  narratives  of  the  dangers  and 
hardships  which  were  constantly  their  lot.  They  had  chosen 
to  '  wander  to  the  unfrequented  Ynde  ',  and  they  accepted 
the  consequences,  however  unpleasant,  stolidly  and  without 
repining. 

The  assistance  received  from  many  friends  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  notes,  &c.,  has  been  acknowledged  in  the  appropriate 
places.  For  help  in  collecting  the  materials  for  the  illustrations 
I  have  to  thank  Messrs.  F.  G.  H.  Anderson,  E.  A.  H.  Blunt, 
B.  K.  Parry,  and  A.  K.  Smith,  all  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service  ; 
also  M.  Henri  Omont,  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris, 
who  not  only  gave  me  permission  to  reproduce  the  portrait  of 
the  Emperor  Jahangir,  but  kindly  arranged  for  the  taking  of 
the  necessary  photograph. 

In  reprinting  the  various  narratives,  the  old  spelling  has 
been  retained,  except  that  the  use  of  u  for  v,  of  v  for  u,  and 
of  i  for  j  has  not  been  followed  ;  while  as  regards  punctuation 


xii  PREFACE 

and  the  employment  of  capital  letters  modern  practice  has 
also  been  observed.  In  the  spelling  of  Oriental  names,  both  of 
persons  and  of  places,  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  has  been 
mostly  adopted  as  a  guide  ;  but  vowels  occurring  at  the  end  of 
a  word  have  not  been  mai'ked  as  long,  though  they  should  be 
understood  to  be  so. 


FULLER  TITLES  OF 

CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED 

Calendar  of  Slate  Papers,  East  Indies,  1513-1616.    London,  1862. 
Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither.    By  Colonel  Yule.    Second  edition  by 

H.  Cordier.    4  vols.    Hakluji;  Society,  1913-16. 
Covert,  Robert.    A  True  and  Almost  Incredible  Report,  d-c.    London, 

1612. 
De  Laet,  .Johannes.    De  Imperio  Magni  Mogolis.    Leiden,  1631. 
Delia  Valle,  Pietrn,  Travels  of.    Translated  and  edited  by  Edward 

Grey.    2  vols.    Ilakluyt  Society,  1891. 
Documentos  Remettidos  da  India.    4  vols.    Lisbon,  1880-93. 
Du  Jarric,  P.    Thesaurus  Rerum  Indicarum.    3  vols.    Cologne,  1615. 
Fanshawe,  H.  C.    Delhi  Past  and  Present.    London,  1902. 
Federici,  Cesare.     Viaggio.    Venice,  1587. 
First  Letter  Book  of  the  East  India  Company,  1600-19.    Edited  by 

Sir  George  Birdwood  and  William  Foster.    London,  1893. 
Fryer,  John.    A  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia.    London, 

1698. 
Gait,  Sir  Edward.    History  of  Assam.    Calcutta,  1906. 
Galvano,  Antonio.     The  Discoveries  of  the  World.    Translated  and 

edited  by  Richard  Hakluyt.    Hakluyt  Society,  1862. 
Hakluyt,    Richard.      The    Principall    Navigations,    d-c.      3    vols. 

London,  1598-1600. 
Hawkins''  Voyages,  the.    Edited  by  Sir  Clements  Markham.    Hakluyt 

Society,  1878. 
Herbert,  Thomas.    Some  Yeares  Travels.    London,  1638. 
Hobson-Jobson.    By  Colonel  Yule  and  A.  C.  Burnell.    Second  edition 

(by  W.  Crooke).    London,  1903. 
Jourdain,  John,  the  Journal  of.    Edited  by  William  Foster.  Hakluyt 

Society,  1905. 
Lancaster,   Sir  James,   the   Voyage  of.     Edited   by   Sir   Clements- 

Markham.     Hakluyt  Society,  1877. 
Letters  Received  by  the  East  India  Company  from  its  Servants  in  the 

East,  1602-17.    0  vols.    London,  1896-1902. 
Linschoten,  J.  II.  van,  the  Voyage  of.     Translated  and  edited  by 

A.  C.  Burnell  and  P.  A.  Tiele.    2  vols.    Hakluyt  Society,  1884. 
Maelagan,  Sir  Edward.     '  Jesuit  Missions  to  the  Emperor  Akbar  '. 

Journal  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  Ixv,  part  i. 
'  The  Earliest  English  Visitors    to    the    Panjab ',    1585- 

1628.    Journal  of  the  Panjab  Historical  Society,  vol.  i,  no.  2. 


xiv  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED 

Manucci,  Niceolao.     Storia  do  Mogor.    Translated  and  edited  by 

William  Irvine.    4  vols.    London,  1907-8. 
Monserrate,  Father.    MongoUcae  Legationis  Commentarius.    Edited 

by  Father  Hosten.     Memoirs  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic  Society, 

vol.  iii,  p.  513. 
Moreland,  W.  H.    India  at  the  Death  of  Akbar.    London,  1920. 
Mundij,  Peter,  the  Travels  of.     Edited  by  Sir  Richard  C.  Temple. 

In  progress.    Hakluyt  Society,  1907,  etc. 
Purchas,  Samuel.    Purchas  His  Pilgrimes.    4  vols.    London,  1625. 

Purchas  His  Pilgrimage.    London,  1626. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  the  Enibassy  of.    Edited  by  William  Foster.    2  vols. 

Hakluyt  Society,  1899. 
Smith,  Dr.  Vincent  A.    Akbar  the  Great  Mogul.    Oxford,  1917. 
Stein,   Sir   Aurel.      '  Notes   on    the   Routes    from   the   Panjab    to 

Turkestan  and  China  recorded  by  William  Finch  '.     Journal 

of  the  Panjab  Historical  Society,  vol.  vi. 
Stephen,  Carr.    The  Archaeology  and  Monumental  Remains  of  Delhi. 

Calcutta,  1876. 
Teixeira,  Pedro,  the  Travels  of,  1604-5.    Translated  and  edited  by 

W.  F.  Sinclair  and  D.  Ferguson.    Hakluyt  Society,  1901. 
Terry,  Edward.    A  Voyage  to  East  India.    London,  1655. 
Thomas,  Edward.     The  Revenue  Resources  of  the  Mughal  Empire. 

London, 1871. 
Tombs  and  Monuments  in  the  Bombay  Presidency.    Bombay,  n.  d. 
Tombs  and  Monuments  in  the  United  Provinces.     By  E.  A,  H.  Blunt. 

Allahabad,  1911. 
Tuzuk-i-Jahdnglrl,  or  Memoirs  of  Jahanglr.  Translated  by  A.  Rogers 

and  edited  by  H.  Beveridge.    2  vols.    London,  1909  and  1914. 
Yule,  Sir  Henry.    The  Mission  to  Ava.    London,  1858. 


1583-91 
RALPH  FITCH 

The  interesting  narrative  here  reprinted  belongs  of  course 
to  a  period  anterior  to  the  establishment  of  the  English  East 
India  Company,  though  the  journey  it  describes  holds  a  by  no 
means  unimportant  place  among  the  events  leading  up  thereto. 
At  the  date  of  its  inception,  namely  the  end  of  1582  or  the 
beginning  of  1583,  English  merchants  were  striving  eagerly 
to  discover  some  means  of  securing  a  share  in  the  rich  trade 
with  the  East,  but  so  far  their  endeavours  had  been  unsuccess- 
ful. The  attempts  to  find  a  way  to  China  round  the  northern 
coasts  of  Europe  and  Asia  had  ended  in  failure,  while  the  three 
expeditions  of  Martin  Frobisher  in  search  of  a  passage  round 
North  America  had  met  with  a  similar  fate.  The  establish- 
ment of  a  trade  with  Russia  had  resulted  in  several  ventures 
to  Persia  by  that  route,  but  no  further  attempt  was  made  in 
this  direction  after  1581.  The  sea  route  by  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  was  not  only  long  and  dangerous  but  was  claimed  as  a 
Portuguese  monopoly,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  was  not  yet 
prepared  to  break  with  Philip  II,  who  since  1580  had  been 
King  of  Portugal  as  well  as  of  Spain  ;  and  although  the  return 
of  Sir  Francis  Drake  by  this  route,  from  his  voyage  round  the 
world,  had  encouraged  an  attempt  under  Edward  Fenton  in 
June  1582,  to  pass  that  way  into  the  Indian  Ocean,  cautious 
merchants  may  well  have  anticipated  the  failure  that  actually 
ensued. 

Attention  was  thus  directed  to  the  possibility  of  utilizing 
the  long-established  trade-route  by  way  of  Syria  which  had 
already  been  tapped  to  some  extent  by  the  syndicate  of 
merchants,  headed  by  Edward  Osborne  and  Richard  Staper, 
who  had  been  granted  the  monopoly  of  English  trade  in  the 
Turkish  dominions  by  a  royal  charter  in  September  1581. 
Moreover,  a  certain  John  Newbery  had  just  returned  from 
a  long  and  important  journey  in  the  desired  direction.  Starting 
from  Tripoli,  in  Syria,  he  had  made  his  way  overland  to  Basra, 
on  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  thence  by  sea  to  Ormus,  the  famous 
island  at  its  mouth,  opposite  to  the  present  Bandar  Abbasi, 
After  spending  some  time  on  the  island,  during  which  he 
carefully  concealed  his  nationality  from  the  Portuguese 
officials,  he  returned  by  land  through  Persia  and  Armenia 
to  Constantinople,  and  thence  home  by  way  of  Poland  and  the 


2  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Baltic.^  Evidonlly  ho  had  learnt  muoJx  about  the  routes 
between  India  and  Persia,  and  liad  come  to  the  eonchision  that 
commerce  by  that  route  was  jicrfectly  feasible. 

Plans  w^re  quickly  made  for  a  further  experiment  in  the 
same  direction,  and  the  result  was  the  journey  which  is  here 
chronicled.  The  necessary  funds  were  found  chiefly  by 
Osborne  and  St.aper,  and  Ncwbery  was  placed  in  charge  of 
the  expedition.  The  party  consisted  of  a  number  of  merchants 
(among  whom  we  need  only  mention  John  Eldred  and  Ralph 
Fitch),  together  with  an  expert  in  gems  named  William  Leeds, 
and  a  painter  named  James  Story,  who  (according  to  Lin- 
schoten)  was  not  employed  by  the  promoters  of  the  venture 
but  joined  in  order  to  seek  his  fortune.  It  was  arranged  that 
two  of  the  merchants  should  be  left  at  Bagdad  with  part  of 
the  stock,  and  two  more  at  Basra  with  a  further  quantity  of 
goods,  while  Ncwbery  and  Fitch  should  continue  their  journey 
to  the  Indies.  For  this  purpose  they  were  furnished  with 
letters  of  introduction  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  addressed  to 
the  Mughal  Emperor  Akbar  (described  as  King  of  Cambay),  and 
also  to  the  Emperor  of  China.  Both  letters  are  among  the 
documents  printed  by  Ilakluyt. 

The  materials  for  the  history  of  the  first  portion  of  the 
journey  are  fairly  abundant.  Besides  Fitch's  narrative, 
Hakluyt  gives  one  by  Eldred  (who  did  not  go  farther  than 
Basra),  together  with  six  letters  from  Ncwbery  and  one  from 
Fitch  ;  while  Purchas  supplements  these  by  three  more  letters 
from  Eldred  and  two  from  Ncwbery.  In  addition,  we  have 
an  interesting  account  (particularly  of  our  travellers'  experiences 
at  Goa)  by  Linschoten  in  his  Itinerario  (Hakluyt  Society's 
edition,  vol.  ii,  p.  158).  These  documents  are  not  here  reprinted, 
since  we  are  chiefly  interested  in  that  portion  of  Fitch's  narra- 
tive which  concerns  his  travels  after  quitting  Goa  ;  use  has, 
however,  been  made  of  them  to  supply  a  few  of  the  dates  which 
are  so  conspicuously  lacking  in  Fitch's  own  account. 

Ncwbery  and  his  companions  sailed  from  London  in  the 
Tiger-  in  February  1583,  and  reached  Aleppo  about  May  20. 
On  the  last  day  of  that  month  they  started  on  their  adventurous 
journey,  and  on  August  6  found  themselves  safe  in  Basra,  the 
port  town  of  Mesopotamia.  Newbery's  plan  was  to  go  by 
boat  to  Bushire  on  the  Persian  coast,  and  thence  proceed  by 
land  to  India  ;  but  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  this  idea  because 
an  interpreter  could  not  be  secured.  Forced,  therefore,  to  risk 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  Portuguese,  the  little  party 

*  Accounts  of  this  and  of  a  previous  journey  of  his  in  Syria  and 
Palestine  will  be  found  in  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes  (Part  ii,  bk.  ix,  eh.  3). 

^  '  Her  husband's  to  Alepjio  gone,  master  of  the  Tifjer,''  says  the  First 
Witch  in  Machcth,  a  clear  proof  (as  a  previous  writer  has  remarked)  that 
Shakespeare  knew  his  Hakluyt. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  3 

embarked  for  Ormus,  which  was  reached  early  in  September. 
The  Italian  merchants  resident  in  the  island  were  quick  to 
note  the  arrival  of  fresh  trade  competitors  (concerning  whose 
intentions  they  had  apparently  been  warned  from  Aleppo), 
and  on  their  insinuations  that  the  new-comers  were  heretics 
and  spies,  acting  in  the  interests  of  the  pretender  to  the 
Portuguese  throne,  our  travellers  were  arrested  and  sent  to 
Goa.  At  the  latter  place  they  were  committed  to  prison,  where 
they  remained  about  a  month.  They  found  friends,  however, 
in  two  Jesuits,  one  a  Dutchman  and  the  other  an  Englishman, 
Father  Thomas  Stevens  ^  ;  also  in  the  young  Dutchman 
Linschoten  (already  mentioned),  who,  being  in  the  suite  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Goa,  was  able  to  exert  some  useful  influence  in 
their  favour.  The  fact  that  they  all  professed  to  be  good 
Catholics  told  on  their  behalf,  and  just  before  Christmas  1583 
Newbery,  Fitch,  and  Leeds  were  released  on  bail. 

Story  had  already  obtained  his  liberty  by  agreeing  to 
become  a  lay  brother  in  the  Jesuits'  convent,  where  his  talents 
were  needed  for  the  decoration  of  the  church.  The  others  now 
took  a  shop  and  commenced  to  trade,  and  two  letters  written 
by  Newbery  and  Fitch  in  January  1581  spoke  cheerfully  of 
their  prospects.  Before  long,  however,  matters  assumed  a 
different  aspect.  The  Jcstiits  hinted  that  the  Englishmen 
would  probably  be  sent  to  Portugal  by  the  next  fleet,  and  the 
Viceroy,  to  whom  they  applied  for  the  return  of  the  money 
they  had  deposited  in  the  hands  of  their  surety,  returned  a 
threatening  answer.  Alarmed  at  this,  they  decided  to  make 
their  escape,  and  early  in  April  1584,^  under  pretext  of  an 

1  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  recall  that  Stevens  is  famous  as  the  first 
Englishman  known  to  have  set  foot  on  Indian  soil.  Born  in  Wiltshire 
and  educated  at  Winchester,  he  made  his  way  to  Rome  and  there 
entered  the  Jesuit  order.  Being  desirous  of  serving  in  India,  he 
obtained  a  passage  at  Lisbon  in  the  spring  of  1579  and  reached  Goa  in 
October  of  that  year.  A  letter  to  his  father,  describing  the  voyage,  will 
be  found  in  the  pages  of  Hakluyt.  Stevens  laboured  in  Goa  for  forty 
years,  dying  in  1619,  at  the  age  of  seventy.  He  was  the  first  European 
to  make  a  scientific  study  of  Konkani,  and  he  wrote  two  religious  works, 
one  of  which,  a  long  epic  in  Marathi,  still  keeps  his  memory  green  in  that 
part  of  India. 

"  Fitch  says  158.5,  but  I  imagine  that  this  is  a  slip,  since  the  narrative  is 
scarcely  consistent  with  their  having  spent  sixteen  months  in  Goa.  In 
the  same  way,  the  date  he  gives  for  Newbery's  departure  from  Fatehpur 
Sikri,  viz.  September  28,  1585,  should  proJjably  be  read  as  meaning  a 
year  earlier.  Nothing  can  be  inferred  from  the  Emperor's  movements, 
for  he  was  at  Fatehpur  Sikri  in  the  summers  of  both  years  ;  but  it 
is  clear  that  the  travellers  jiushed  on  to  Agra  through  the  rainy  season 
(which  they  would  hardly  have  done  unless  pressed  for  time),  and  once 
they  had  seen  the  Emperor,  Newbery  would  doubtless  be  anxious  to 

B  2 


4  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

excursion,  they  slipped  over  tlie  border  into  the  territory  of 
the  King  of  BIjapiir.  It  was  well  they  did  so,  for,  on  liearing 
of  the  arrival  and  imprisonment  of  a  party  of  Englishmen, 
King  Philip  wrote  to  the  Viceroy  of  Goa  (February  1585)  to 
pimish  them  if  foimd  guilty,  and  to  take  si)ecial  care  that 
ncitlier  they  nor  any  of  tlieir  countrymen  should  be  allowed 
in  Portuguese  territory.  On  being  informid,  in  re}>ly,  of  the 
escape  of  the  prisoners,  he  wrote  again,  both  in  1587  and  1581), 
urging  efforts  to  apprehend  them  and  punish  their  abettors  ; 
while  in  1591  he  ordered  that  the  survivoi' — Story  the  painter, 
who  had  quitted  the  cloister,  married  a  half-caste  woman,  and 
settled  down  at  Goa — should  be  sent  to  Lisbon.  Whether  this 
was  done  is  not  known  ;  but  if  so,  the  unlucky  artist  probably 
perished  in  one  of  the  two  ships  that  were  lost  on  their  home- 
ward voyage  in  1592  (see  the  Introduction  to  The  Travels  of 
Pedro  Teixeira,  pp.  xxvii-xxx). 

Newbery  and  his  fellow  fugitives  made  their  way  first  to 
BTjilpur,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  that  name.  Thence 
they  journeyed  to  Golconda,  the  chief  city  of  the  Kutb  Shahi 
kings.  At  both  places  they  seem  to  have  made  special  inquiries 
regarding  precious  stones,  the  procuring  of  which,  according 
to  Linschoten,  was  one  of  the  original  objects  of  the  expedition 
and  the  reason  why  a  jeweller  formed  one  of  the  party.  It  may 
be  surinised  that  their  immediate  object  was  to  invest  their 
stock  of  money  in  gems,  which  were  easily  concealed  and  could 
be  profitably  disposed  of  at  any  place  of  importance.     From 

start  for  home.  Moreover,  Fitch  tells  us  that  Newbery  promised  to 
meet  him  in  Bengal  in  two  years'  time  ;  and,  if  their  parting  took  place 
in  the  autumn  of  1584,  this  would  account  for  Fitch  deferring  his  depar- 
ture for  Pegu  until  November  158G.  On  the  other  hand,  if  1585  is 
correct,  it  is  strange  to  find  that  in  1587  Fitch  was  not  in  Bengal,  but 
far  away  in  Pegu.  As  apparently  he  kept  no  journal,  but  wrote  the 
sketch  of  his  journey  from  memory  on  his  return,  it  would  be  easy  for 
him  to  make  such  slips  in  his  dates. 

Another  reason  for  supposing  that  we  should  read  1584  for  1585  is  that, 
while  Akbar  was  at  Fatehpur  SIkri  throughout  the  former  year,  in  the 
latter  he  left  that  city  on  August  22.  If  Fitch  was  really  there  at  the 
time  of  the  Emperor's  departure — which  must  have  been  attended 
with  imposing  ceremonial — it  seems  strange  that  he  should  have  said 
nothing  about  it ;  and  equally  strange  that  he  should  have  stated  that 
in  September  he  left  Leeds  '  in  service  with  the  king  Zelabdim  Echebar 
in  Fatepore  ',  thus  implying  that  the  Emperor  was  still  there.  Dr. 
Vincent  Smith  suggests  {Akhar,  pp.  228,  231)  that  the  travellers  arrived 
in  July  or  August  1585,  that  Leeds  at  once  entered  Akbar's  service,  and 
that  Fitch  merely  meant  that  the  jeweller  remained  on  the  imperial 
establishment  at  Fatehpur  Slkri  after  the  Emperor's  departure.  This 
explanation  is  plausible,  but  not  quite  convincing. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  5 

Golconda  they  started  for  the  court  of  the  Mughal  Emperor, 
whose  dominions  were  entered  near  Burhanpur  ;  from  that 
pUice  they  followed  the  usual  route  through  Ujjain  and  got 
safely  to  Agra,  only  to  find  that  Akbar  was  at  his  new  city  of 
Fatchpur  Sikri,  about  twenty  miles  away.  Proceeding  thither, 
they  presumably  waited  upon  the  Emperor,  concerning  whom 
Fitch  says  tantalizingly  little.  Whether  they  had  succeeded 
in  hiding  from  the  Portuguese  Queen  Elizabeth's  letter,  and 
whether  it  was  now  presented,  we  are  not  told  ;  nor  whether 
any  grant  of  privileges  was  secured  for  future  use.  At  Fatchpur 
Srkri  the  travellers  separated  :  Leeds  entered  the  service  of 
the  Emperor,  and  henceforward  nothing  more  is  heard  of  him  ; 
Newbery  decided  to  make  his  way  home  overland,  and  he  too 
disappears  from  view,  dying  on  the  journey,  according  to 
Purchas,  '  unknown  when  or  where.'  Evidently  he  had  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  project  of  an  overland  trade  was 
hopeless,  for  he  promised  Fitch  to  meet  him  in  Bengal  within 
two  years  '  with  a  shippe  out  of  England  '. 

Fitch  was  to  spend  the  time  meanwhile  in  exploring  the 
eastern  parts  of  India  ;  and  so,  after  his  companion's  departure 
he  floated  slowly  down  the  river  from  Agra  to  Tanda  in  Bengal, 
stopping  on  the  way  at  Allahabad,  Benares,  and  Patna.  From 
Tanda  he  made  an  excursion  northwards  to  Kuch  Bihar  ;  after 
which  he  resumed  his  voyage  down  the  Ganges  to  the  Portu- 
guese settlement  at  Hugli,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Chittagong. 
At  both  these  places  he  would  find  Portuguese  traders,  and 
with  them  he  probably  established  friendly  relations  without 
dilficulty.  They  did  not  recognize  the  authority  of  the  Viceroy 
of  Goa  or  any  other  Portuguese  oflicial,  and  their  attitude 
towards  a  fellow  European  would  not  be  influenced  by  any 
trouble  he  had  had  with  the  representatives  of  their  govern- 
ment elsewhere.  It  was  in  a  vessel  belonging  to  one  of  them 
that  Fitch  voyaged  to  Pegu,  and  we  may  infer  that  it  was  in 
association  with  his  Portuguese  friends  that  lie  now  visited 
Kachua,  Sripur,  and  Sonargaon  in  Eastern  Bengal. 

In  November  158G,  there  being  no  sign  of  Newbery's 
promised  return,  our  traveller  decided  to  extend  his  travels 
in  an  easterly  direction,  and  accordingly  sailed  for  Pegu. 
Landing  at  Kusima  (now  Bassein),  he  there  took  boat  and 
proceeded  along  the  intricate  network  of  inland  waterways  to 
a  place  he  calls  Macao,  whence  a  short  journey  by  land  brought 
him  to  the  city  of  Ptgu.  Of  this  place,  of  the  royal  court,  and 
of  the  customs,  &c.,  of  the  people,  he  gives  a  lengthy  account. 
His  next  achievement  was  an  expedition  to  Kiang-mai,  in  the 
Siamese  Shan  States,  nearly  two  hundred  miles  north-east  of 
Pegu — a  hazardous  venture  which  he  relates  in  the  most 
matter-of-fact  manner.  Returning  to  the  latter  place,  he 
proceeded  in  January  1588  to  Malacca,  where  he  stayed  seven 


6  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDLV 

weeks,  and  then  made  his  way  back  to  Pegu  and  so  to  Bengal, 
as  the  fust  stage  of  his  hoinewurd  journey.  lie  was  doubt- 
less ubk'  by  this  time  to  si)eak  Portuguese  ihiently  ;  and 
rather  than  venture  the  long  and  toilsome  journey  througii 
Norlhern  India  and  Persia,  he  decided  to  risk  the  sea-route 
by  way  of  Cochin,  in  spite  of  the  evident  danger  of  a  fresli 
i  niprisonment  should  his  identity  be  discovered.  Unfortunately 
he  reached  Cochin  just  too  late  to  catch  the  last  ship  of  the 
season,  and  had,  in  consequence,  to  spend  nearly  eigiit  months 
there  before  he  could  get  a  passage  to  Goa.  In  that  dangerous 
city  he  remained  only  three  days,  and  then  made  his  way  to 
Chaul,  where  he  found  a  ship  which  carried  him  to  Ornuis, 
another  danger  point — especially  as  he  had  to  wait  fifty  days 
before  he  could  get  a  passage  to  Basra.  Once  arrived  at  that 
port,  he  was  fairly  safe,  and  he  managed  to  reach  Aleppo 
without  much  trouble.  After  some  delay  he  embarked  for 
London,  where  he  landed  at  the  end  of  April  1591,  after  an 
absence  of  just  over  eight  years. 

On  his  arrival  in  England  Fitch  found  that  the  charter  of 
the  Turkey  Company  had  expired  and  that  negotiations  v/ere 
proceeding  for  a  fresli  one.  It  was  doubtless  in  connexion  with 
these  that  he  presented  to  Lord  Burghley  an  '  ample  relation 
of  his  wonderfull  travailes ',  as  Hakluy  t  tells  us  in  the  Dedication 
of  the  second  volume  of  the  Principall  Navigalions  (1598-1600). 
Whether  this  was  identical  with  the  present  narrative,  or 
whether  the  latter  was  written  specially  for  Hakluyt,  we 
cannot  tell.  The  result  of  the  negotiations  was  the  grant  of 
a  charter  in  January  1592,  which  united  the  two  associations 
trading  to  Turkey  and  Venice  respectively.  The  new  body 
was  known  as  the  Levant  Company,  and  among  the  privileges 
granted  to  it  was  the  monopoly  of  the  trade  by  land  through 
the  Turkish  dominions  '  into  and  from  the  East  India  ',  as 
discovered  by  Newbery  and  his  comjjanions.  Fitch,  by  the 
way,  is  mentioned  in  this  charter  as  a  member  of  the  new 
Company;  as  also  in  the  subsequent  charter  of  1605.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  no  real  attempt  was  made  to  develop 
commerce  along  this  line.  It  had  become  evident  that  the 
most  promising  way  to  the  Indies  was  by  the  Cape  route,  and 
now  that  England  was  definitely  at  war  with  King  Philip  there 
was  no  need  to  study  the  feelings  of  the  Portuguese.  James 
Lancaster  had  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  in  that  direction  in 
1591  ;  and  although  he  failed  to  get  farther  than  the  Nicobars 
and  Peiiang,  it  was  proved  that  the  enterprise  was  at  least 
feasible,  and  from  this  j)eriod  successive  expeditions  were 
dispatched  from  England  and  Holland  until  the  aim  was 
reached. 

Of  the  rest  of  Fitch's  life  but  meagre  details  are  available. 
Evidently  he  went  again  to  the  Levant,  for  in  the  autumn  of 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  7 

1596  he  was  at  Aleppo  and  was  elected  consul  by  the  English 
merchants  there — an  appointment  which  was  disallowed  by 
the  Levant  Comisany  (British  Museum  :  Lansdowne  MSS., 
no.  241,  if.  52,  294).  Probably  he  thereupon  returned  to 
England,  for  Hakluyt  speaks  of  him  (about  1599)  as  '  living 
here  in  London  '  ;  ^  while  the  '  Mr.  Fitclie  '  whom  the  East 
India  Company  decided,  on  October  1,  1600,  to  consult 
regarding  the  lading  of  their  ships  is  certainly  our  traveller. 
The  Court  Minutes  of  that  Company  are  missing  between 
August  1603  and  December  1606,  or  possibly  some  further 
references  to  him  would  be  forthcoming  ;  but  he  is  clearly 
mentioned  in  the  minutes  for  December  31,  1606,  when  it  was 
directed  that  the  proper  titles  for  the  royal  letters  which  were 
being  prepared  for  various  Eastern  potentates  should  be 
inquired  of  Ralph  Fitch. 

Nothing  has  hitherto  been  known  concerning  the  rest  of  our 
traveller's  life,  but  I  was  recently  fortunate  enough  to  discover 
at  Somerset  House  two  hitherto  unnoticed  wills  which  seem 
to  wind  up  the  story  and,  further,  to  give  us  some  clues  to  his 
family  history.  In  both  documents  the  testator  describes 
himself  as  Ralph  Fitch,  citizen  and  leatherseller  ^  of  London, 
and  in  both  he  mentions  a  brother  Thomas,  u  sister  Frances, 
and  a  niece  of  the  same  Christian  name.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  the  two  wills  were  made  by  the  same  person  ;  and 
that  th.is  was  the  Fitch  in  whom  we  are  interested  hardly 
admits  of  a  doubt.  The  earlier  will  (6  Drury)  is  dated  Feb- 
ruary 14,  1583  (the  time  of  our  traveller's  departure  from 
England),  and  an  interesting  feature  is  that  it  was  duly 
proved  by  the  executor  in  February  1590,  the  testator  being 
described  in  the  Probate  Act  Book  as  having  died  beyond  the 
seas.  Evidently,  as  nothing  had  been  heard  of  the  traveller 
for  several  years,  his  death  was  presumed  and  his  estate 
administered  ;  so  his  reappearance  a  year  later  must  have 
been  a  complete  surprise.  The  second  will  (81  Wood)  was 
made  on  October  3  and  proved  on  October  15,  1611,  and 
Fitch's  death  must  therefore  have  occurred  between  those  two 
dates.  The  Probate  Act  Book  adds  that  he  belonged  to  the 
parish  of  St.  Catherine  Cree,  and  this  suggests  that  he  was 
buried  in  that  church,  situated  in  Leadenhall  Street.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  parish  registers  of  the  time  are  not  extant. 
A  further  point  to  be  noted  is  that  neither  will  mentions  a  wife 
or  a  child.    The  presumption  is  that  the  testator  was  a  bachelor; 

^  That  Hakluyt  was  personally  acquainted  with  Fitch  is  suggested 
also  by  the  passage  quoted  in  a  note  on  p.  40. 

^  Meaning,  presumably,  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Leathcrsellers 
Company.  I  have  not  sueceeded  in  obtaining  from  that  body  any 
information  on  the  subject. 


8  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

and  this  alone,  in  a  much  marrying  age,  points  to  his  having 
spent  most  of  his  Hfe  abroad. 

Fitch's  story  of  his  experiences  was  hrst  given  to  tlie  world 
by  Richard  Hakhiyt  in  the  second  (1598-1600)  edition  of  ids 
Principall  Navigalions  (vol.  ii,  part  i,  p.  250).  Considering 
the  time  covered  by  his  wanderings  and  the  many  coinitries 
he  visited,  it  is  disappointingly  brief ;  but  probably  he  kept 
no  journal,  and  had  therefore  to  rely  mainly  on  his  recollec- 
tions. This,  and  possibly  a  distrust  of  his  own  literary  abilities, 
may  explain  why  he  copied  so  closely  the  narrative  of  Cesar 
Federici,  the  Venetian  merchant  who,  starting  in  1563,  travelled 
by  way  of  Basra  and  Ormus  to  Goa,  paid  visits  to  Gujarat, 
Vijayanagar,  and  most  of  the  Portuguese  settlements  on  the 
coast  of  India,  and  then  proceeded  to  Pegu,  Malacca,  &e., 
returning  to  Venice  in  1581.  His  Viaggio  was  published  there 
in  1587,  and  an  English  version  by  Thomas  Hickock  appeared 
in  London  the  following  year.  Hakluyt  has  printed  this 
translation  in  juxtaposition  to  Fitch's  own  account  ;  and  a 
comparison  shows  that  our  English  traveller,  whenever  his 
route  coincided  with  that  of  Federici,  followed  almost  slavishly 
the  latter's  wording.  The  narrative  of  another  contemporary 
traveller,  Gasparo  Balbi,  who  was  in  Pegu  about  the  same 
time  as  Fitch,  may  also  have  been  accessible  to  our  author, 
since  it  was  published  at  Venice  in  1590  ;  but  I  can  find  no 
convincing  evidence  that  he  made  use  of  it. 

In  1625  the  Rev.  Samuel  Purchas  reprinted  the  story  (with 
one  short  omission)  in  his  famous  Purchas  His  Pilgrirnes 
(part  ii,  book  x,  chap.  6),  and  a  similar  compliment  has  been 
paid  to  it  in  several  other  collections  of  travels,  both  English 
and  foreign.  A  special  volume  was  devoted  to  the  subject  in 
1899  by  Mr.  J.  Horton  Ryley,  entitled  Ralph  Fitch  :  England'' s 
Pioneer  to  India,  containing  the  traveller's  narrative  and 
letters,  together  with  a  number  of  related  documents.  Though 
Mr.  Ryley's  work  affords  some  useful  information  regarding 
the  historical  setting  of  Fitch's  journey,  it  is  weak  on  the 
geographical  side  ;  but,  apart  from  this,  no  excuse  is  necessary 
for  repeating  in  the  present  work  a  narrative  of  such  absorbing 
interest.    The  text  followed  is  that  given  by  Hakluyt. 


In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1583,  I  Ralph  Fitch  of  London, 
marchant,  being  desii'ous  to  see  the  countreys  of  the  East 
India,  in  the  company  of  M.  John  Newbcrie,  marchant  (wliieh 
had  beene  at  Ormus  once  before),  of  William  Leedes,  jeweller, 
and  James   Story,   painter,   being  chiefly  set  foorth   by  the 


H 
O 

o 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  9 

right  worshipful!  Sir  Edward  Osborne,  knight,  and  M.  Richard 
Staper,  citizens  and  marchants  of  London,  did  ship  my  selfe 
in  a  ship  of  London  called  the  Tyger,  wherein  we  went  for 
Tripolis  in  Syria  ;  and  from  thence  we  tooke  the  way  for 
Aleppo,  which  we  went  in  seven  dayes  with  the  carovan. 
Being  in  Aleppo,  and  finding  good  company,  we  went  from 
thence  to  Birra,  which  is  two  dayes  and  an  halfe  travaile  with 
camels. 

Birra  [Bir,  or  Birijik]  is  a  little  towne,  but  very  plentifiill  of 
victuals  ;  and  neere  to  the  wall  of  the  towne  runneth  the 
river  of  Euphrates.  Here  we  bought  a  boate  and  agreed  with 
a  master  and  bargemen,  for  to  go  to  Babylon.  These  boats 
be  but  for  one  voiage  ;  for  the  streame  doth  runne  so  fast 
downewardes  that  they  cannot  returne.  They  carie  you  to 
a  towne  which  they  call  Felugia  [Feluja],  and  there  you  sell 
the  boate  for  a  litle  money,  for  that  which  cost  you  fiftie  ^ 
at  Birra  you  sell  there  for  seven  or  eight.  From  Birra  to 
Felugia  is  sixteene  dayes  journey.  It  is  not  good  that  one 
boate  goe  alone,  for  if  it  should  chance  to  breake,  you  should 
have  much  a  doe  to  save  your  goods  from  the  Arabians,  which 
be  alwayes  there  abouts  robbing  ;  and  in  the  night,  when 
your  boates  be  made  fast,  it  is  necessarie  that  you  keepe  good 
watch,  for  the  Arabians  that  bee  theeves  will  come  swimming 
and  steale  your  goods  and  flee  away,  against  which  a  gunne  is 
very  good,  for  they  doe  feare  it  very  much.  In  the  river  of 
Euphrates  from  Birra  to  Felugia  there  be  certaine  places 
where  you  pay  custome,  so  many  medines  -  for  a  some  ^  or 
camels  lading,  and  certaine  I'aj'sons  and  sope,  which  is  for  the 
sonnes  of  Aborise,*  which  is  lord  of  the  Arabians  and  all  that 
great  desert,  and  hath  some  villages  upon  the  river.  Felugia, 
where  you  unlade  your  goods  which  come  from  Birra,  is  a  little 
village  ;   from  whence  you  goe  to  Babylon  in  a  day. 

Babylon  [Bagdad]  is  a  towne  not  very  great  but  very 
populous,  and  of  great  traffike  of  strangers,  for  that  it  is  the 

^  In  copying  from  Federici,  Fitch  has  omitted  the  word  sequins  or 
(as  the  English  translation  has  it)  chickens.  This  was  the  gold  zecchitio 
of  Venice,  worth  about  seven  shillings  English. 

"  A  Turkish  coin  equivalent  to  about  three  half j)ence. 

2  Probably  a  misprint  for  '  seme ',  a  load. 

*  Abu  Rish.   Balbi  speaks  of  him  as  living  at  Anah,  on  the  Euphrates. 


10  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

way  to  Persia,  Turkia  and  Ai'abia  ;  and  from  thence  doe  goe 
carovans  for  these  and  other  places.  Here  are  great  store  of 
victuals,  which  conic  from  Armenia  downe  the  river  of  Tygris. 
Tiicy  arc  brought  ui)ou  raftcs  made  of  goates  skinncs  Wovvne 
full  of  winde  and  hordes  layde  upon  them  ;  and  thereupon 
they  lade  their  goods,  which  arc  brought  downc  to  Babylon  ; 
which  being  discharged,  they  oi^eii  their  skinncs,  and  carry 
them  backe  by  camels,  to  serve  another  time.  Babylon  in 
times  past  did  belong  to  the  kingdome  of  Persia,  butnowc  is 
subject  to  the  Turke.  Over  against  Babylon  there  is  a  very 
faire  village,  from  whence  you  passe  to  Babylon  ujion  a  long 
bridge  made  of  boats,  and  tycd  to  a  great  chainc  of  yron, 
which  is  made  fast  on  either  side  of  the  river.  ^Vhcn  any 
boates  are  to  passe  up  or  downe  the  river,  they  take  away 
certaine  of  the  boates  untill  they  be  past. 

The  Tower  of  Babel  ^  is  built  on  this  side  the  river  Tygris, 
towardes  Arabia  from  the  towne  about  seven  or  eight  miles  ; 
which  tower  is  ruinated  on  all  sides,  and  with  the  fall  thereof 
hath  made  as  it  were  a  litle  mountainc,  so  that  it  hath  no  shape 
at  all.  It  was  made  of  brickes  dried  in  the  sonne,  and  certaine 
canes  and  leaves  of  the  palme  tree  layed  betwixt  the  brickes. 
There  is  no  entrance  to  be  scene  to  goe  into  it.  It  doth  stand 
upon  a  great  plaine  betwixt  the  rivers  of  Euphrates  and  Tygris. 

By  the  river  Euphrates,  two  dayes  journey  from  Babylon, 
at  a  place  called  Ait  [Hit],  in  a  fielde  neerc  unto  it,  is  a  strange 
thing  to  sec — a  mouth  that  doth  continually  throwe  foorth 
against  the  ayre  boyling  pitch  with  a  filthy  smoke  ;  which 
pitch  doth  runne  abroad  into  a  great  fielde  which  is  alwayes 
full  thereof.  The  Moores  say  that  it  is  the  mouth  of  hell. 
By  reason  of  the  great  quantitie  of  it,  the  men  of  that  countrey 
doe  pitch  their  boates  two  or  three  inches  thickc  on  the  out  side, 
so  that  no  water  doth  enter  into  them.  Their  boates  be  called 
Dance  [danak].  When  there  is  great  store  of  water  in  Tygris, 
you  may  goe  from  Babylon  to  Basora  in  8  or  9  dayes  ;  if  there 
be  small  store,  it  will  cost  you  the  more  dayes. 

Basora  in  times  past  was  under  the  Arabians,  but  now  is 
subject  to  the  Turke.     But  some  of  them  the  Turke  cannot 

^  The  reference  is  evidently  to  the  ruined  tower  called  Akerkuf, 
situated  in  the  desert  about  nine  miles  west  of  Bagdad. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  11 

subdue,  for  that  tlicy  liokle  certaiue  ilandes  in  the  river 
Euphrates  which  the  Turke  cannot  winne  of  them.  They  be 
theeves  all,  and  have  no  setled  dwelling,  but  remove  from 
place  to  place  with  their  camels,  goates,  and  horses,  wives 
and  chiklren,  and  all.  They  have  large  blew  gownes  ;  their 
wives  eares  and  noses  are  ringed  very  full  of  rings  of  copper 
and  silver,  and  they  weare  rings  of  copper  about  their  legs. 
Basora  standeth  neere  the  Gulfe  of  Persia,  and  is  a  towne  of 
great  trade  of  spices  and  drugges,  which  come  from  Ormus. 
Also  there  is  great  store  of  wheate,  ryce,  and  dates  growing 
thereabout,  wherewith  they  serve  Babylon  and  all  the  countrey, 
Ormus,  and  all  the  partes  of  India.  I  went  from  Basora  to 
Ormus  downe  the  Gulfe  of  Persia  in  a  certaine  shippe  made  of 
boordes  and  sowed  together  with  cayro  [coir],  which  is  threede 
made  of  the  huskc  of  cocoes,  and  certaine  canes  or  strawe  leaves 
sowed  upon  the  seamcs  of  the  hordes  ;  which  is  the  cause  tliat 
they  Icake  very  much.  And  so,  having  Persia  alwayes  on  the 
left  hande,  and  the  coast  of  Arabia  on  the  right  hande,  we 
passed  many  ilandes,  and  among  others  the  famous  ilande 
Baharim  [Bahrein],  from  whence  come  the  best  pearles,  which 
be  round  and  orient. 

Ormus  is  an  island  in  circuit  about  five  and  twentie  or 
thirtie  miles,  and  is  the  driest  island  in  the  world,  for  there 
is  nothing  growing  in  it  but  onely  salt  ;  for  their  water,  wood, 
or  victuals,  and  all  things  necessary  come  out  of  Persia, 
which  is  about  twelve  miles  from  thence.  All  the  Hands 
thereabout  be  very  fruitfull,  from  whence  all  kinde  of  victuals 
are  sent  unto  Ormus.  The  Portugales  have  a  castle  here, 
which  standeth  neere  unto  the  sea,  wherein  there  is  a  Captaine 
for  the  king  of  Portugale,  having  under  him  a  convenient 
number  of  souldiers,  wherof  some  part  remaine  in  the  castle 
and  some  in  the  towne.  In  this  towne  are  marchants  of  all 
nations,  and  many  Moores  and  Gentiles.^  Here  is  very  great 
trade  of  all  sortes  of  spices,  drugs,  silke,  cloth  of  silkc,  fine 
tapestrie  of  Persia,  great  store  of  pearles  which  conve  from  the 
Isle  of  Baharim,  and  are  the  best  pearles  of  all  others,  and 

^  This  term  (from  the  Portuguese  gentio)  was  usually  applied  to 
Hindus ;  but  in  this  narrative  it  is  employed  to  denote  any  non-Muham- 
madan  Asiatic. 


12  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDL\ 

many  horses  of  Persia,  which  serve  all  India.  Tlicy  have  a 
Moore  to  their  king,  which  is  chosen  and  governed  hy  the 
Portugales.  Their  women  are  very  strangely  attyred,  wearing 
on  their  noses,  eai'cs,  neckes,  amies  and  leggcs  many  rings 
set  with  jewels,  and  lockes  of  silver  and  goldc  in  tlieir  cares, 
and  a  long  barrc  of  goldc  upon  the  side  of  their  noses.  Their 
cares  with  the  weight  of  their  jewels  be  worne  so  wide  that  a 
man  may  thrust  three  of  his  fingers  into  them.  Here  very 
shortly  after  our  arrivall  wee  were  put  in  prison,  and  had  part 
of  our  goods  taken  from  us  by  the  Captaine  of  the  castle, 
whose  name  was  Don  Mathias  de  Albuquerque  ;  ^  and  from 
hence  the  eleventh  of  October  he  shipped  us  and  sent  us  for 
Goa  unto  the  Viceroy,  which  at  that  time  was  Don  Francisco 
de  Mascarenhas.  The  shippe  wherein  we  were  imbarked  for 
Goa  belonged  to  the  Captaine,  and  carried  one  hundred  twentie 
and  foure  horses  in  it.  All  marchandisc  carried  to  Goa  in  a 
shippe  wherein  are  horses  pay  no  custome  in  Goa.  The  horses 
pay  custome,  the  goods  pay  nothing  ;  but  if  you  come  in  a 
ship  wliich  bringcth  no  horses,  you  are  then  to  j^ay  eight  in  the 
hundred  for  your  goods. 

The  first  citie  of  India  that  we  arrived  at  upon  the  flft  of 
November,  after  we  had  passed  the  coast  of  Zindi  [Sind],  is 
called  Diu,  which  standeth  in  an  iland  in  the  kingdome  of 
Cambaia,  and  is  the  strongest  townc  that  the  Portugales  have 
in  those  partes.  It  is  but  litle,  but  well  stored  with  marchan- 
disc ;  for  here  they  lade  many  great  shippes  with  diverse 
commodities  for  the  streits  of  Mecca,  for  Ormus,  and  other 
places,  and  these  be  shippes  of  the  Moores  and  of  Christians. 
But  the  Moores  cannot  passe,  except  they  have  a  passeport 
from  the  Portugales.  Cambaietta  [Khanibayat  or  Cambay] 
is  the  chiefe  citie  of  that  province,  which  is  great  and  very 
populous,  and  fairely  builded  for  a  towne  of  the  Gentiles  ; 
but  if  there  happen  any  famine,  the  people  will  sell  their 
children  for  very  little.  Tlie  last  king  of  Cambaia  was  Sultan 
Badu,^  which  was  killed  at  the  siege  of  Diu,  and  shortly  after 

1  Captain  of  Ormus  1583-0,  and  afterwards  (1591-7)  Viceroy  at  Goa. 

2  Sultau  Bahadur,  murdered  by  the  Portuguese  in  1537.  The  reference 
to  the  conquest  of  Gujarat  is  an  inaccurate  version  of  Federici's  account. 
The  '  Great  Mogor  '  (o  grao  Mogor)  was  the  Portuguese  way  of  describing 
the  Mughal  Emperor. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  13 

\ 
his  citie  was  taken  by  the  Great  Mogor,  which  is  the  king  of 
Agra  and  of  Delli,  which  are  fortie  dayes  journey  from  the  ■ 
country  of  Cambaia.  Here  the  women  weare  upon  their  | 
amies  infinite  numbers  of  rings  made  of  elephants  teeth, 
wherein  they  take  so  much  dehght  tliat  they  had  rather  be 
without  their  meate  then  witliout  their  bracelets.  Going 
from  Diu,  we  come  to  Daman,  the  second  towne  of  the  Portu- 
gales  in  the  coimtrey  of  Cambaia,  which  is  distant  from  Diu 
fortie  leagues.  Here  is  no  trade  but  of  corne  and  rice.  They 
have  many  villages  under  them  which  they  quietly  possesse 
in  time  of  peace,  but  in  time  of  warre  the  enemie  is  maister  of 
them.  From  thence  we  passed  by  Basaim  [Bassein],  and  from 
Basaini  to  Tana  [Thana],  at  both  which  places  is  small  trade 
but  only  of  corne  and  rice.  The  tenth  of  November  we  arrived 
at  Chaul,  which  standeth  in  the  flrme  land.  There  be  two 
townes,  the  one  belonging  to  the  Portugales  and  the  other 
to  the  Moores.  That  of  the  Portugales  is  neerest  to  the  sea, 
and  commaundeth  the  bay,  and  is  walled  round  about.  A 
little  above  that  is  the  towne  of  the  Moores,  which  is 
governed  by  a  Moore  king  called  Xa-Maluco.^  Here  is 
great  trafflke  for  all  sortes  of  spices  and  drugges,  silke, 
and  cloth  of  silke,  sandales  [sandalwood],  elephants  teetli, 
and  much  China  worke,  and  much  sugar  which  is  made  of  the 
nutte  called  Gagara.^  The  tree  is  called  the  palmer  [Port. 
palmeiro],  which  is  the  profltablest  tree  in  the  ■worlde.  It 
doth  alwayes  beare  fruit,  and  doth  yeeld  wine,  oyle,  sugar, 
vineger,  cordes,  coles  ;  of  the  leaves  are  made  thatch  for  the 
houses,  sayles  for  shippes,  mats  to  sit  or  lie  on  ;  of  the-  branches 
they  make  their  houses,  and  broomes  to  sweepe  ;  of  the  tree 
wood  for  shippes.  The  wine  doeth  issue  out  of  the  toppe  of 
the  tree.  They  cut  a  branch  of  a  bowe  and  binde  it  hard,  and 
hange  an  earthen  pot  upon  it,  which  they  emptie  every 
morning  and  every  evening,  and  still  it  and  put  in  certaine 

^  The  Portuguese  name  for  the  Kings  of  Ahmadnagar  was  '  Nizama- 
luco ',  i.  e.  Nizam-ul-Mulk.  Federici  missed  the  first  (unaccented) 
syllable,  and  wrote  '  Zamalucco  '  ;  while  Fitch,  in  copying  him,  gave  the 
term  a  further  twist. 

^  Jagra  or  palm-sugar.  Fitch  has  here  misunderstood  Federici ; 
but  both  are  wrong  in  saying  that  the  sugar  is  made  from  the  coco-nut 
instead  of  from  the  sap  extracted  from  the  stem  of  the  tree. 


14  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

(Iricd  rnysins,  and  it  becommcth  very  strong  wine  in  sliort 
time.  Ililher  many  shippes  come  from  all  partes  of  India, 
Ormus,  and  many  from  Mecca  ;  heere  be  manic  Moores  and 
Gentiles.  Tliey  have  a  verj^  stranffe  order  amon^  tl)em.  They 
worshipi)e  a  eowe,  and  esteeme  much  of  Ihe  eowes  douno-  lo 
j>aint  the  walles  of  their  houses.  They  will  kill  nolhin*^,  not 
so  much  as  a  louse  ;  for  they  holde  it  a  sinne  to  kill  any  tiling. 
They  eatc  no  flesh,  but  live  by  rootes  and  ryec  and  milke. 
And  when  the  husbande  dieth,  his  wife  is  burned  with  him,  if 
shee  be  alive  ;  if  shee  will  not,  her  head  is  shaven,  and  then 
is  never  any  account  made  of  her  after.  Tliey  say  if  they 
should  be  buried,  it  were  a  great  sinne,  for  of  their  bodies  there 
would  come  many  wormes  and  other  vermine,  and  when  their 
bodies  were  consumed,  those  wormes  would  lacke  sustenance, 
which  were  a  sinne  ;  therefore  they  will  be  burned.  In 
Cambaia  they  will  kill  nothing,  nor  have  any  thing  killed  ; 
in  the  towne  they  have  hospitals  to  keepe  lame  dogs  and  cats, 
and  for  birds.    They  will  give  meat  to  the  ants. 

Goa  is  the  most  principal  citie  which  the  Portugals  have 
in  India,  wherin  the  Viceroy  remaineth  with  his  court.  It 
standeth  in  an  iland,  which  may  be  25  or  30  miles  about. 
It  is  a  fine  citie,  and  for  an  Indian  towne  very  faire.  The  iland 
is  very  faire,  full  of  orchards  and  gardens,  and  many  palmer 
trees,  and  hath  some  villages.  Here  bee  many  marchants  of 
all  nations.  And  the  flccte  which  commeth  every  ycere  from 
Portugal,  which  be  foure,  five,  or  sixe  great  shippes,  coinmeth 
first  hither.  And  they  come  for  the  most  part  in  September, 
and  remaine  there  fortie  or  fiftie  dayes  ;  and  then  goe  to 
Cochin,  where  they  lade  their  pepper  for  Portugall.  Often- 
times they  lade  one  in  Goa  ;  the  rest  goe  to  Cochin,  which  is 
from  (ioa  an  hundred  leagues  southward.  Goa  standeth  in  the 
countrey  of  Hidalcan,i  who  lieth  in  the  countrey  sixe  or  seven 
dayes  journey.  His  chiefe  citie  is  called  Bisapor.  At  our 
comming  we  were  cast  into  the  prison,  and  examined  before 
the  Justice  and  demanded  for  letters,  and  were  charged  to  be 
spies,  but  they  could  proove  nothing  by  us.  We  continued  in 
prison  untill  the  two  and  twentie  of  December,  and  then  we 
were  set  at  libertie,  putting  in  siu'eties  for  two  thousand 
^  Adil  Khan  (Adil  Shah),  i.  e.  the  King  of  Bljapur  ('  Bisapor  '). 


RALPH  FITCH,   1583-91  15 

duckats  not  to  depart  the  towne  ;  whicli  sureties  Father 
Stevens,  an  English  Jesuite  which  we  found  there,  and  another 
religious  man,  a  friend  of  his,  procured  for  us.  Our  sureties 
name  was  Andreas  Taborcr,  to  whom  we  paid  2,150  duckats, 
and  still  he  dcmaunded  more  :  whereupon  wc  made  sute  to 
the  Viceroy  and  Justice  to  have  our  money  againe,  considering 
that  they  had  had  it  in  their  hands  necre  five  moneths  and 
could  proove  nothing  against  us.  The  Viceroy  made  us  a  very 
sharpe  answere,  and  sayd  wee  should  be  better  sifted  before 
it  were  long,  and  that  they  had  further  matter  against  us. 
Whereupon  we  presently  determined  rather  to  seeke  our 
liberties,  then  to  bee  in  danger  for  ever  to  be  slaves  in  the 
country,  for  it  was  told  us  we  should  have  the  strapado.^ 
Wherupon  presently,  the  fift  day  of  April  1585  ^  in  the  morning, 
we  ranne  from  thence.  And  being  set  over  the  river,  we  went 
two  dayes  on  foote,  not  without  feare,  not  knowing  the  wa}'^ 
nor  having  any  guide,  for  we  durst  trust  none.  One  of  the 
first  townes  which  we  came  unto  is  called  Bellergan  [Bclgaimi], 
where  there  is  a  great  niarket  kept  of  diamants,  rubies,  saphires, 
and  many  other  soft  stones.  From  Bellergan  we  went  to 
Bisapor,  which  is  a  very  great  towne  where  the  king  doeth 
keepe  his  court.  Hee  hath  many  Gentiles  in  his  court,  and 
they  bee  great  idolaters.  And  they  have  their  idols  standing 
in  the  woods,  which  they  call  Pagodes.^  Some  bee  like  a  cowe, 
some  like  a  monkie,  some  like  buffles,  some  like  peacockes, 
and  some  like  the  devill.  Here  be  very  many  elei^hants  which 
they  goe  to  warre  withall.  Here  they  have  good  store  of  gold 
and  silver.  Their  houses  are  of  stone,  very  faire  and  high. 
From  hence  wee  went  for  Guleonda,  the  king  whereof  is  called 
Cutup  de  lashach.*  Here  and  in  the  kingdome  of  Hidalcan, 
and  in  the  countrey  of  the  king  of  Decan  [Ahmadnagar],  bee 
the  diamants  found  of  the  olde  water.     It  is  a  very  faire 

^  A  punishment  in  which  the  offender  was  hoisted  by  a  rope  and  then 
allowed  to  fall  a  considerable  distance,  thus  jerking  him  violently. 

2  Probably  1584  (see  p.  3). 

^  Pagode  or  Pagoda  had  in  India  three  meanings  :  (1)  an  idol,  (2)  the 
temple  in  which  it  stood^  (3)  a  coin,  so  called  from  the  figure  of  a  god 
impressed  upon  it. 

*  Kutb  Shah,  the  title  of  the  kings  of  Golconda.  The  city  of  Golconda, 
situated  about  five  miles  west  of  Hyderabad,  is  now  in  ruins. 


16  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

towno,  pleasant,  with  fairc  houses  of  brieke  and  timber.  It 
aboundeth  with  great  store  of  fruitcs  and  fresh  water.  Here 
the  men  and  the  women  do  go  with  a  cloth  bound  about  tlieir 
midtUes,  without  any  more  apparell.  We  foiuid  it  here  very 
hote.  Tlie  wintcM-  beginneth  here  about  the  last  of  May.  In 
these  partes  is  a  jiorte  or  haven  called  Masulipatan,  which 
standeth  eight  dayes  journey  from  hence  toward  tlic  Guile  of 
Bengala,  whether  come  manj^  shippes  out  of  India/  Pegu,  and 
Sumatra,  very  richly  laden  with  pepper,  spices,  and  other 
commodities.    The  countrie  is  very  good  and  fruitfull. 

From  thence  [i.  e.  from  Golconda]  I  went  to  Servidore, 
which  is  a  fine  countrey,  and  the  king  is  called  the  King  of 
Bread."  The  houses  here  bee  all  thatched  and  made  of  lome. 
Here  be  many  Moores  and  Gentiles,  but  there  is  small  religion 
"among  them.  .,  From  thence  I  went  to  Bellapore,^  and  so  to 
Barrampore,*  which  is  in  the  country  of  Zelabdim  Echebar 
[Jalaluddin  Akbar].  In  this  place  their  inoncy  is  made  of  a 
kind  of  silver,  round  and  thicke,  to  the  value  of  twentie  pence, 
which  is  very  good  silver.  It  is  marvellous  great  and  a  popu- 
lous countrey.  In  their  winter,  which  is  in  June,  July,  and 
August,  there  is  no  passing  in  the  streetes  but  with  horses,  the 
waters  be  so  high.  The  houses  are  made  of  lome  and  thatched. 
Here  is  great  store  of  cotton  cloth  made,  and  painted  clothes 
of  cotton  wooll.  Here  groweth  great  store  of  corne  and  rice. 
We  found  mariages  great  store,  both  in  townes  and  villages 
in  many  places  where  wee  passed,  of  boyes  of  eight  or  ten 
yeeres,  and  girles  of  five  or  six  yeeres  old.  They  both  do  ride 
upon  one  horse  very  trimly  decked,  and  are  caried  through  the 
towne  with  great  piping  and  playing,  and  so  returne  home 
and  eate  of  a  banket  made  of  rice  and  fruits,  and  there  they 
daunce  the  most  part  of  the  night,  and  so  make  an  ende  of 
the  marriage.  They  lie  not  together  until!  they  be  ten  yeeres 
old.     They  say  they  marry  their  children  so  yoong,  because 

^  Here,  and  in  certain  other  passages,  Portuguese  India  appears  to  be 
meant. 

2  Possibly  Fitch  meant  Earid,  the  family  name  of  the  dynasty  of 
Bidar,  then  an  independent  state.  '  Servidore  '  may  be  a  confused  form 
of  Bidar,  the  capital,  situated  about  70  miles  NW.  of  Golconda. 

^  Balajjur,  in  Akola  district,  Berar. 

*  Burhanpur,  on  the  Tapti,  capital  of  Khandesh. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  17 

it  is  an  order  that,  when  the  man  dieth,  the  woman  must  be 
burned  with  him  ;  so  tliat  if  the  fatlier  die,  yet  they  may  liave 
a  fatlier  in  la  we  to  lielpe  to  bring  up  tlie  children  which  bee 
maried  ;  and  also  that  they  will  not  leave  their  sonnes  without 
wives,  nor  their  daughters  without  husbands.  From  thence 
we  went  to  Mandoway,^  which  is  a  very  strong  towne.  It  was 
besieged  twelve  yeeres  by  Zelabdim  Echebar  before  hee 
could  winne  it.  It  standeth  upon  a  verj;-  great  high  rocke,  as 
the  most  part  of  their  castles  doe,  and  was  of  a  very  great 
circuite.  From  hence  wee  went  to  Ugini  [Ujjain]  and  Ser- 
ringe  [Sironj],  vv^here  wee  overtooke  the  ambassadour  ^  of 
Zelabdim  Echebar  with  a  marvellous  great  company  of  men, 
elephants,  and  camels.  Here  is  great  trade  of  cotton  and  cloth 
made  of  cotton,  and  great  store  of  drugs.  From  thence  we 
went  to  Agra,  passing  many  rivers,  which  by  reason  of  the 
raine  were  so  swollen  that  wee  waded  and  swamme  oftentimes 
for  our  lives. 

Agra  is  a  very  great  citie  and  populous,  built  with  stone, 
having  faire  and  large  streetes,  with  a  faire  river  running  by 
If,  which  falleth  into  the  Gulfe  of  Bengala.  It  hath  a  faire 
castle  and  a  strong,  with  a  very  faire  ditch.  Here  bee  many 
Moores  and  Gentiles.  The  king  is  called  Zelabdim  Echebar  ; 
the  people  for  the  most  part  call  him  the  Great  Mogor.  From 
thence  we  went  for  Fatepore  [Fatehpur  Sikri],  which  is  the 
place  where  the  king  kept  his  court.  The  towne  is  greater  then 
Agra,  but  the  houses  and  streetes  be  not  so  faire.  Here  dwell 
many  people,  both  Moores  and  Gentiles.  The  king  hath  in 
Agra  and  Fatepore  (as  they  doe  credibly  report)  1,000  elephants, 
thirtie  thousand  horses,  1,400  tame  deere,  800  concubines  : 
such  store  of  ounces, ^  tigers,  biiffles,  cocks,  and  haukes,  that 
is  very  strange  to  see.  He  keepeth  a  great  court,  which  they 
call  Dericcan.*    Agra  and  Fatepore  are  two  very  great  cities, 

1  Mandu,  in  Dhar  state,  about  thirty  miles  SW.  of  Mhow.  The 
story  of  the  siege  is  mythical. 

^  Presumably  this  was  Abdullali  Khan,  who  was  sent  by  Akbar 
to  Groa  in  1582  (see  Mr.  Vincent  Smith's  Akbar,  p.  205).  This  might  have 
settled  the  question  of  the  year,  but  unfortunately  the  date  of  the 
ambassador's  return  to  court  is  not  on  record. 

^  Cheetahs  (hunting  leopards). 

*  Persian  rfarf^Mwa,  a"  palace. 

c 


18  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

either  of  tlicm  much  j^rcater  then  I^ondon  and  very  populous. 
Betweene  Ac;ra  and  Falcporc  are  12  miles,^  and  all  the  way  is 
a  market  of  victuals  and  other  things,  as  full  as  though  a  man 
were  hI  ill  in  a  towne,  and  so  many  people  as  if  a  man  were  in 
a  market.  They  have  many  fine  cartes,  and  many  of  them 
carved  and  gilded  with  gold,  with  two  wheeles,  which  be 
drawen  with  two  litle  buls  about  the  bignesse  of  our  great 
dogs  in  England,  and  they  will  runne  with  any  horse,  and  earie 
two  or  three  men  in  one  of  these  cartes  ;  they  are  covered  with 
silke  or  very  flue  cloth,  and  be  used  here  as  our  coches  be  in 
England.  Hither  is  great  resort  of  marchants  from  Persia 
and  out  of  India,  and  very  much  marchandise  of  silke  and 
cloth,  and  of  precious  stones,  both  rubies,  diamants,  and 
pearles.  The  king  is  apparelled  in  a  white  cable  [i.e.  a  muslin 
tunic]  made  like  a  shirt  tied  with  strings  on  the  one  side,  and 
a  litle  cloth  on  his  head  coloured  oftentimes  with  red  or  yealow. 
None  come  into  his  house  but  his  eunuches  which  keepe  his 
women.  Here  in  Fatepore  wc  staled  all  three  untill  the  28  of 
September  1585,^  and  then  Master  John  Newberie  tooke  his 
journey  toward  the  citie  of  Labor,  determining  from  thence 
to  goe  for  Persia  and  then  for  Aleppo  or  Constantinople 
(whether  hee  could  get  soonest  passage  unto)  ;  and  directed 
me  to  goe  for  Bengala  and  for  Pegu,  and  did  promise  me,  if  it 
pleased  God,  to  meete  me  in  Bengala  within  two  yeeres  with 
a  shippe  out  of  England.  I  left  William  Leades  the  jeweller  in 
service  with  the  king  Zelabdim  Echebar  in  Fatepore,  wlio  did 
entertaine  him  very  well,  and  gave  him  an  house  and  five 
slaves,  an  horse,  and  every  day  sixe  S.  S.  [shillings]  in  money. 
I  went  from  Agra  to  Satagam  ^  in  Bengala,  in  the  companie 
of  one  hundred  and  fourescore  boates  laden  with  salt,  opium, 
hinge  [asafetida  :  Hindustani  hing],  lead,  carjwts,  and  divers 
other  commodities,  downe  the  river  Jemena.  The  chiefe 
marchants  are  Moores  and  Gentiles.  In  these  countries  they 
have  many  strange  cereragjulfis.  , .  Th.e  Bramanes,  which  are 

1  Really  twenty- three  miles;  but  Fitch  is  probably  reckoning  by  the 
Indian  kos,  each  of  which  is  1|  or  2  miles. 

2  See  p.  3  for  a  suggestion  that  this  was  probably  1584. 

^  Satgaon,  on  a  creek  which  entered  the  Hugh  river  just  above  the 
town  of  Hugh.  It  was  the  silting  up  of  this  creek  which  transferred  the 
trade  to  the  latter  place,  called  by  the  Portuguese  Porto  Piqueno. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  19 

their  priests,  come  to  the  water  and  have  a  string  about  their 
necks  made  with  groat  ceremonies,  and  lade  up  water  with 
both  their  Iiands,  and  tiirnc  the  string  first  witli  botli  their 
hands  within,  and  then  one  arme  after  Ifc  otlicrout.  Though 
it  be  never  so  cokl,  they  will  wasli  themselves  in  cold  v/ater  or 
inwarme.  These  Gentiles  will  eate  no  flesh  nor  kill  any  thing. 
They  live  with  rice,  butter,  milke,  and  fruits.  They  pray  in 
the  water  naked,  and  dresse  their  meat  and  eate  it  naked,  and 
for  their  penance  they  lie  flat  upon  the  earth,  and  rise  up  and 
turne  th.emselves  about  30  or  40  times,  and  use  to  heave  up 
their  Ijands  to  the  sunne,  and  to  kisse  the  earth,  with  tlieir 
amies  and  legs  stretched  along  out,  and  their  right  leg  alwajcs 
before  the  left.  Every  time  they  lie  downe,  they  make  a  score 
on  the  ground  with  their  finger,  to  know  when  their  stint  is 
finished.  The  Bramanes  markc  tlicmselves  in  the  foreheads, 
cares,  and  throates  with  a  kind  of  yellow  geare  which  they 
grind,  and  cvcrj^  morning  they  do  it.  And  they  have  some 
old  men  which  go  in  the  st  rectes  with  a  boxe  of  yellow  ponder, 
and  marke  men  on  their  heads  and  necks  as  they  meet  them. 
And  their  wives  do  come  by  10,  20,  and  30  together  to  the 
water  side  singing,  and  there  do  wash  themselves,  and  then 
use  their  ceremonies,  and  marke  themselves  in  their  fo relied s 
and  faces,  and  cary  some  with  them,  and  so  depart  singing. 
Their  daughters  be  maried  at  or  before  the  age  of  10  yercs. 
The  men  may  have  7  wives.  They  be  a  kind  of  eraftie  people, 
worse  then  the  Jewes.  When  they  salute  one  another,  they 
heave  up  their  hands  to  their  heads,  and  say  Rame,  Rame 
[Ram]. 

From  Agra  I  came  to  Prage  [Prayaga,  now  Allahabad], 
where  the  river  Jemena  cntrcth  into  the  mightie  river  Ganges, 
and  Jemena  looseth  his  name.  Ganges  commeth  out  of  the 
northwest,  and  runneth  east  into  the  Gulfe  of  Bengala,  In 
those  i^arts  there  are  many  tigers  and  many  partriges  and 
turtle-doves,  and  much  other  foule.  Here  be  many  beggers 
in  these  countries  which  goe  naked,  and  the  people  make  great 
account  of  them  ;  they  call  them  Selicfche.^  Here  I  sawe  one 
which  was  a  monster  among  the  rest.  He  would  have  nothing 
upon  him  ;  his  beard  was  very  long  ;  and  with  the  haire  of  his 

*  Possibly,  as  Dr.  Thomas  suggests,  the  Sanskrit  sJiishya,  a  disciple. 

C2 


20  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

head  he  covered  his  privities.  The  nnilos  of  some  of  his  finjnrcrs 
wore  two  inches  loiifj,  for  he  would  cut  notliinn;  from  him  ; 
neither  would  he  spenke.  He  wns  aeeompanied  Avilli  eiolii  (»r 
lenne,  and  th(\v  s])nke  for  him.  Wlien  any  man  s])ake  to  liim, 
he  would  lay  his  hand  u]ion  liis  brest  and  bowe  himselfe,  Init 
Avould  not  speake.  Hec  would  not  speake  to  the  kin^.  We 
went  from  Prage  downe  Ganges,  the  which  is  here  very  broad. 
Here  is  great  store  of  fish  of  sundry  sorts,  and  of  wild  foule,  as 
of  swannes,  geese,  cranes,  and  many  other  things.  The 
eountrey  is  very  fruitfull  and  populous.  The  men  for  the 
most  part  have  their  faces  shaven,  and  their  heads  very  long, 
except  some  which  bee  all  shaven  save  the  crowne  ;  and  some 
of  them  are  as  though  a  man  should  set  a  dish  on  their  heads 
and  shave  them  round,  all  but  the  crowne.  In  this  river  of 
Ganges  are  many  ilands.  His  water  is  very  sweete  and 
pleasant,  and  the  eountrey  adjoyning  very  fruitfull.  From 
thence  wee  went  to  Bannaras  [Benares],  which  is  a  great 
towne,  and  great  store  of  cloth  is  made  there  of  cotton,  and 
shashes  [turban-clothes]  for  the  Moores.  In  this  place  they 
be  all  Gentiles,  and  be  the  greatest  idolaters~t7iat~ever  I  sawe. 
To  this  towne  come  the  Gentiles  on  pilgrimage  out  of  farre 
countreys.  Here  alongst  the  waters  side  bee  very  many  faire 
houses,  and  in  all  of  them,  or  for  the  most  part,  they  have 
tlieir  images  standing,  which  be  evill  favoured,  made  of  stone 
and  wood,  some  like  lions,  leopards,  and  monkeis  ;  some  like 
men  and  women,  and  pceocks  ;  and  some  like  the  devil  with 
foure  armes  and  4  hands.  They  sit  crosse  legged,  some  with 
one  thing  in  their  hands,  and  some  another.  And  by  breake 
of  day  and  before,  there  are  men  and  women  which  come  out 
of  the  towne  and  wash  themselves  in  Ganges.  And  there  are 
divers  old  men  which  upon  places  of  earth  made  for  the  purpose, 
sit  praying,  and  they  give  the  people  three  or  foure  strawes, 
which  they  take  and  hold  them  betweene  their  fingers  when 
they  wash  themselves  ;  and  some  sit  to  marke  them  in  the  fore- 
heads, and  they  have  in  a  cloth  a  litle  rice,  barlie,  or  money, 
which,  when  they  have  washed  themselves,  they  give  to  the 
old  men  which  sit  there  praying.  Afterwards  they  go  to  divers 
of  their  images,  and  give  them  of  their  sacrifices.  And  when 
they  give,  the  old  men  say  certaine  prayers,  and  then  is  all 


*■;/ 


J^ 


p.  20 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  21 

holy.  And  in  divers  places  there  standeth  a  kind  of  image 
wliich  in  their  language  they  cull  Ada  ;  and  they  have  divers 
great  stones  carved,  whereon  they  pourc  water,  and  throw 
thereupon  some  rice,  wheate,  barly,  and  some  other  things. 
This  Ada  hath  foure  hands  with  clawes.  Moreover,  they  have 
a  great  place  made  of  stone  like  to  a  well,  with  steppes  to  goe 
downe  ;  wherein  the  water  standeth  very  foule  and  stinketh, 
for  the  great  quantitie  of  flowers,  which  conlimially  they 
throwe  into  it,  doe  make  it  stinke.  There  be  alwayes  many 
people  in  it  ;  for  they  say  when  they  wash  themselves  in  it, 
that  their  sinnes  be  forgiven  them,  because  God,  as  they  say, 
did  washe  himselfe  in  that  place.  They  gather  up  the  sand  in 
the  bottorne  of  it,  and  say  it  is  holy.  They  never  pray  but  in 
the  water,  and  they  wash  themselves  overhead,  and  lade  up 
water  with  both  their  luuides,  and  turne  themselves  about, 
and  then  they  driidie  a  liLle  of  the  water  three  times,  and  so 
goe  to  their  gods  which  stand  in  those  houses.  Some  of  them 
will  wash  a  place  which  is  their  length,  and  then  will  pray 
upon  the  earth  with  their  arnies  and  legs  at  length  out,  and 
will  rise  up  and  lie  downe,  and  kisse  the  ground  twentie  or 
thirtie  times,  but  they  will  not  stirre  their  right  foote.  And 
some  of  them  will  make  their  ceremonies  wilh  fiftetne  or 
sixteene  pots  litle  and  great,  and  ring  a  litle  bel  when  they 
make  their  mixLures  tenne  or  twelve  times  ;  and  they  make  a 
circle  of  water  round  about  their  pots  and  pray,  and  divers 
sit  by  them,  and  one  that  reacheth  them  their  pots  ;  and  they 
say  divers  things  over  their  pots  many  times,  and  when  they 
have  done,  they  goe  to  their  gods  and  strowe  their  sacrifices, 
which  they  thinkc  arc  very  holy,  and  marke  many  of  them 
which  sit  by  in  the  foreheads,  which  they  take  as  a  great  gift. 
There  come  fiftie  and  sometime  an  hundred  together,  to  wash 
them  in  this  well,  and  to  offer  to  these  idols.  They  have  in 
some  of  these  houses  their  idoles  standing,  and  one  sitteth  by 
them  in  warme  weather  with  a  fannc  to  blowc  winde  upon  tliem. 
And  when  they  see  any  company  comming,  they  ring  a  litle 
bell  which  hangcth  by  tJiem,  and  many  give  them  their  almes, 
but  especially  those  which  come  out  of  the  countrey.  Many 
of  them  are  blaeke  and  have  clawes  of  brasse  with  long  nayles, 
and  some  ride  upon  peacockes  and  other  foules  which  be  evill 


22  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

favoured,  willi  lon^  haukes  bils,  and  some  like  one  thing  and 
some  another,  but  none  witli  a  good  faee.  Among  tiic  rest 
there  is  one  which  they  make  great  account  of  ;  for  they  say 
hce  giveth  them  all  things  both  foode  and  apparell,  and  one 
sitteth  alvvayes  by  him  with  a  fannc  to  make  wind  towards  him. 
Here  some  bee  burned  to  ashes,  some  scorched  in  the  fire 
and  throwen  into  the  water,  and  dogges  and  foxes  doe  presently 
cate  them.  The  wives  here  doe  burnc  with  their  husbands 
when  they  die  ;  if  they  will  not,  their  heads  be  shaven,  and 
never  any  account  is  made  of  them  afterwards.  The  people 
goe  all  naked  save  a  litle  cloth  bound  about  their  middle. 
Their  women  have  their  necks,  armcs  and  cares  decked  with 
rings  of  silver,  copper,  tinne,  and  with  round  hoopes  made 
of  ivorie,  adorned  with  amber  stones  and  with  many  agats, 
and  they  are  marked  with  a  great  spot  of  red  in  their  fore- 
heads and  a  stroke  of  red  up  to  the  crowne,  and  so  it  runneth 
three  maner  of  wayes.  In  their  winter,  which  is  our  May,  the 
men  weare  quilted  gownes  of  cotton  like  to  our  mattraces 
and  quilted  caps  like  to  our  great  grocers  morters,  with  a  slit 
to  looke  out  at,  and  so  tied  downe  beneath  their  cares.  If  a 
man  or  woman  be  sickc  and  like  to  die,  they  will  lay  him  before 
their  idols  all  night,  and  that  shall  helpe  him  or  make  an  cnde 
of  him.  And  if  he  do  not  mend  that  night,  his  friends  will 
come  and  sit  with  him  a  litle  and  cry,  and  afterwards  will  cary 
him  to  the  waters  side  and  set  him  upon  a  litle  raft  made  of 
reeds,  and  so  let  him  goe  downe  the  river.  When  they  be 
maried,  the  man  and  the  woman  come  to  the  water  side,  and 
there  is  an  olde  man  which  they  call  a  Bramane  (that  is, 
a  priest),  a  cowe,  and  a  calfe,  or  a  cowe  with  calfe.  Then  the 
man  and  the  woman,  cowe  and  calfe,  and  the  olde  man  goe 
into  the  water  together,  and  they  give  the  olde  man  a  white 
cloth  of  foure  yards  long,  and  a  basket  ci'osse  bound  with 
divers  things  in  it  ;  the  cloth  hee  laieth  upon  the  backe  of  the 
cowe,  and  then  he  taketh  the  cowe  by  the  cnde  of  the  taile, 
and  saith  certaine  v/ordes  ;  and  she  liath  a  copper  or  a  brasse 
pot  full  of  water,  and  the  man  doetli  hold  his  hand  by  the  olde 
mans  hand,  and  the  wives  hand  by  her  husbands,  and  all  have 
the  cowe  by  the  taile,  and  they  poure  water  out  of  the  pot 
upon  the  cowes  taile,  and  it  runneth  through  all  their  hands, 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  23 

and  they  lade  up  water  with  their  handes,  and  then  the  olde 
man  doeth  tie  him  and  her  together  by  their  clothes.  Which 
done,  they  goe  round  about  the  cowe  and  calfe,  and  then  they 
give  somewhat  to  the  poore  which  be  alwayes  there,  and  to 
the  Bramane  or  priest  they  give  the  cowe  and  calfe,  and 
afterward  goe  to  divers  of  their  idoles  and  offer  money,  and 
lie  downe  flat  upon  the  ground  and  kisse  it  divers  times,  and 
then  goe  their  way.  Their  chiefe  idoles  bee  blacke  and  evill 
favoured,  their  mouthcs  monstrous,  their  eares  gilded,  and 
full  of  jewels,  their  teeth  and  eyes  of  gold,  silver,  and  glasse, 
some  having  one  thing  in  their  handes  and  some  another.  You 
may  not  come  into  the  houses  where  they  stand  with  your 
shooes  on.  They  have  continually  lampes  burning  before 
them. 

From  Bannaras  I  went  to  Patenaw  [Patna]  downe  the  river 
of  Ganges  ;  where  in  the  way  we  passed  many  faire  townes, 
and  a  countrey  very  fruitfull  j.  and  many  v^ry  great  rivers 
doe  enter  into  Ganges,  and  some  of  them  as  great  as  Ganges, 
which  cause  Ganges  to  bee  of  a  great  breadth,  and  so  broad 
that  in  the  time  of  raine  you  cannot  see  from  one  side  to  the 
other.  These  Indians  when  they  bee  scorched  ^  and  throwen 
into  the  water,  the  men  swimme  with  their  faces  downewards, 
the  women  with  their  faces  upwards.  I  thought  they  tied 
something  to  them  to  cause  them  to  doe  so  :  but  they  say  no. 
There  be  very  many  thieves  in  this  countrey,  which  be  like 
to  the  Arabians,  for  they  have  no  certaine  abode,  but  are 
sometime  in  one  place  and  sometime  in  another.  Here  the 
women  bee  so  decked  with  silver  and  copper  that  it  is  strange 
to  see  ;  they  use  no  shooes  by  reason  of  the  rings  of  silver  axid 
copper  which  they  weare  on  their  toes.  Here  at  Patanaw  they 
finde  gold  in  this  maner  :  they  digge  deepe  pits  in  the  earth, 
and  washe  the  earth  in  great  bolles,  and  therein  they  finde 
the  gold,  and  they  make  the  pits  round  about  with  bricke, 
that  the  earth  fall  not  in.  Patenaw  is  a  very  long  and  a  great 
towne.  In  times  past  it  was  a  kingdom,  but  now  it  is  under 
Zelabdim  Echebar,  the  Great  Mogor.  The  men  are  tall  and 
slender,  and  have  many  old  folks  among  them  ;  the  houses 
are  simple,  made  of  earth  and  covered  with  strawe  ;  the 
^  He  is  speaking  of  corpses  partly  burnt. 


24  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

streetes  are  very  large.  In  lliis  towiie  there  is  a  trade  of  cotton 
and  cloth  of  cotton,  nuieh  siiyar,  which  they  cary  from  hence 
to  Bengala  and  India,  very  much  o])ium  and  other  commo- 
dities. He  that  is  chicle  here  under  the  king  is  called  Tii)i)erdas 
[Tripura  Das],  and  is  of  great  account  among  the  people. 
Here  in  Patenau  I  saw  a  dissembling  prophet  which  sate  upon 
an  horse  in  the  market  place,  and  made  as  though  he  slcj^t, 
and  many  of  the  jieople  came  and  touched  his  feete  with  their 
hands,  ainl  then  kissed  their  hands.  They  tooke  him  for  a 
great  man,  but  sure  he  was  a  lasie  lubber.  I  left  him  there 
sleeping.  The  people  of  these  countries  be  nmch  given  to 
such  prating  and  dissembling  hypocrites. 

From  Patanaw  I  went  to  Tanda,^  which  is  in  the  land  of 
Gouren  [Gaur],  It  hath  in  times  past  bene  a  kingdom,  but 
now  is  subdued  by  Zelabdim  Echebar.  Great  trade  and 
trallique  is  here  of  cotton  and  of  cloth  of  cotton.  The  people 
goe  naked,  with  a  litle  cloth  bound  about  their  waste.  It 
standeth  in  the  countrey  of  Bengala.  Here  be  many  tigers, 
wild  bufs,  and  great  store  of  wilde  foule  :  they  are  very  great 
idolaters.  Tanda  standeth  from  the  river  Ganges  a  league, 
because  hi  times  past  the  river,  flowing  over  the  bankes,  in 
time  of  raine  did  drowne  the  countrey  and  many  villages,  and 
so  they  do  remaine.  And  the  old  way  which  the  river  Ganges 
was  woont  to  run  remaineth  drie,  which  is  the  occasion  that 
the  citie  doeth  stand  so  farre  from  the  water.  From  Agra 
downe  the  river  Jemena,  and  downe  the  river  Ganges,  I  was 
five  moneths  comming  to  Bengala  ;  but  it  may  be  sailed  in 
much  shorter  time. 

I  went  from  Bengala  into  the  country  of  Couche,-  which 

*  Tanda,  in  Malda  district,  became  the  capital  of  Bengal  upon  the 
decadence  of  the  neighbouring  city  of  Gaur.  The  old  town  has  been 
swept  away  entirely  by  changes  in  the  course  of  the  Pagla  river. 

^  Fitch's  visit  to  Kuch  Bihar  is  a  most  interestmg  incident,  and  it  is 
much  to  be  deplored  that  his  account  of  the  country  is  so  meagre. 
*  Suckel  Counse  ',  i.  e.  '  the  White  (Sanski'it  sukal)  lioch  '  (or  Kuch),  was 
perhaj)s  \ised  as  one  of  the  titles  of  the  sovereign,  though  it  should  be 
noted  that  Sir  Edward  Gait,  in  liis  Ilislory  of  A.^isatn  (p.  5'J),  is  disposed 
to  regard  it  as  equivalent  to  yukladhvaj,  a  title  borne  by  Silarai,  the 
famous  brother  of  King  Nar  Narayan  ;  tlierc  is,  however,  the  diOiculty 
that  Silarai  had  died  a  few  years  before  Fitch's  arrival.  The  statements 
about  the  propinquity  of  Cochin  China  and  the  imjjortation  of  pepjier 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  25 

lieth  25  dayes  journy  northwards  from  Tanda,  The  king  is 
a  Gentile  ;  his  name  is  Suclvcl  Counse.  His  countrey  is  great, 
and  lieth  not  far  from  Cauchin  China  ;  for  they  say  they  have 
pepper  from  tlience.  The  port  is  called  Cacchegate.  All  the 
countrie  is  set  with  bambos  or  canes  made  sharpe  at  both  the 
endes  and  driven  into  the  earth,  and  they  can  let  in  the  water 
and  drowne  the  ground  above  knee  deepe,  so  that  men  nor 
horses  can  passe.  They  poison  all  the  waters  if  any  wars  be. 
Here  they  have  much  silkc  and  muske,  and  cloth  made  of 
cotton.  Tlie  people  have  eares  which  be  marvellous  great  of 
a  span  long,  which  they  draw  out  in  length  by  devises  when 
they  be  yong.  Here  they  be  all  (ientiles,  and  they  will  kil 
nothing.  They  have  hospitals  for  sheepe,  goates,  dogs,  cats, 
birds,  and  for  all  other  living  creatures.  When  they  be  old 
and  lame,  they  keepe  them  until  they  die.  If  a  man  catch  or 
buy  any  quicke  thing  in  other  places  and  bring  it  thither, 
they  wil  give  him  mony  for  it  or  other  victual  Is,  and  keepe  it 
in  their  hospitals  or  let  it  go.  They  wil  give  meat  to  the  ants. 
Their  smal  mony  is  almonds,  which  oftentimes  they  use  to  eat. 
From  thence  I  returned  to  Hugeli,  which  is  the  place  where 
the  Portugals  keep  in  the  country  of  Bengala  ;  which  standeth 
in  23  degrees  of  northerly  latitude,  and  standeth  a  league  from 
Satagan  ;  they  cal  it  Porto  Piqueno.  We  went  through  the 
wildernes,  because  the  right  way  was  full  of  thieves  ;  where 
we  passed  the  countrey  of  Gouren,  where  we  found  but  few 
villages,  but  almost  all  wildernes,  and  saw  many  bulfes,  swine 
and  deere,  grasse  longer  then  a  man,  and  very  many  tigers. 
Not  far  from  Porto  Piqueno  south-westward,  standeth  an 
haven  which  is  called  Angeli,^  in  the  countrey  of  Orixa.  It 

from  thence  must  be  based  on  some  misunderstanding.  '  Cacchegate  ', 
according  to  information  kindly  furnished  by  Sir  Edward  Gait,  was 
the  tract  of  comitry  on  the  north  of  Ivuch  Bihar  forming  the  eastern 
jjortion  of  the  present  district  of  Jalpaiguri.  The  name  (Ohecliakhata) 
is  still  bome  by  a  taluk  in  that  region,  near  the  town  of  Allpur  Duar. 

Fitch's  object  in  going  in  this  direction  was  probably  to  malie  inquiries 
into  the  trade  with  China  by  way  of  Tibet  (see  C'alhay  and  the  Way 
Thither,  2nd  cd.,  vol.  iv,  p.  170). 

^  Ilijili,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hugh  river,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Rasulpur  river.  It  was  for  a  long  time  a  place  of  importance,  as  cargoes 
were  landed  there  for  transport  up  the  Hugli,  but  was  gradually  washed 
away. 


26  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

was  a  kingdom  of  it  sclfc,  and  the  kiny  was  a  groat  friend  to 
strangers.  Afterwards  it  was  taken  by  the  king  of  Patau/ 
whieh  was  their  neighbour,  but  he  did  not  enjoy  it  long,  but 
was  taken  by  Zckibdim  Ecliebar,  which  is  king  of  Agra,  Delli, 
and  Canibaia.  Orixa  standetii  6  dales  joui'ney  fi'oni  Satagan, 
southwest  ward.  In  this  place  is  very  much  rice,  and  cloth 
made  of  cotton,  and  great  store  of  cloth  which  is  made  of 
grassc,  which  they  call  Yerva  -  ;  it  is  like  a  silke.  They  make 
good  cloth  of  it,  which  they  send  for  India  ^  and  divers  other 
places.  To  this  haven  of  Angeli  come  every  yere  many  ships 
out  of  India,  Negapatan,  Sumatra,  Malacca,  and  divers  other 
places  ;  and  lade  from  thence  great  store  of  rice,  and  nmch 
cloth  of  cotton  wooll,  much  sugar,  and  long  pepper,  great 
store  of  butter,  and  other  victuals  for  India.  Satagam  is  a 
fairc  citie  for  a  citie  of  the  Moores,  and  very  plentifull  of  all 
things.  Here  in  Bengala  they  have  every  day  in  one  place 
or  other  a  great  market  which  they  call  Chandeau,  and  they 
have  many  great  boats  which  they  cal  pericose,*  wherewithal! 
they  go  from  place  to  place  and  buy  rice  and  many  other 
things  ;  these  boates  have  24  or  26  oares  to  rowe  them  ; 
they  be  great  of  burthen,  but  have  no  coverture.  Here  the 
Gentiles  have  the  water  of  Ganges  in  great  estimation,  for 
having  good  water  neere  them,  yet  they  will  fetch  the  water 
of  Ganges  a  great  way  off,  and  if  they  have  not  sufficient  to 
drinke,  they  will  sj^rinkle  a  litle  on  them,  and  then  they  thinke 
themselves  well.  From  Satagam  I  travelled  by  the  countrcy 
of  the  king  of  Tippara  or  Porto  Grande,  with  whom  the 
INIogores  or  Mogen  have  almost  continuall  warres.  The  Mogen 
which  be  of  the  kingdom  of  Recon  and  Rame  be  stronger  tlicn 
the  king  of  Tippara,  so  that  Chatigan  or  Porto  Grande  is 
oftentimes  under  the  king  of  Recon  .^ 

»  The  Pathan  or  Afghan  kings  of  Bengal.  Orissa  was  conquered  by 
one  of  them  in  15G8,  and  seven  years  later  became  part  of  Akbar's  ter- 
ritories, though  it  was  not  definitely  subjugated  until  1502. 

"^  Herba  cloth,  made  from  rhea  or  some  similar  libre. 

^  See  note  1  on  p.  Ki. 

*  The  '  porgos  '  or  '  purgoos  '  of  later  writers.  The  word  is  possibly 
a  corruption  of  the  Port,  barca. 

•'  Porto  Grand  was  the  Portuguese  name  for  Chittagong.  '  Tipjiara  ' 
was  a  kingdom  now  represented  by  the  small  state  of  Hill  Tippera.  The 
'  Mogen  '  were  the  '  Mugs  '  of  to-day,  belonging  to  the  western  part  of 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  27 

There  is  a  country  4  daies  journie  from  Couche  or  Quicheu 
before  mentioned,  whicli  is  called  Bottantcr^  and  the  citie 
Bottia,  the  king  is  called  Dermain  ;  the  peojile  whereof  are 
very  tall  and  strong,  and  there  are  marchants  which  come 
out  of  China,  and  they  say  out  of  Muscovia  or  Tartaric.  And 
they  come  to  buy  muske,  cambals,^  agats,  silke,  pepper,  and 
saffron  like  the  saffron  of  Persia.  The  countrey  is  very  great, 
3  moneths  journey.  There  are  very  high  mountains  in  this 
countrey,  and  one  of  them  so  steep  that  when  a  man  is  G  dales 
journey  off  it,  he  may  see  it  perfectly.  Upon  these  mountains 
are  people  which  have  eares  of  a  spanne  long  ;  if  their  cares 
be  not  long,  they  call  them  apes.  They  say  that  when  they  be 
upon  the  mountaincs,  they  see  ships  in  the  sea  sayling  to  and 
fro  ;  but  they  know  not  from  whence  they  come,  nor  whether 
they  go.  There  are  marchants  which  come  out  of  the  East, 
they  say,  from  under  the  sunne,  which  is  from  China,  which 
have  no  beards,  and  they  say  there  it  is  something  warme. 
But  those  which  come  from  the  other  side  of  the  mountains, 
which  is  from  the  north,  say  there  it  is  very  cold.  These 
northren  merchants  are  apparelled  with  woollen  cloth  and 
hats,  white  hosen  close,  and  bootes  which  be  of  Moscovia  or 
Tartaric.  They  report  that  in  their  countrey  they  have  very 
good  horses,  but  they  be  litle  ;  some  men  have  foure,  five,  or 
sixe  hundred  horses  and  kine  ;  they  live  with  milke  and  fleshe. 
They  cut  the  tailes  of  their  kine,  and  sell  them  very  deere, 
for  they  bee  in  great  request,  and  much  esteemed  in  those 
partes.  The  liaire  of  them  is  a  yard  long,  the  rumpe  is  above 
a  spanne  long  ;  they  use  to  hang  them  for  braverie  upon  the 
heades  of  their  elephants  ;  they  bee  much  used  in  Pegu  and 
China.  They  buie  and  sell  by  scores  upon  the  ground.  The 
people  be  very  swift  on  footc. 

From  Chatigan  in  Bengala,  I  came  to  Bacola^;  the  king 

Arakan  (Fitch's  '  Rocon ' ).  '  Ilame '  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  country 
round  the  present  village  of  Ramu  in  the  southern  part  of  Chittagong 
district. 

'  Bliutan.  There  is  no  town  in  it  which  can  be  identified  as  '  Bottia  ', 
though  the  peojile  are  known  as  Bhotias.  '  Dermain '  probably  represents 
the  Dharma  Raja,  the  spiritual  head  of  the  kingdom. 

^  Blankets  or  coarse  woollen  clothes  (Sanskrit  kamhala). 

^  Bakla  was  the  old  name  of  much  of  the  present  district  of  Bakarganj, 
in  Eastern  Bengal.    No  town  ia  known  of  that  name,  but  Mx-.  H.  Beve- 


28  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

whereof  is  a  Gentile,  u  nuiu  very  well  disposed  and  dclighteth 
much  to  bhoot  in  a  gun.  His  countrcy  is  very  great  and 
fruitful  and  luitli  store  of  rice,  nuich  cotton  cloth,  and  clolh 
of  silkc.  *The  houses  be  very  I'aire  and  high  builded,  tlie 
streetes  latge,  the  people  naked,  except  a  litlc  clolh  about  their 
waste.  The  women  wcai'c  great  store  of  silver  hoopes  about 
their  neckcs  and  amies,  and  their  legs  are  ringed  with  silver 
and  copper,  and  rings  made  of  elciihants  teeth. 

From  Bacola  I  went  to  Serrepore  which  standeth  upon 
the  river  of  Ganges.  Tlie  kuig  is  called  Chondcry."^  Tiiey  be  all 
hereabout  rebels  against  their  king  Zclabdim  Eehebar  ;  for 
here  are  so  many  rivers  and  ilands,  that  they  flee  from  one 
to  another,  whereby  his  horsemen  cannot  prevaile  against 
them.    Great  store  of  cotton  cloth  is  made  here. 

Sinnergan  ^  is  a  towne  sixe  leagues  from  Serrepore,  where 
there  is  the  best  and  finest  cloth  made  of  cotton  that  is  in  all 
India.  Tiie  chicfe  king  of  all  these  countries  is  called  Isaean, 
and  he  is  chiefe  of  all  the  other  kings,  and  is  a  great  friend 
to  all  Christians.  The  houses  here,  as  they  be  in  the  most  part 
of  India,  are  very  litle,  and  covered  with  strawe,  and  have 
a  fewe  mats  round  about  the  wals,  and  the  doore  to  keepe  out 
the  tygers  and  the  foxes.  Many  of  the  people  are  very  ricli. 
Here  they  will  eate  no  flesh,  nor  kill  no  beast ;  they  live  of 
rice,  milke,  and  fruits.  They  goe  with  a  litle  cloth  before 
them,  and  all  the  rest  of  their  bodies  is  naked.  Great  store 
of  cotton  cloth  goeth  from  hence,  and  much  rice,  wherewith 
they  serve  all  India,  Ceilon,  Pegu,  Malacca,  Sumatra,  and 
many  other  places. 

I  went  from  Serrepore  the  28  of  November  1586  for  Pegu, 
in  a  small  ship  or  foist  of  one  Albert  Caravallos.     And  so 

ridge,  in  his  manual  of  the  district,  suggests  that  Fitch  is  referring  to  the 
old  capital,  Kachua,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Titulia  river,  about  twenty- 
five  miles  south-east  of  Barisal. 

1  Chand  Rai,  a  petty  chief  whose  head-quarters  were  at  Sripur,  near 
Rajabari,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Meghna  and  the  Padma.  The  latter 
river  has  long  since  washed  away  Sripur. 

'  Sonargaon,  the  capital  of  Eastern  Bengal,  135I-1G08,  situated  fifteen 
miles  east  of  Dacca.  Isa  Khan  was  an  Afghan  chief  of  Khizrpur,  near 
Narayanganj  in  Dacca  district,  who  became  leader  of  the  Afghans 
throughout  Easteni  Bengal  and  at  one  time  ruled  over  a  large  tract  of 
country. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  29 

passing  downe  Ganges,  and  passing  by  the  island  of  Siindiva,'- 
Porto  Grande,  or  tlic  coiintrie  of  Tippera,  tlie  kingdom  of 
Recon  and  Mogen,  leaving  them  on  our  left  side  with  a  faire 
wind  at  northwest,  our  course  was  south  and  by  east,  whieh 
brought  us  to  the  barre  of  Negrais  in  Pegu.  If  any  contrary 
wind  had  come,  we  had  throwen  many  of  our  things  over- 
boord,  for  we  were  so  pestered  with  people  and  goods  that 
there  was  scant  place  to  lie  in.  From  Bengala  to  Pegu  is 
90  leagues.  We  entred  the  barre  of  Negrais,  which  is  a  brave 
barre  and  hath  4  fadomes  water  where  it  hath  least.  Three 
dayes  after  we  came  to  Cosmin,^  which  is  a  very  pretie  towne, 
and  standeth  very  pleasantly,  very  well  furnished  with  all 
things.  The  people  be  very  tall  and  well  disposed  ;  the 
women  white,  roimd  faced,  with  litle  eies.  The  houses  are 
high  built,  set  upon  great  high  postes,  and  they  go  up  to 
them  with  long  ladders  for  feare  of  the  tygers,  which  be  very 
many.  The  coimtrey  is  very  fruitful  of  all  things.  Here  are 
very  great  figs,  orenges,  cocoes,  and  other  fruits.  The  land  is 
very  high  that  we  fall  withall  ;  but  after  we  be  entred  the 
barre,  it  is  very  lowe  and  full  of  rivers,  for  they  goe  all  too  and 
fro  in  boates,  which  they  call  paroes,^  and  keepe  their  houses 
with  wife  and  children  in  them. 

From  the  barre  of  Nigrais  to  the  citie  of  Pegu  is  ten  dayes 
journey  by  the  rivers.  Wee  went  from  Cosmin  to  Pegu  in 
paroes  or  boates  ;  and  passing  up  the  rivers  wee  came  to 
Medon,  which  is  a  prety  tOM^ne,  where  there  be  a  wonderfull 
number  of  paroes,  for  they  keepe  their  houses  and  their 
markets  in  them  all  upon  the  water.  They  rowe  too  and  fro, 
and  have  all  their  marchandizes  in  their  boates  with  a  great 
sombrero  *  or  shadow  over  their  heads  to  keepe  the  sunne 
from  them,  which  is  as  broad  as  a  great  cart  wheele  made  of 
the  leaves  of  the  coco  trees  and  fig  trees,  and  is  very  light. 

From  Medon  we  went  to  Dela,^  which  is  a  very  faire  towne, 

1  The  island  of  Sandwm,  off  the  coast  of  Chittagong  district. 

^  Kusima,  the  Bassein  of  to-day,  in  the  Irrawaddy  delta. 

^  Port,  pardo,  from  an  Indian  word  meaning  a  boat. 

^  Port,  siimhreiro,  an  umbrella. 

^  '  Medon  '  cannot  be  identified.  '  Dela  '  or  '  Dala  '  was  the  name 
of  a  large  district  to  the  west  of  Rangoon,  and  it  is  still  applied  to  the 
part  of  the  city  which  lies  across  the  river.    Fitch,  however,  is  referring 


30  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

and  hath  a  faire  port  into  the  sea,  from  whence  go  many  ships 
to  Malacca,  Mecca,  and  many  otlicr  places.  Here  are  18  or  20 
very  great  and  long  houses,  where  they  tame  and  krep  many 
ele])hants  of  Ihe  kings  ;  for  fliere  about  in  the  wild(  riusse  tliey 
catch  the  wilde  elephants.  It  is  a  very  fruilfull  countrey. 
From  Dela  we  went  to  Cirion,i  which  is  a  good  towne,  and  h.ath 
a  faire  porte  into  the  sea,  whither  come  many  ships  from 
Mecca,  Malacca,  Sumatra,  and  from  divers  other  places.  And 
there  the  ships  staie  and  discharge,  and  send  up  their  goods 
in  paroes  to  Pegu.  From  Cirion  we  went  to  Macao,-  whicli  is 
a  pretie  towne  ;  where  we  left  onr  boats  or  paroes,  and  in  tlic 
morning  taking  Delingcgcs,^  which  are  a  kind  of  coches  made 
of  cords  and  cloth  quilted,  and  caried  upon  a  stang  [i.  e.  a  pole] 
betweene  3  or  4  men,  we  came  to  Pegu  the  same  day. 

Pegu  is  a  citie  very  great,  strong,  and  very  faire,  v/ith  walles 
of  stone,  and  great  ditches  round  about  it.  There  are  two 
townes,  the  old  towne  and  the  newe.  In  the  olde  towne  are 
all  the  marchants  strangers,  and  very  many  marchants  of  the 
countrey.  All  the  goods  arc  sold  in  the  olde  towne,  which  is 
very  great,  and  hath  many  suburbes  round  about  it,  and  all 
the  houses  are  made  of  canes  which  they  call  bambos,  and  bee 
covered  with  strawe.  In  your  house  you  have  a  warehouse 
which  they  call  Godon  [godown],  which  is  made  of  brieke  to 
put  your  goods  in  ;  for  oftentimes  they  take  fire  and  burne 
in  an  houre  foure  or  five  hundred  houses,  so  that,  if  the 
Godon  were  not,  you  should  bee  in  danger  to  have  all  burned, 
if  any  windc  should  rise,  at  a  trice.  In  the  newe  towne  is  the 
king,  and  all  his  nobilitie  and  gentric.  It  is  a  citie  very  great 
and  populous,  and  is  made  square  and  with  very  faire  walles, 
and  a  great  ditch  round  about  it  full  of  water,  with  many 
crocodiles  in  it  ;  it  hath  twenty  gates,  and  they  bee  made  of 
stone,  for  every  square  five  gates.    There  are  also  many  turrets 

to  the  old  capital  of  the  district,  now  called  Twante,  situated  at  the  head 
of  a  creek,  about  sixteen  miles  soutli-west  of  Rangoon. 

*  Syriam,  on  the  Pegu  river,  about  ten  miles  east  of  Rangoon. 

"  Federici  says  that  this  place  was  about  twelve  miles  from  Pegu.  Yule 
suggests  its  identification  with  the  pagoda  of  Mahkau  {Mission  to  Avn, 
p.'211n.). 

^  Talaing  (i.  e.  Peguan)  dalin,  a  litter.  I  have  to  thank  Mr.  C.  O.  Blag- 
den  and  Sir  Richard  Temple  for  explaining  these  Talaing  words. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  31 

for  centinels  to  watch,  made  of  wood,  and  gilded  with  golde 
very  faire.  The  streets  are  the  fairest  that  ever  I  saw,  as 
straight  as  a  line  from  one  gate  to  the  other,  and  so  broad 
that  tenne  or  twelve  men  may  ride  a  front  thorow  them. 
On  both  sides  of  them  at  every  mans  doore  is  set  a  palmer 
tree,  wliieh  is  the  nut  tree  ;  which  make  a  very  faire  shew 
and  a  very  commodious  shadow,  so  that  a  man  may  walkc  in 
the  shade  all  day.  The  houses  be  made  of  wood,  and  covered 
with  tiles.  The  kings  house  is  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  and 
is  walled  and  ditclied  roimd  about  ;  and  the  buildings  within 
are  made  of  wood  very  sumptuously  gilded,  and  great  worke- 
manship  is  upon  the  forefront,  which  is  likewise  very  costly 
gilded.  And  the  house  wherein  his  pagode  or  idole  standcth 
is  covered  with  tiles  of  silver,  and  all  the  wallcs  are  gilded  with 
golde.  Within  the  first  gate  of  the  kings  house  is  a  great 
large  roomc  [i.  e.  open  space],  on  both  sides  whereof  are  houses 
made  for  the  kings  elephants,  which  l)e  marvellous  great  and 
faire,  and  are  brought  up  to  warres  and  in  service  of  the  king. 
And  among  the  rest  he  hath  foure  white  elephants,  which  are 
very  strange  and  rare  ;  for  there  is  none  other  king  which 
hath  them  but  he  ;  if  any  other  king  hath  one,  hee  will  send 
unto  him  for  it.  When  any  of  these  white  elephants  is  brought 
unto  the  king,  all  the  merchants  in  the  city  are  commanded 
to  sec  them,  and  to  give  him  a  present  of  halfc  a  ducat,  which 
doth  come  to  a  great  summe,  for  that  there  are  many  merchants 
in  the  city.  After  that  you  have  given  your  present  you  may 
come  and  see  them  at  your  pleasure,  although  they  stand  in 
the  kings  house.  This  king  in  his  title  is  called  the  king  of  the 
white  elephants.  If  any  other  king  have  one,  and  will  not  send 
it  him,  he  will  make  warre  with  him  for  it  ;  for  he  had  rather 
lose  a  great  part  of  his  kingdome  then  not  to  conquere  him. 
Tliey  do  very  great  service  unto  these  white  elephants  ;  every 
one  of  thein  standeth  in  an  house  gilded  with  golde,  and  they 
doe  feede  in  vessels  of  silver  and  gilt.  One  of  them,  when  he 
doth  go  to  the  river  to  be  washed,  as  every  day  they  do,  goeth 
under  a  canopy  of  cloth  of  golde  or  of  silke  carried  over  him 
by  sixe  or  eight  men,  and  eight  or  ten  men  goe  before  him 
playing  on  drummes,  shawmes,  or  other  instruments  ;  and 
when  he  is  washed  and  commeth  out  of  the  river,  there  is 


32  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

a  gentleman  which  doth  wash  his  feet  in  a  silver  basin  ;  which 
is  liis  ofTiee  friven  him  by  the  king.  There  is  no  such  account 
made  of  any  blacke  elephant,  be  he  never  so  great.  And  surely 
there  be  wofUiderCull  faire  and  great,  and  some  be  nine  eubites 
in  height.  And  lliey  do  report  that  the  king  hath  above  five 
thousand  elephants  of  warre,  besides  many  other  which  be 
not  taught  to  fight.  This  king  hath  a  very  large  place  wherein 
he  taketh  the  wilde  elephants.  It  standeth  about  a  mile  from 
Pegu,  builded  with  a  faire  court  within,  and  is  in  a  great  grove 
or  wood  ;  and  there  be  many  huntsmen,  which  go  into  the 
wildernesse  with  she  elephants,  for  withoxit  the  she  they  are 
not  to  be  taken.  And  they  be  taught  for  that  purpose,  and 
every  hunter  hath  five  or  sixe  of  them  ;  and  they  say  that  they 
anoint  the  she  elephants  with  a  certaine  ointment,  which 
when  the  wild  elephant  doth  smell,  he  will  not  leave  her. 
Wlien  they  have  brought  the  wilde  elephant  neere  unto  the 
place,  they  send  word  unto  the  towne,  and  many  horsemen 
and  footmen  come  out  and  cause  the  she  elephant  to  enter 
into  a  strait  way  which  doeth  goe  to  the  palace,  and  the  she 
and  he  do  runne  in,  for  it  is  like  a  wood  ;  and  when  they  be  in, 
the  gate  doth  shut.  Afterward  they  get  out  the  female  ;  and 
when  the  male  seeth  that  he  is  left  alone,  he  weepeth  and  crieth, 
and  runneth  against  the  walles,  which  be  made  of  so  strong 
trees  that  some  of  them  doe  breake  their  teeth  with  running 
against  them.  Then  they  pricke  him  with  sharpe  canes,  and 
cause  him  to  go  into  a  strait  house,  and  there  they  put  a  rope 
about  his  middle  and  about  his  feet,  and  let  him  stand  there 
three  or  foure  dayes  without  eating  or  drinking  ;  and  then 
they  bring  a  female  to  him,  with  meat  and  drinke,  and  within 
few  dayes  he  becommeth  tame.  The  chiefe  force  of  the  king 
is  in  these  elephants.  And  when  they  go  into  the  warres  they 
set  a  frame  of  wood  upon  their  backes,  bound  with  great 
cordes,  wherein  sit  foure  or  sixe  men,  which  fight  with  gunnes, 
bowes  and  arrowes,  darts  and  other  weapons.  And  they  say 
that  their  skinnes  are  so  thickc  that  a  pellet  of  an  harquebush 
will  scarse  pearce  them,  except  it  be  in  some  tender  ])lace. 
Their  weapons  be  very  badde.  They  have  gunnes,  but  shoot 
very  badly  in  them  ;  darts  and  swords  short  without  points. 
The  king  keepeth  a   very  great  state  ;    when  he  sitteth 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  33 

abroad  (as  he  doth  every  day  twise)  all  his  noble  men,  which 
they  call  Shcmincs  [Talaing  sniin],  sit  on  ech  side,  a  good 
distance  off,  and  a  great  guard  without  them.  The  court  yard 
is  very  great.  If  any  man  will  speake  with  the  king,  he  is  to 
kneele  downe,  to  heave  up  his  hands  to  his  head,  and  to  put 
his  head  to  the  ground  three  times,  when  he  entreth,  in  the 
middle  way,  and  when  he  commeth  neere  to  the  king  ;  and 
then  he  sitteth  downe  and  talketh  with  the  king.  If  the  king 
like  well  of  him,  he  sitteth  neere  him  within  three  or  foure 
paces  ;  if  he  thinke  not  well  of  him,  he  sitteth  further  off. 
Wlien  he  goetli  to  warre,  he  goeth  very  strong.  At  my  being 
there,  he  went  to  Odia  ^  in  the  countrey  of  Siam,  with  three 
hundred  thousand  men  and  five  thousand  elephants.  Thirty 
thousand  men  were  his  guard.  These  people  do  eate  roots, 
herbs,  leaves,  dogs,  cats,  rats,  serpents,  and  snakes  ;  they 
refuse  almost  nothing.  \Vlien  the  king  rideth  abroad,  he  rideth 
with  a  great  guard  and  many  noblemen  ;  oftentimes  upon  an 
elephant  with  a  fine  castle  upon  him  very  fairely  gilded  with 
gold  ;  and  sometimes  upon  a  great  frame  like  an  horsliter, 
which  hath  a  little  house  upon  it  covered  over  head,  but  open 
on  the  sides,  which  is  all  gilded  with  golde,  and  set  with  many 
rubies  and  saphires,  whereof  he  hath  infinite  store  in  his 
country,  and  is  caricd  upon  sixteene  or  eightcene  mens 
shoulders.  This  coach  in  their  language  is  called  Serrion.^ 
Very  great  feasting  and  triumphing  is  many  times  before  the 
king,  both  of  men  and  women.  This  king  hath  little  force 
by  sea,  because  hee  hath  but  very  few  ships.  He  hath  houses 
full  of  golde  and  silver,  and  bringeth  in  often,  but  spendeth 
very  little,  and  hath  the  mines  of  rubies  and  saphires,  and 
spinelles.  Neere  unto  the  palace  of  the  king,  there  is  a  treasure 
woonderfull  rich  ;  the  which  because  it  is  so  neere,  he  doth  not 
account  of  it  ;  and  it  standeth  open  for  all  men  to  see,  in  a 
great  walled  court  with  two  gates,  which  be  alwayes  open. 
There  are  foure  houses  gilded  very  richly,  and  covered  with 
leade  ;  in  every  one  of  them  are  Pagodes  or  images  of  huge 
stature  and  great  value.    In  the  first  is  the  picture  [i.  e.  image] 

*  Ayuthia,  the  old  capital  of  Siam,  situated  on  an  island  in  the  Menani, 
about  sixty  miles  from  the  sea. 
^  Talaing  saren,  pronounced  sarian. 

D 


34  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

of  a  king  in  golde  with  a  crowne  of  goldo  on  liis  liead  full  of 

great  rubies  and  sapliires,  and  about  him  there  stand  foure 

children  of  golde.    In  the  second  house  is  the  picture  of  a  man 

in  silver,  woonderfull  great,  as  high  as  an  house  ;   his  foot  is 

as  long  as  a  man,  and  he  is  made  sitting,  with  a  croMiie  on  his 

head  very  rich  with  stones.    In  the  third  house  is  the  picture 

of  a  man  greater  then  the  other,  made  of  brasse,  with  a  rich 

crowne  on  his  head.    In  the  fourth  and  last  house  doth  stand 

another,  made  of  brasse,  greater  then  the  other,  with  a  crowne 

also  on  his  head  very  rich  with  stones.    In  another  court  not 

farre  from  this  stand  foure  other  Pagodes  or  idoles,  marvellous 

great,  of  copper,  made  in  the  same  place  where  they  do  stand  ; 

for  they  be  so  great  that  they  be  not  to  be  remoovcd.    They 

stand  in  foure  houses  gilded  very  faire,  and  are  themselves 

gilded  all  over  save  their  heads,  and  they  shew  like  a  blacke 

morian  [i.e.  helmet].    Their  expences  in  gilding  of  their  images 

are  wonderfuU.     The  king  hath  one  wife  and  above  three 

hundred  concubines,  by  which  they  say  he  hath  fourescore  or 

fourescore  and  ten  children.    He  sitteth  in  judgement  almost 

every  day.    They  use  no  speech,  but  give  up  their  supplications 

written  in  the  leaves  of  a  tree  with  the  point  of  an  yron  bigger 

then  a  bodkin.     These  leaves  are  an  elle  long,  and  about 

two  inches  broad  ;   they  are  also  double.    He  which  giveth  in 

his  supplication  doth  stand  in  a  place  a  little  distance  off  with 

a  present.    If  his  matter  be  liked  of,  the  king  acceptcth  of  his 

present,  and  granteth  his  request  ;   if  his  sute  be  not  liked  of, 

he  returneth  with  his  present,  for  the  king  will  not  take  it. 

In  India  there  are  few  commodities  which  serve  for  Pegu, 
except  opium  of  Cambaia,  painted  cloth  of  S.  Thome  or  of 
Masulipatan,  and  white  cloth  of  Bengala,  which  is  spent 
there  in  great  quantity.  They  bring  thither  also  much  cotton 
yarne  red  coloured  with  a  root  which  they  called  Saia  [ehay- 
root  or  Indian  madder],  which  will  never  lose  his  colour  ;  it  is 
very  wel  solde  here,  and  very  much  of  it  commeth  yerely  to 
Pegu.  By  your  mony  you  lose  much.  The  ships  which  come 
from  Bengala,  S.  Thome,  and  Masulipatan  come  to  the  bar 
of  Nigrais  and  to  Cosmin.  To  Martavan  [Martaban],  a  port 
of  the  sea  in  the  kingdome  of  Pegu,  come  many  ships  from 
Malacca  laden  with  sandall,  porcelanes,  and  other  wares  of 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  35 

China,  and  with  camphora  of  Borneo,  and  pepper  from  Achen 
in  Sumatra.  To  Cirion,  a  port  of  Pegu,  eoine  sliips  from 
Mecca  with  woollen  cloth,  scarlets,  velvets,  opium,  and  sucli 
like.  There  are  in  Pegu  eight  brokers,  whom  they  call  Tareghe,^ 
which  are  bound  to  sell  your  goods  at  the  price  which  they  be 
woorth,  and  you  give  them  for  their  labour  two  in  the  hundred  ; 
and  they  be  bound  to  make  your  debt  good,  because  you  sell 
your  marchandises  upon  their  word.  If  the  broker  pay  you 
not  at  his  day,  you  may  take  him  home,  and  keepe  him  in 
your  house  ;  which  is  a  great  shame  for  him.  And  if  he  pay 
you  not  presently,  you  may  take  his  wife  and  children  and  his 
slaves,  and  binde  them  at  your  doore,  and  set  them  in  the 
sunne  ;  for  that  is  the  law  of  the  countrey.  Their  current 
money  in  these  parts  is  a  kinde  of  brasse  which  they  call 
Gansa,-  wherewith  you  may  buy  golde,  silver,  rubies,  muske, 
and  all  other  things.  The  golde  and  silver  is  marchandise, 
and  is  worth  sometimes  more  and  sometimes  lesse,  as  other 
wares  be.  This  brasen  money  doeth  goe  by  a  weight  which 
they  call  a  biza  ^  ;  and  commonly  this  biza  after  our  account 
is  worth  about  halfe  a  crowne  or  somewhat  lesse.  The  mar- 
chandise which  be  in  Pegu  are  golde,  silver,  rubies,  saphires, 
spinelles,  muske,  benjamin  [benzoin]  or  frankincense,  long 
pepper,  tinne,  leade,  copper,  lacca  (whereof  they  make  hard 
waxe),  rice,  and  wine  made  of  rice,  and  some  sugar.  The 
elephants  doe  eate  the  sugar  canes,  or  els  they  would  make 
very  much.  And  they  consume  many  canes  likewise  in  making 
of  their  Varellaes  *  or  idole  temples,  which  are  in  great  number, 
both  great  and  small.  They  be  made  round  like  a  sugar  loafe  ; 
some  are  as  high  as  a  church,  very  broad  beneath,  some  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  in  compasse  ;  within  they  be  all  earth  done 
about  with  stone.  They  consume  in  these  Varellaes  great 
quantity  of  golde,  for  that  they  be  all  gilded  aloft,  and  many 
of  them  from  the  top  to  the  bottome  ;  and  every  ten  or  twelve 
yeeres  they  must  be  new  gilded,  because  the  raine  consumeth 

^  This  is  a  South  Indian  term  for  a  broker. 

^  A  Malay  word  meaning  bell- metal ;   but  lead  and  other  base  metala 
were  frequently  used. 

^  Generally  termed  a  '  viss  ',  a  weight  of  about  3J-  lb. 

*  This  name  for  a  pagoda  is  thought  to  be  from  a  Malay  word  meaning 
an  idol. 

d2 


86  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

off  the  goldc,  for  they  stand  open  abroad.  If  tlicy  did  not 
consume  their  golde  in  tlicse  vanities,  it  woidd  be  very  jilentifull 
and  good  eheape  in  Pegu. 

About  two  dayes  journey  from  Pegu  there  is  a  Varelle  or 
pagode,  which  is  the  pilgrimage  of  tlie  Pegues  ;  it  is  called 
Dogonnc/  and  is  of  a  woondcrfull  bigncsse,  and  all  gilded  from 
the  foot  to  the  toppe.  And  there  is  an  house  by  it  wherein 
the  Tallipoies  ^  (which  are  their  priests)  doe  preach.  This 
house  is  five  and  fifty  paces  in  length,  and  hath  three  pawnes  ^ 
or  walks  in  it,  and  forty  great  pillars  gilded,  which  stand 
betweene  the  walks  ;  and  it  is  open  on  all  sides,  with  a  number 
of  small  pillars,  which  be  likewise  gilded  ;  it  is  gilded  with 
golde  within  and  without.  There  are  houses  very  faire  roimd 
about  for  the  pilgrims  to  lie  in  ;  and  many  goodly  houses  for 
the  Tallipoies  to  preach  in,  which  are  full  of  images  both  of 
men  and  women,  which  are  all  gilded  over  with  golde.  It  is 
the  fairest  place,  as  I  suppose,  that  is  in  the  world.  It  standeth 
verj^  high,  and  there  are  foure  wayes  to  it,  which  all  along  are 
set  with  trees  of  fruits,  in  such  wise  that  a  man  may  goe  in 
the  shade  above  two  miles  in  length.  And  when  their  feast 
day  is,  a  man  can  hardly  passe  by  water  or  by  land  for  the 
great  presse  of  people  ;  for  they  come  from  all  places  of  the 
kingdome  of  Pegu  thither  at  their  feast.  In  Pegu  they  have 
many  Tallipoies  or  priests,  which  preach  against  all  abuses. 
Many  men  resort  unto  them.  When  they  enter  into  their 
kiack,*  that  is  to  say,  their  holy  place  or  temple,  at  the  doore 
there  is  a  great  jarre  of  water  with  a  cocke  or  a  ladle  in  it,  and 
there  they  wash  their  feet  ;  and  then  they  enter  in,  and  lift 
up  their  hands  to  their  heads  first  to  their  preacher,  and  then 
to  the  sunne,  and  so  sit  downe.  The  Tallipoies  go  very  strangely 
apparelled,  with  one  camboline  [see  p.  27]  or  thinne  cloth 
next  to  their  body  of  a  browne  colour,  another  of  yellow 
doubled  many  times  upon  their  shoulder,  and  those  two  be 
girded  to  them  with  a  broad  girdle  ;  and  they  have  a  skinne 
of  leather  hanging  on  a  string  about  their  necks,  whereupon 

'  The  well-known  Shwe  or  Golden  Dagon,  near  Rangoon. 

^  Talaing  tola  poe,  '  my  lord  ',  a  form  of  address  to  Buddhist  monks. 

^  Covered  walks  or  colonnades. 

*  Talaing  kt/ak,  a  temple  or  an  object  of  worship. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  37 

they  sit,  bare  lieaded  and  bare  footed,  for  none  of  them 
weareth  shooes  ;  with  their  right  amies  bare  and  a  great 
broad  sombrero  or  shadow  in  their  hands  to  defend  them  in 
the  summer  from  the  sunne,  and  in  the  winter  from  the  raine. 
When  the  Tallipoies  or  priests  take  their  orders,  first  tliey  go 
to  schoole  untill  they  be  twenty  yeres  olde  or  more,  and  then 
they  come  before  a  Talhpoie  appointed  for  that  pm-pose, 
whom  they  call  Rowli.^  He  is  of  the  chiefest  and  most 
learned,  and  he  opposeth  [i.  e.  questions]  them,  and  afterward 
examineth  them  many  times,  whether  they  will  leave  their 
friends  and  the  company  of  all  women,  and  take  upon  them 
the  habit  of  a  Tallipoie.  If  any  be  content,  then  he  rideth 
upon  an  horse  about  the  streets  very  richly  apparelled,  with 
drummes  and  pipes,  to  shew  that  he  leaveth  the  riches  of  the 
world  to  be  a  Tallipoie.  In  few  dayes  after,  he  is  caried  upon 
a  thing  like  an  horsliter,  which  they  call  a  serion,  upon  ten  or 
twelve  mens  shoulders  in  the  apparell  of  a  Tallip:>ie,  with  pipes 
and  drummes  and  many  Tallipoies  with  him,  and  al  his  friends, 
and  so  they  go  with  him  to  his  house,  which  standeth  without 
the  towne,  and  there  they  leave  him.  Every  one  of  them  hath 
his  house,  which  is  very  little,  set  upon  six  or  eight  posts,  and 
they  go  up  to  them  with  a  ladder  of  twelve  or  foureteene  staves. 
Their  houses  be  for  the  most  part  by  the  hie  wayes  side,  and 
among  the  trees,  and  in  the  woods.  And  they  go  with  a  great 
pot  made  of  wood  or  fine  earth  and  covered,  tied  with  a  broad 
girdle  upon  their  shoulder,  which  commeth  under  their  arme, 
wherewith  they  go  to  begge  their  victuals  which  they  eate, 
which  is  rice,  fish,  and  herbs.  They  demand  nothing,  but 
come  to  the  doore,  and  the  people  presently  doe  give  them, 
some  one  thing,  and  some  another,  and  they  put  all  together 
in  their  potte  ;  for  they  say  they  must  eate  of  their  almes,  and 
therewith  content  themselves.  They  keepe  their  feasts  by 
the  moone  :  and  when  it  is  new  moone  they  keepe  their 
greatest  feast  ;  and  then  the  people  send  rice  and  other  things 
to  that  kiack  or  church  of  which  they  be,  and  there  all  the 
Tallipoies  doe  meetc  which  be  of  that  church,  and  eate  the 
victuals  which  are  sent  them.    When  the  Tallipoies  do  preach, 

1  This  obscure  term  is  discussed  iu  the  Indian  Antiquary,  vol.  xxix, 
p,  28,  and  vol.  xxxv,  p.  268. 


38  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

many  of  the  people  cary  them  gifts  into  the  pnlpit  where  tlicy 
sit  and  ])rcaeh.  And  there  is  one  whieh  sitteth  by  tlienr  to 
take  that  which  the  people  bring.  It  is  divided  among  then). 
They  have  none  other  ceremonies  nor  service  that  I  could  sec, 
but  onely  preaching. 

I  went  from  Pegu  to  Jamahey/  which  is  in  the  countrey  of 
the  Langejannes,  whom  we  call  Jangomes  -  ;  it  is  live  and 
twenty  dayes  journey  northeast  from  Pegu  ;  in  which  journey 
I  passed  many  fruitfuU  and  pleasant  comitrcys.  The  countrey 
is  very  lowe,  and  hath  many  faire  rivers.  The  houses  are  very 
bad,  made  of  canes  and  covered  with  straw.  Heere  are  many 
wilde  buffes  [buffaloes]  and  elephants.  Jamahey  is  a  very 
faire  and  great  towne,  with  faire  houses  of  stone,  well  peopled  ; 
the  streets  are  very  large,  the  men  very  well  set  and  strong, 
with  a  cloth  about  them,  bare  headed  and  bare  footed,  for 
in  all  these  countreys  they  weare  no  shooes.  The  women  be 
much  fairer  then  those  of  Pegu.  Heere  in  all  these  countreys 
they  have  no  wheat.  They  make  some  cakes  of  rice.  Hether 
to  Jamahey  come  many  marchants  out  of  China,  and  bring 
great  store  of  muske,  golde,  silver,  and  many  other  things  of 
China  worke.  Here  is  great  store  of  victuals  ;  they  have  such 
plenty  that  they  will  not  milke  the  buffles,  as  they  doe  in  all 
other  places.  Here  is  great  store  of  copper  and  benjamin. 
In  these  countreys,  when  the  people  be  sicke  they  make  a  vow 
to  offer  meat  unto  the  divell,  if  they  escape  ;  and  when  they 
be  recovered  they  make  a  banket  with  many  pipes  and 
drummes  and  other  instruments,  and  dansing  all  the  night, 
and  their  friends  come  and  bring  gifts,  cocos,  figges,  arrecaes, 
and  other  fruits,  and  with  great  dauncing  and  rejoycing  they 
offer  to  the  divell,  and  say  they  give  the  divel  to  eat  and  drive 
him  out.  When  they  be  dancing  and  playing,  they  will  cry 
and  hallow  very  loud  ;  and  in  this  sort  they  say  they  drive 
him  away.  And  when  they  be  sicke,  a  Tallipoy  or  two  every 
night  doth  sit  by  them  and  sing,  to  please  the  divell  that  he 
should  not  hurt  them.     And  if  any  die,  he  is  caried  upon  a 

1  Kiang-mai  or  Zimme,  in  the  north-western  part  of  Siam. 

^  Lan-chan  is  properly  Luan  Praban,  on  the  Mekong  ;  but  it  is  used 
here  loosely  for  all  the  Laos  states.  '  Jangoina  '  was  the  Portuguese 
form  of  Kiang-mai. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  39 

great  frame  made  like  a  tower,  with  a  covering  all  gilded  with 
golde  made  of  canes,  caried  with  foureteene  or  sixteene  men,  with 
drummes  and  pipes  and  other  instruments  playing  before  him, 
to  a  place  out  of  the  towne  and  there  is  burned.  He  is  accom- 
panied with  all  his  friends  and  neighbours,  all  men  ;  and  they 
give  to  the  Tallipoies  or  priests  many  mats  and  cloth  ;  and 
then  they  returne  to  the  house  and  there  make  a  feast  for  two 
dayes  ;  and  then  the  wife  with  all  the  neighbours  wives  and 
her  friends  go  to  the  place  where  he  was  burned,  and  there 
they  sit  a  ccrtaine  time  and  cry,  and  gather  the  pieces  of  bones 
which  be  left  unburned  and  bury  them,  and  then  returne  to 
their  houses  and  make  an  end  of  all  mourning.  And  the  men 
and  women  which  be  neere  of  kin  do  shave  their  heads  ; 
which  they  do  not  use  except  it  be  for  the  death  of  a  friend, 
for  they  much  esteeme  of  their  haire. 

Caplan  ^  is  the  place  where  they  finde  the  rubies,  saphircs, 
and  spinelles  ;  it  standcth  sixe  dayes  journey  from  Ava  in 
the  kingdome  of  Pegu.  There  are  many  great  high  hilles  out 
of  which  they  diggc  them.  None  may  go  to  the  pits  but  onely 
those  which  digge  them. 

In  Pegu,  and  in  all  the  countreys  of  Ava,  Langejannes, 
Siam,  and  the  Bramas,^  the  men  weare  bunches  or  little 
round  balles  in  their  privy  members  :  some  of  them  weare 
two  and  some  three.  They  cut  the  skin  and  so  put  them  in, 
one  into  one  side  and  another  into  the  other  side  ;  which  they 
do  when  they  be  25  or  30  yceres  olde,  and  at  their  pleasure 
they  take  one  or  more  of  them  out  as  they  thinke  good.  When 
they  be  maried  the  husband  is,  for  every  child  which  his  wife 
hath,  to  iJut  in  one  untill  he  come  to  three  and  then  no  more  ; 
for  they  say  the  women  doe  desire  them.  They  were  invented 
because  they  should  not  abuse  the  male  sexe.  For  in  times 
past  all  those  countries  were  so  given  to  that  villany,  that 
they  M'cre  very  scarse  of  people.  It  was  also  ordained  that 
the  women  should  not  have  past  three  cubits  of  cloth  in  their 
netlicr  clothes,  which  they  binde  about  them  ;    which  are  so 

'  Kyatpyin,  in  the  Ruby  Mines  district,  about  seventy-tive  miles  NNE. 
of  Ava,  and  six  miles  south-east  of  Mogok. 

^  Brama  is  the  Portuguese  form  of  Burma.  Fitch  uses  it  both  for  the 
country  and  the  people, 


40  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

strait,  that  when  they  go  in  the  streets,  tliey  slicw  one  side  of 
the  k'g  bare  above  tlie  knee.  Tlic  bunclics  aforesayd  be  of  divers 
sorts  ;  the  least  be  as  big  as  a  litle  wahuit,  and  very  ronnd  ; 
the  greatest  are  as  big  as  a  litle  hennes  egge.  Some  are  of 
brasse  and  some  of  silver  ;  but  those  of  silver  be  for  the  king 
and  his  noble  men.  These  are  gilded  and  made  with  great 
cunning,  and  ring  like  a  litle  bell.  There  are  some  made  of 
leade,  which  they  call  Selwy  ^  because  they  ring  but  litle  ; 
and  these  be  of  lesser  price  for  the  poorer  sort.  The  king 
sometimes  taketh  his  out,  and  giveth  them  to  his  noblemen 
as  a  great  gift  ;  and  because  he  hath  used  them,  they  esteeme 
them  greatly.  They  will  put  one  in,  and  heale  up  the  place  in 
seven  or  eight  dayes.^ 

The  Bramas  which  be  of  the  kings  countrey  (for  the  king 
is  a  Brama)  have  their  legs  or  bellies,  or  some  part  of  their 
body,  as  they  thinke  good  themselves,  made  black  with 
certaine  things  which  they  have  ;  they  use  to  pricke  the 
skinne,  and  to  put  on  it  a  kinde  of  anile  ^  or  blacking,  which 
doth  continue  aiwayes.  And  this  is  counted  an  honour  among 
them  ;  but  none  may  have  it  but  the  Bramas  which  are  of  the 
kings  kinred. 

These  people  weare  no  beards  ;  they  pull  out  the  haire  on 
their  faces  with  little  pinsons  [pincers]  made  for  that  purpose. 
Some  of  them  will  let  16  or  20  haires  grow  together,  some  in 
one  place  of  his  face  and  some  in  another,  and  puUeth  out  all 
the  rest  ;  for  he  carieth  his  pinsons  aiwayes  with  him  to  pull 
the  haires  out  assoone  as  they  appeare.  If  they  see  a  man 
with  a  beard  they  wonder  at  him.  They  have  their  teeth 
blacked,  both  men  and  women  ;  for  they  say  a  dogge  hath 
his  teeth  white,  therefore  they  will  blaeke  theirs. 

The  Pegues,  if  they  have  a  sute  in  the  law  which  is  so  doubt- 
full  that  they  cannot  well  determine  it,  put  two  long  canes 
into  the  water  where  it  is  very  deepe  ;  and  both  the  parties 
go  into  the  water  by  the  poles,  and  there  sit  men  to  judge, 

1  Talaing  sduy,  bell-metal  or  some  other  alloy. 

^  Hakluyt  in  his  edition  (1601)  of  The  Discoveries  of  the  World,  by 
Antonio  Galvano,  notes  that  Fitch  '  brought  divers  of  these  bcls  into 
England '.     On  the  practice  see  Yule  (op.  cit,  \h  208  n.). 

^  Indigo  (Port,  anil  from  Arabic  al-nll,  pronounced  cm-nil). 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  41 

and  they  both  do  dive  under  the  water,  and  he  which  reniaiiicth 
longest  under  the  water  doth  winne  the  sute. 

The  10  of  January  I  went  from  Pegu  to  Malacca,  passing 
by  many  of  the  ports  of  Pegu,  as  Martavan,  the  iland  of  Tavi 
[Tavoy],  from  whence  comineth  great  store  of  tinne  which 
serveth  all  India,  the  ilands  of  Tanaseri  [Tenasserim],  Jun- 
salaon  [Junkseylon],  and  many  others  ;  and  so  came  to 
Malacca  the  8  of  February,  where  the  Portugals  have  a  castle 
which  standeth  nere  the  sea.  And  the  coimtrey  fast  without 
the  towne  belongeth  to  the  Malayos,  which  is  a  kinde  of 
proud  people.  They  go  naked  with  a  cloth  about  their  middle, 
and  a  litle  roll  of  cloth  about  their  heads.  Hither  come  many 
ships  from  China  and  from  the  Malucos,  Banda,  Timor,  and 
from  many  other  ilands  of  the  Javas,  which  bring  great  store 
of  spices  and  drugs,  and  diamants  and  other  jewels.  The 
voyages  into  many  of  these  ilands  belong  unto  the  Captaine  of 
Malacca  ;  so  that  none  may  goe  thither  witliout  his  licence  ; 
which  yeeld  him  great  summes  of  money  every  yeere.  The 
Portugals  heere  have  often  times  warres  with  the  king  of 
Achem,  which  standeth  in  the  iland  of  Sumatra  ;  from 
whence  commeth  great  store  of  pepper  and  other  spices  every 
yeere  to  Pegu  and  Mecca  within  the  Red  Sea,  and  other 
places. 

When  the  Portugals  go  from  Macao  in  China  to  Japan,  they 
carry  much  white  silke,  golde,  muske,  and  porcelanes,  and 
they  bring  from  thence  nothing  but  silver.  They  have  a  great 
caracke  which  goeth  thither  every  yere,  and  she  bringeth  from 
thence  every  yere  above  sixe  hundred  thousand  crusadoes  ^  ; 
and  all  this  silver  of  Japan,  and  two  hundred  thousand  crusa- 
does more  in  silver  which  they  bring  yeerely  out  of  India,  they 
imploy  to  their  great  advantage  in  China  ;  and  they  bring 
from  thence  golde,  nuiske,  silke,  copper,  porcelanes,  and  many 
other  things  very  costly  and  gilded.  Wlien  the  Portugals 
come  to  Canton  in  China  to  traffike,  they  inust  remaine  there 
but  certaine  dayes  ;  and  when  they  come  in  at  the  gate  of  the 
city,  they  nuist  enter  their  names  in  a  booke,  and  when  they 
goe  out  at  night  they  nuist  put  out  their  names.  They  may 
not  lie  in  the  towne  all  night,  but  nuist  lie  in  their  boats  with- 
'  A  Portuguese  gold  coin,  so  called  from  having  a  cross  upon  it. 


42  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDL\ 

out  the  townc.  And  their  daycs  being  expired,  if  any  man 
remainc  there,  they  are  evill  used  and  imprisoned.  The 
Chinians  are  verj^  suspitious  and  doe  not  trust  strangers.  It 
is  thought  tluit  the  king  doth  not  know  that  any  strangers 
come  into  his  eountrey.  And  further  it  is  credibly  reported 
that  the  common  people  see  their  king  very  seldome  or  not 
at  all,  nor  may  not  looke  up  to  that  place  where  he  sitteth. 
And  when  he  rideth  abroad  he  is  caried  upon  a  great  chaire 
or  serrion  gilded  very  faire,  wherein  there  is  made  a  little 
house  with  a  latise  to  looke  out  at  ;  so  that  he  may  see  them, 
but  they  may  not  looke  up  at  him  ;  and  all  the  time  that  he 
passeth  by  them,  they  heave  up  their  hands  to  their  heads, 
and  lay  their  heads  on  the  ground,  and  looke  not  up  untill  he 
be  passed.  The  order  of  China  is,  wlien  they  mourne,  that 
they  weare  white  thread  shoes  and  hats  of  straw.  The  man 
doth  mourne  for  his  wife  two  yceres  ;  the  wife  for  her  husband 
three  yeeres  ;  the  sonne  for  his  father  a  yeere,  and  for  his 
mother  two  ycrcs.  And  all  the  time  which  they  mourne  they 
keepe  the  dead  in  the  house,  the  bowels  being  taken  out  and 
filled  with  chownam  [chunam]  or  lime,  and  coffined  ;  and 
when  the  time  is  expired  they  carry  them  out  playing  and 
piping,  and  burne  them.  And  when  they  returne  they  pull 
off  their  mourning  weeds,  and  marry  at  their  pleasure.  A  man 
may  keepe  as  many  concubines  as  he  will,  but  one  wife  onely. 
All  the  Chineans,  Japonians,  and  Cauchin  Chineans  do  write 
right  downwards,  and  they  do  write  with  a  fine  pensill  made 
of  dogs  or  cats  haire. 

Laban  [Labuan  ?]  is  an  iland  among  the  Javas  from  whence 
come  the  diamants  of  the  new  water.  And  they  findc  them  in 
the  rivers  ;  for  the  king  will  not  suffer  them  to  digge  the 
rocke. 

Jamba  ^  is  an  iland  among  the  Javas  also,  from  whence 
come  diamants.  And  the  king  hath  a  masse  of  earth  which 
is  golde  ;  it  groweth  in  the  middle  of  a  river,  and  when  the 
king  doth  lackc  gold,  they  cut  part  of  the  earth  and  melt  it, 
whereof  commeth  golde.  This  masse  of  earth  doth  appeare 
but  once  in  a  yere  ;  which  is  when  the  water  is  low,  and  this 
is  in  the  moneth  of  April. 

*  Jambi,  in  Sumatra,  may  be  meant ;  but  it  is  not  an  island. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  43 

Binia  ^  is  another  iland  among  the  Javas,  where  the  women 
travell  and  labour  as  our  men  do  in  England,  and  the  men 
keepe  house  and  go  where  they  will. 

The  29  of  March  1588,  I  returned  from  Malacca  to  Martavan, 
and  so  to  Pegu,  where  I  remained  the  second  time  untill  the 
17  of  September,  and  then  I  went  to  Cosmin,  and  there  tooke 
shipping  ;  and  passing  many  dangers  by  reason  of  contrary 
windes,  it  pleased  God  that  we  arrived  in  Bengala  in  November 
following  ;  where  I  stayed  for  want  of  passage  untill  the  third 
of  February  1589,  and  then  I  shipped  my  selfe  for  Cochin.  In 
which  voyage  we  endured  great  extremity  for  lacke  of  fresh 
water  ;  for  the  weather  was  extreme  hote,  and  we  were  many 
marchants  and  passengers,  and  we  had  very  many  calmcs, 
and  hote  weather.  Yet  it  pleased  God  that  we  arrived  in 
Ceylon  the  sixth  of  March  ;  where  we  stayed  five  daycs  to 
water,  and  to  furnish  our  selves  with  other  necessary  provision. 
This  Ceylon  is  a  brave  iland,  verj-  fruitfull  and  I'ahc  ;  but  by 
reason  of  continuall  warres  with  the  king  thereof,  all  things 
are  very  deare  ;  for  he  will  not  suffer  any  thing  to  be  brought 
to  the  castle  where  the  Portiigals  be  ;  wherefore  often  times 
they  have  great  want  of  victuals.  Their  provision  of  victuals 
commcth  out  of  licngala  every  yere.  The  king  is  called  Raia 
[Raja],  and  is  of  great  force  ;  for  he  commeth  to  Colombo, 
which  is  the  place  where  the  Portugals  have  their  fort,  with 
an  hundred  thousand  men,  and  many  elephants.  But  they 
be  naked  people  all  of  them  ;  yet  many  of  them  be  good  v.ith 
their  pieces,  which  be  muskets.  When  the  king  talketh  M^ith 
any  man,  he  standeth  upon  one  legge,  and  setteth  the  other 
foot  upon  his  knee  with  his  sword  in  his  hand  ;  it  is  not  their 
order  for  the  king  to  sit  but  to  stand.  His  apparell  is  a  fine 
painted  cloth  made  of  cotton  wooll  about  his  middle  ;  his 
haire  is  long  and  bound  up  with  a  little  fine  cloth  about  his 
head  ;  all  the  rest  of  his  body  is  naked.  His  guard  are  a 
thousand  men,  which  stand  round  about  him,  and  he  in  the 
middle  ;  and  when  he  marcheth,  many  of  them  goe  before 
him,  and  the  I'est  come  after  him.  They  are  of  the  race  of  the 
Chingalayes  [Singalese],  which  they  say  are  the  best  kinde  of 
all  the  Malabars.  Their  eares  are  very  large  ;  for  the  greater 
*  Possibly  the  state  of  that  name  in  the  island  of  Sumabawa. 


tl  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

they  are,  the  more  honourable  they  are  accounlcd.  Some  of 
tlicm  are  a  spanne  long.  The  wood  which  they  biirne  is 
cinamoni  wood,  and  it  smcUcth  very  sweet.  There  is  great 
store  of  rubies,  saphires,  and  spinelles  in  tins  iland  ;  the  best 
kinde  of  all  be  here  ;  but  the  king  will  not  suffer  the  inhabitant  s 
to  digge  for  them,  lest  his  enemies  should  laiowe  of  them,  and 
make  warres  against  him,  and  so  drive  him  out  of  his  countrey 
for  them.  They  have  no  horses  in  all  the  countrey.  The 
elephants  be  not  so  great  as  those  of  Pegu,whieh  be  monstrous 
huge  ;  but  they  say  all  other  elephants  do  feare  them,  and 
none  dare  fight  with  them,  though  they  be  very  small.  Their 
women  have  a  cloth  bound  about  them  from  their  middle  to 
their  knee,  and  all  the  rest  is  bare.  All  of  them  be  blacke  and 
but  little,  both  men  and  women.  Their  house|S  are  very  little, 
made  of  the  branches  of  the  palmer  or  coco-tree,  and  covered 
with  the  leaves  of  the  same  tree. 

The  eleventh  of  March  we  sailed  from  Ceylon,  and  so 
doubled  the  cape  of  Comori.  Not  far  from  thence,  betweene 
Ceylon  and  the  maine  land  of  Negapatan,  they  fish  for  pearles. 
And  there  is  fished  every  yere  very  much  ;  which  doth  serve 
all  India,  Cambaia,  and  Bengala.  It  is  not  so  orient  as  the 
pearle  of  Baharim  in  the  gulfe  of  Persia.  From  Cape  de  Comori 
we  passed  by  Coulam  [Quilon],  which  is  a  fort  of  the  Portugals  ; 
from  whence  eommeth  great  store  of  pepper,  which  commeth 
for  Portugall,  for  oftentimes  there  ladeth  one  of  the  caracks 
of  Portugall.  Thus  passing  the  coast,  we  arrived  in  Cochin 
the  22  of  March,  where  we  found  the  weather  warme,  but 
scarsity  of  victuals  ;  for  here  groweth  neither  corne  nor  rice, 
and  the  greatest  part  commeth  from  Bengala.  They  have  here 
very  bad  water,  for  the  river  is  farre  off.  This  bad  water 
causeth  many  of  the  people  to  be  like  lepers,  and  many  of 
them  have  their  legs  swollen  as  bigge  as  a  man  in  the  waste, 
and  many  of  them  are  scant  able  to  go.^  These  people  here 
be  Malabars,  and  of  the  race  of  the  Naires  of  Calicut  ;  and 
they  differ  much  from  the  other  Malabars.  These  have  their 
heads  very  full  of  haire,  and  boimd  up  with  a  string  ;  and  there 
doth  appcare  a  bush  without  the  band  wherewith  it  is  bound. 
The  men  be  tall  and  strong,  and  good  archers  with  a  long  bow 
and  a  long  arrow,  which  is  their  best  weapon  ;  yet  there  be 
'  The  reference  is  to  '  Cochin-leg  '  or  elephantiasis. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  45 

some  calivcrs  [light  muskets]  among  them,  but  they  liandle 
them  badly. 

Heere  groweth  the  pepper  ;  and  it  springeth  up  by  a  tree 
or  a  pole,  and  is  like  our  ivy  berry,  but  something  longer,  like 
the  wheat  eare  ;  and  at  the  first  the  bunches  ai'e  greene,  and 
as  they  waxe  ripe  they  cut  them  off  and  dry  them.  The  leafe 
is  much  lesser  then  the  ivy  leafe  and  thinner.  All  the  inhabi- 
tants here  have  very  little  houses  covered  with  the  leaves  of 
the  coco-trees.  The  men  be  of  a  reasonable  stature  ;  the 
women  litle  ;  all  blacke,  with  a  cloth  bound  about  their  middle 
hanging  downe  to  their  hammes  ;  all  the  rest  of  their  bodies 
be  naked.  They  have  horrible  great  eares,  with  many  rings 
set  with  pearles  and  stones  in  them.  The  king  goeth  incaehed,^ 
as  they  do  all.  He  doth  not  remaine  in  a  place  above  five  or 
sixe  dayes.  He  hath  many  houses,  but  they  be  but  litle  ;  his 
guard  is  but  small  ;  he  remooveth  from  one  house  to  another 
according  to  their  order.  All  the  pepper  of  Calicut  and  course 
cinamom  groweth  here  in  this  countrey.  The  best  cinamom 
doth  come  from  Ceylon,  and  is  pilled  from  fine  yoong  trees. 
Here  are  very  manj^  palmer  or  coco  trees,  which  is  their  ehiefe 
food  ;  for  it  is  their  meat  and  drinke,  and  yeeldeth  many  other 
necessary  things,  as  I  have  declared  before. 

The  Naires  which  be  under  the  king  of  Samorin,i  which  be 
Malabars,  have  alwayes  wars  with  the  Portugals.  The  king 
hath  alwayes  peace  with  them  ;  but  his  people  goe  to  the  sea 
to  robbe  and  steale.  Their  ehiefe  captaine  is  called  Cogi  Alii  ; 
he  hath  three  castles  under  him.  When  the  Portugals  com- 
plaine  to  the  king,  he  sayth  he  doth  not  send  them  out  ;  but 
he  eonsenteth  that  they  go.  They  range  all  the  coast  from 
Ceylon  to  Goa,  and  go  by  foure  or  five  parowes  or  boats 
together  ;  and  have  in  every  one  of  them  fifty  or  threescore 
men,  and  boord  presently.  They  do  much  liarme  on  that 
coast,  and  take  every  yere  many  foists  and  boats  of  the 
Portugals.  Many  of  these  people  be  Moores.  This  kings 
countrey  beginneth  twelve  leagues  from  Cochin,  and  reacheth 
neere  unto  Goa.  I  remained  in  Cochin  untill  the  second  of 
November,  which  was  eight  moneths  ;  for  that  there  was  no 
passage  that  went  away  in  all  that  time.    If  I  had  come  two 

»  Encaged,  i.  e.  hidden  from  view  in  a  litter. 

^  '  Zaniorin  '  was  the  title  of  the  King  of  Calicut. 


to  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

dayes  sooner,  I  liart  Ibund  a  passage  presently.  From  Coeliin 
I  went  to  Goa,  where  I  remained  tlu'ee  dayes.  From  Coeliin 
to  Goa  is  an  hundred  leagues.  From  Goa  I  went  to  Cluiul, 
wliieh  is  threescore  leagues,  where  I  remained  three  an<l 
twenty  dayes  ;  and  there  ntaking  my  provision  of  things 
necessary  for  the  shippe,  from  thence  I  departed  to  Ormus ; 
where  I  stayed  for  a  passage  to  Balsara  fifty  dayes.  From 
Goa  to  Ornuis  is  foure  hundred  leagues. 

Here  I  thought  good,  before  I  make  an  end  of  this  my  booke, 
to  declare  some  things  which  India  and  the  countrey  farther 
eastward  do  bring  forth.^ 

The  pepper  groweth  in  many  parts  of  India,  especially  about 
Cochin  ;  and  much  of  it  doeth  grow  in  the  fields  among  the 
bushes  without  any  labour,  and  when  it  is  ripe  they  go  and 
gather  it.  The  shrubbe  is  like  unto  our  ivy  tree  ;  and  if  it 
did  not  run  about  some  tree  or  pole,  it  would  fall  downe  and 
rot.  When  they  first  gather  it,  it  is  grcene  ;  and  then  they  lay 
it  in  the  sun,  and  it  becommeth  blaeke.  The  ginger  groweth 
like  unto  our  garlike,  and  the  root  is  the  ginger.  It  is  to  be 
found  in  many  parts  of  India.  The  cloves  doe  come  from  the 
iles  of  the  Moluccoes,  which  be  divers  ilands.  Their  tree  is 
like  to  our  bay  tree.  The  nutmegs  and  maces  grow  together, 
and  come  from  the  ile  of  Banda.  The  tree  is  like  to  our 
walnut  tree,  but  somewhat  lesser.  The  white  sandol  is  wood 
very  sweet  and  in  great  request  among  the  Indians  ;  for  they 
grinde  it  with  a  litle  water,  and  anoynt  their  bodies  therewith. 
It  commeth  from  the  isle  of  Timor.  Camphora  is  a  precious 
thing  among  the  Indians,  and  is  solde  dearer  then  golde. 
I  thinke  none  of  it  commeth  for  Christendome.  That  which 
is  compounded  commeth  from  China  ;  but  that  which  groweth 
in  canes,  and  is  the  best,  commeth  from  the  great  isle  of  Borneo. 
Lignum  aloes  commeth  from  Cauchinchina.  The  benjamin 
commeth  out  of  the  countreys  of  Siam  and  Jangomes.  The 
long  pepper  groweth  in  Bengala,  in  Pegu,  and  in  the  ilands 
of  the  Javas.  The  muske  commeth  out  of  Tartaric,  and  is 
made  after  this  order,  by  report  of  the  marchants  which  bring 
it  to  Pegu  to  sell.  In  Tartaric  there  is  a  little  beast  like  unto 
a  yong  roe,  which  they  take  in  snares,  and  beat  him  to  death 
with  the  blood  ;  after  that  they  cut  out  the  bones,  and  beat 
1  This  section  is  largely  copied  from  Fedcrici. 


RALPH  FITCH,  1583-91  47 

the  flesh  with  the  blood  very  smafl,  and  fill  the  skin  with  it  ; 
and  hereof  commeth  the  muske.  Of  the  amber  [ambergris  ?] 
they  holde  divers  opinions  ;  but  most  men  say  it  commeth 
out  of  the  sea,  and  that  they  finde  it  upon  the  shores  side.  The 
rubies,  saphires,  and  si)inelles  arc  found  in  Pegu.  The  diamants 
are  found  in  divers  places,  as  in  Bisnagar,i  in  Agra,  in  Belli,- 
and  in  the  ilands  of  the  Javas.  The  best  pearles  come  from 
the  iland  of  Baharim  in  the  Persian  sea,  the  woorser  from  the 
Piscaria  ^  neere  the  isle  of  Ceylon,  and  from  Aynam  [Hai-nan] 
a  great  iland  on  the  southermost  coast  of  China.  Spodium  * 
and  many  other  kindes  of  drugs  come  from  Cambaia. 

Now  to  returne  to  my  voyage.  From  Ormus  I  went  to 
Balsara  or  Basora,  and  from  Basora  to  Babylon  ;  and  we 
passed  the  most  part  of  the  way  by  the  strength  of  men,  by 
hailing  the  boat  up  the  river  with  a  long  cord.  From  Babylon 
I  came  by  land  to  Mosul,  which  standeth  nere  to  Ninive, 
which  is  all  ruinated  and  destroyed  ;  it  standeth  fast  by  the 
river  of  Tigris.  From  Mosul  I  went  to  Merdin,  which  is  in  the 
countrey  of  the  Armenians  ;  but  now  there  dwell  in  that  place 
a  people  which  they  call  Cordies,  or  Curdi  [Kurds].  From 
Merdin  [Mardin]  I  went  to  Orfa,  which  is  a  very  faire  towne, 
and  it  hath  a  goodly  fountaine  ful  of  fish  ;  where  the  Moores 
hold  many  great  ceremonies  and  opinions  concerning  Abraham  ; 
for  they  say  he  did  once  dwell  there.  From  thence  I  went  to 
Bir,  and  so  passed  the  river  of  Euphrates.  From  Bir  I  went 
to  Aleppo  ;  where  I  stayed  certaine  moneths  for  company, 
and  then  I  went  to  Tripolis  ;  where  finding  English  shipping, 
I  came  with  a  prosperous  voyage  to  London,  where  by  Gods 
assistance  I  safely  arrived  the  29  of  April  1591,  having  bene 
eight  yeeres  out  of  my  native  countrey. 

^  Vijayanagar,  the  great  Hindu  kingdom  which  once  covered  the 
whole  of  the  Indian  peninsula  south  of  the  Kistna, 

^  Federici  says  that  a  certain  kind  of  diamond  comes  from  '  infra  terra 
del  Dell  '  ;  and  Jourdain  was  told  at  Agra  that  the  best  sorts  '  are 
growne  in  the  countrye  of  Delly  '  (Journal,  p.  104).  There  seems  to  be 
no  foundation  for  the  statement. 

^  The  Portuguese  term  for  the  pearl  fishery  on  the  coast  of  Tinnevelly, 
already  described  under  Ceylon. 

"  Finch  seems  to  mean  tabdshir,  a  substance  found  in  the  stems  of 
bamboos  and  much  used  by  Indians  as  a  medicine.  Federici  (in  Hakluyt'a 
translation)  calls  it  '  the  spodiom  which  congelcth  in  certaine  canes  '. 


1599-1606 
JOHN  MILDENHALL 

Nearly  twenty  years  after  the  visit  of  Ralph  Fitch  and  his 
companions  to  the  court  of  tlie  Great  Mogul,  another  English- 
man presented  himself  there,  craving  privileges  of  trade  on 
behalf  of  himself  and  his  fellow-covmtrymen.  This  was 
John  Mildenhall  or  Midnall,  whose  experiences  are  narrated 
in  the  two  documents  printed  below,  the  first  of  which  is  a 
summary  of  his  journey  from  London  to  Kandahar,  while  the 
second  is  a  letter  (addressed  to  the  Richard  Staper  already 
mentioned  on  p.  1)  giving  an  account  of  his  transactions  in 
India  and  of  his  return  journey  as  far  as  Kazvin  in  Persia. 

Of  Mildenhall's  previous  career  practically  nothing  is  known, 
except  that,  like  Fitch,  he  was  a  trader  in  the  Levant.  From 
his  letter  to  Staper  and  subsequent  references  in  the  Court 
Minutes  of  the  East  India  Company,  it  may  be  inferred  that 
he  was  at  one  time  in  the  service  of  that  merchant — perhaps 
apprenticed  to  him  in  the  first  instance.  That  in  making  the 
present  venture  he  had  no  special  mission,  least  of  all  from 
Queen  Elizabeth  (as  has  been  often  asserted),  is  evident  enough 
from  his  own  narrative.  Although  in  India  he  did  his  best  to 
play  the  part  of  a  messenger  from  his  sovereign,  this  was 
clearly  a  mere  pretext,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  more  easily 
the  concessions  he  was  seeking  ;  while  the  fact  that  he  spent 
six  months  at  Constantinople  engaged  in  trade,  took  three 
years  over  his  journey  from  Aleppo  to  Lahore,  and  was  equally 
leisurely  over  his  return  to  England,  is  a  further  proof  that  he 
made  the  expedition  on  his  own  account.  Moreover,  we  learn 
from  a  document  in  the  British  Museum  (Lansdowne  MSS., 
no.  241,  ff.  75,  78)  that  in  March  1600  Mildenhall  was  contem- 
plating a  venture  to  Cairo,  but  then  changed  his  plans  and 
decided  to  go  to  Aleppo.  This  suggests  that  his  journey  to 
India  was  an  afterthought,  prompted,  perhaps,  by  the  receipt 
at  Constantinople  of  the  news  of  the  attempt  made  in  the 
autumn  of  1599  to  launch  an  East  India  Company  in  London. 
Though  this  scheme  had  failed  for  the  moment,  owing  to  the 
unwillingness  of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  jeopardize  the  success  of 
the  negotiations  then  on  foot  for  peace  with  Spain,  there  was 
every  probability  that  it  would  become  ere  long  an  established 
fact ;  and  if  Mildenhall  could  in  the  interim  secure  a  grant  of 
trading  privileges  in  India,  he  might  expect  a  handsome 
reward  for  his  pains. 


JOHN  MILDENHALL,  1599-1606  49 

Over  the  details  of  his  outward  journey  and  his  experiences 
in  India  itself  we  need  not  linger.  A  point  of  some  interest  is 
the  question  how  long-  he  spent  in  that  country.  Of  his  arrival 
he  tells  us  only  that  it  was  in  the  year  1603  ;  while  of  the  date 
of  his  departure  he  says  nothing,  though  it  may  be  inferred 
that  he  had  left  Indian  territory  some  time  before  the  death 
of  Akbar  in  October  1605,  since  he  makes  no  mention  of  that 
important  event.  A  little  light  is  thrown  upon  the  question 
by  a  letter  from  Father  Jerome  Xavier,  written  from  Agra  on 
September  6,  1604  (n.s.),^  in  which  he  refers  to  an  unnamed 
English  heretic  (doubtless  Mildenhall)  who  had  encouraged  a 
discontented  Portuguese  to  make  accusations  against  the 
Fathers  in  the  preceding  June,  the  Englishman's  object  being 
to  bring  them  into  discredit  and  thus  facilitate  the  grant  of 
permission  to  his  fellow-countrymen  to  frequent  the  Mogul's 
ports.  Xavier  adds  that  the  Englishman  bribed  heavily  but 
was  disappointed,  although  he  had  spent  two  years  in  soliciting 
the  grant.  This  would  not  be  consistent  (even  loosely)  with 
any  later  date  than  the  spring  of  1603  for  Mildenhall's  arrival  ; 
while  the  time  of  his  departure  may  be  guessed  at  the  summer 
of  1605,  thus  making  the  period  of  his  stay  n.  little  over  two 
years.  We  may  note  that  when  Robert  Covert,  one  of  the 
survivors  of  the  Ascension  (see  p.  86),  left  Agra  in  January 
1610,  Father  Xavier  gave  him  '  his  letters  of  commendations 
to  one  John  Midnall,  an  English  merchant  or  factor  who  had 
lien  in  Agra  three  yeeres  '  ^ — roughly  speaking  of  course. 

It  may  appear  surprising  that  he  should  have  remained  so 
long,  considering  that,  according  to  his  own  account,  the 
Emperor  granted  at  once  all  his  demands  except  that  for 
permission  to  attack  Portuguese  ships  and  strongholds.  The 
probability  is  that  this  was  not  exactly  what  Mildenhall 
required.  So  long  as  England  was  at  war  with  Spain  and 
Portugal,  a  mere  permission  for  English  merchant  ships  to 
visit  the  ports  of  the  Great  Mogul  may  well  have  appeared 
useless,  unless  the  Emperor  could  be  induced  to  go  further 
and  to  veto  any  interference  with  them  on  the  part  of  the 
Portuguese.  If  this  was  what  Mildenhall  really  solicited,  it  is 
easy  to  understand  why  he  attached  so  much  importance  to 
the  point  and  why  he  remained  so  long  in  order  to  carry  it. 
Whatever  the  exact  nature  of  his  demand  was,  it  arrayed 
against  him  not  only  the  Jesuit  missionaries  at  court,  whose 

1  See  an  excellent  article  by  Sir  Edward  Maclagan  on  '  Jesuit  Missions 
to  the  Eni]oeror  Akbar ' ,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  vol. 
Ixv,  part  i ;  also  Father  Hosten's  article  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  same 
Society,  vol.  v,  no.  4,  p.  174. 

^  Covert  adds  that  he  was  unable  to  deliver  the  letter,  because  by  the 
time  he  reached  England  (April,  1611)  Mildenhall  had  started  on  his 
second  expedition. 


50  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

influence  was  considerable,  but  also  Akbar's  principal  advisers. 
Tlie  opi>(>sition  of  the  latter  may  well  have  been  due  to  an 
unwillingness  to  risk  a  breach  with  the  Portuguese,  of  wliose 
power  at  sea  they  were  fully  conscious  ;  but  Mildenhall  sets 
it  down  partly  lo  bribery  on  tlie  part  of  the  Jesuits  and  partly 
to  an  acceptance  of  their  contention  that  the  real  object  of 
the  English  was  to  capture  some  of  the  Indian  ports.  He 
represents  himself  as  triumphantly  refuting  this  charge  and 
overcoming  the  scruples  of  the  Emperor,  by  undertaking  that 
his  sovereign  would  send  an  ambassador,  with  rich  presents, 
to  reside  at  the  imperial  court,  where  he  would  be,  in  effect,  a 
hostage  for  the  good  behaviour  of  his  fellow-countrymen. 
Thereupon,  we  arc  told,  his  demands  were  granted  in 
full. 

Passing  over  his  letter  from  Kazvin,  in  which  these  events 
are  related,  the  next  we  hear  of  our  traveller  is  that,  at  a  meeting 
of  the  '  Committees  '  [Directors]  of  the  East  India  Company, 
held  on  June  21,  1608,  letters  were  read,  addressed  by  him  to 
Mr.  Staper,  enumerating  the  privileges  he  had  obtained  and 
offering  these,  and  his  own  services,  in  return  for  a  payment 
of  £1500.  Evidently  he  had  not  yet  reached  England,  for  it 
was  decided  to  adjourn  the  consideration  of  his  proposals 
until  his  arrival  either  in  this  country  or  the  Netherlands.  In 
May  1609  the  matter  was  again  brought  forward  and  was 
referred  to  a  special  conmiittee,  though  at  the  same  time  his 
demands  were  pronounced  to  be  unreasonable  and  he  himself 
was  thought  unfit  to  be  employed  except  as  a  mere  factor. 
Evidently  his  concessions  were  considered  to  be  of  small  value  ; 
while  the  Company  had  a  further  motive  for  declining  to 
purchase  them  on  extravagant  terms,  inasmuch  as  they  were 
expecting  to  receive  at  any  moment  news  of  the  success  of  the 
mission  of  William  Hav/kins,  who  had  been  dispatched  to 
Surat  in  1607  with  letters  from  King  James  to  the  Great  Mogul. 
However,  Mildenhall  had  another  string  to  his  bow.  Towards 
the  end  of  July  1609  the  Company  learnt  with  some  alarm  that 
he  had  presented  a  petition  to  the  King,  declaring  that  he  liad 
spent  ten  years  in  travel  and  had  obtained,  at  a  cost  of  three 
thousand  pounds  (?),  privileges  of  trade  in  the  dominions  of 
the  Great  Mogul,  and  praying  that,  as  the  East  India  Company 
would  pay  no  attention  to  his  claims,  he  and  his  co-adventurers 
might  be  permitted  to  enjoy  the  said  privileges.  This  petition 
had  been  referred  by  the  Lord  Treasurer  to  Sir  Walter  Cope 
and  three  merchants,  of  whom  at  least  two  were  friends  of 
Mildenhall.  The  Company  at  once  appointed  four  representa- 
tives to  confer  with  the  referees,  and  apparently  nothing  came 
of  the  petition.  A  few  months  later  there  was  some  idea  of 
the  Company  sending  Mildenhall  to  the  East  as  a  factor,  but 
on  November  18,  1609,  it  was  decided  that  he  was  '  for  divers 


MILDENFIALL'S   TO.MIi 


P,  50 


JOHN  MILDENHALL.  1599-1606  51 

respects  .  .  .  not  fittingc  to  be  ymployccl  in  the  service  of  the 
Companic  '. 

For  the  rest  of  Mildenhall's  career  we  have  to  depend  chiefly 
on  references  in  the  correspondence  of  the  Company's  factors 
in  India,  which  will  be  found  in  Letters  Received,  vols,  ii,  iii, 
and  v,  in  Kerridoe's  letter-book  in  the  British  Museum  (Addi- 
tional MSS.,  no.  9866),  «&c.  From  these  we  learn  that,  some 
time  before  April  1611,  he  made  a  second  expedition  to  the 
East,  carrying  with  him  a  quantity  of  goods  belonging  to 
Staper  and  other  merchants,  intended  for  sale  in  Persia. 
Mildenhall  is  stated  to  have  betrayed  his  trust  and  to  have 
fled  with  the  goods,  intending  to  make  his  way  once  again  to 
India.  Two  Englishmen,  named  Richard  Steel  and  Richard 
Newman,  were  sent  in  pursuit.  They  overtook  the  fugitive 
near  the  confines  of  Persia  and  forced  him  to  return  with  them 
to  Ispahan,  where  he  surrendered  goods  and  money  to  the 
value  of  C9,000  and  received  a  full  discharge.  Being  now  free, 
he  resumed  his  journey  to  India  ;  and  Steel,  who  had  quarrelled 
with  Newman,  undertook  to  bear  him  company.  At  Lahore 
Mildenhall  fell  sick,  and  Steel  went  on  alone  to  tlie  court  of 
the  Emperor,  then  at  Ajmer,  in  Rajputana.  By  slow  stages 
Mildenhall  reached  Agra,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Ajmer, 
arriving  in  that  town  early  in  April  1614. 

He  was  still  very  sick.  iPurehas  {Pilgrimage,  ed.  1626,  p.  528) 
says  that  he  '  had  learned  (it  is  reported)  the  art  of  poysoning, 
by  which  he  made  away  three  other  Englishmen  in  Persia,  to 
make  himself  master  of  the  whole  stock  ;  but  (I  know  not  by 
what  means)  himselfe  tasted  of  the  same  cup  and  was  exceed- 
ingly swelled,  but  continued  his  life  many  moneths  with 
antidotes  '.  The  story,  which  is  evidently  based  upon  Withing- 
ton's  assertions  (given  later  in  the  present  volume),  is  scarcely 
a  likely  one,  and  Mildenhairs  illness  was  probably  due  to 
natural  causes.  However,  after  lingering  some  time,  he  died 
in  June  1614.  As  lie  belonged  to  the  old  faith,  his  body  was 
conveyed  to  Agra  and  interred  in  the  Roman  Catholic  cemetery 
there.  The  tombstone  marking  the  spot  was  discovered  in 
1909  by  Mr.  E.  A.  H.  Blunt,  who  has  prefixed  a  photograph 
of  it  to  his  Christian  Tombs  and  Monuments  in  the  United 
Provinces.  It  is  in  good  preservation,  and  the  following  inscrip- 
tion in  Portuguese  is  still  plainly  legible  :  Joa  de  Mendenal, 
Ingles,  moreo  aos  J[  d\e  Junhon  I014.  One  may  say  with 
confidence  that  it  is  the  oldest  English  monument  in  India  ; 
and  a  tablet  with  an  English  inscription  has  now  been  placed 
upon  it  by  the  orders  of  the  local  government. 

Just  before  his  death  Mildenhall  made  a  will,  leaving  his 
property  to  two  children  he  had  had  in  Persia  by  an  Indian 
woman  during  his  first  expedition.  As  executor  he  appointed 
a  Frenchman  named  Augustin,  who  had  accompanied  him  in 

e2 


52  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

his  second  journey  anfl  had  undertaken  to  marry  his  daughter 
and  hrinii  ui>  liis  son.  To  liini,  also,  he  hequcallied  liis  papers, 
inehidiii<>;  a  diary  whieli  would  now  be  of  the  greatest  hiterest  ; 
unfortunately,  it  was  burnt  by  the  executor  toocther  with  the 
rest  of  the  documents,  immediately  after  Mildeniiall's  death. 
There  is  reason  to  believe,  by  the  way,  that  this  Frenclmian 
was  none  other  than  the  'Austin  of  Bordeaux'  whose  name 
is  often  associated  with  the  decoration  of  the  Taj  Mahal  (sec 
the  Journal  of  the  lioijnl  Asiatic  Society,  April  1910,  and  the 
Journal  of  the  Panjdh  Ilistorical  Society,  vol.  iv,  no.  1).  Mean- 
while, at  the  instigation  of  Steel,  the  East  India  Company's 
factors  at  Surat  had  dispatched  one  of  their  numljcr,  Thomas 
Kerridofe  (afterwards  President  at  Surat,  1616-21  and  1625-8), 
to  lay  claim  to  Mildeniiall's  goods  on  behalf  of  his  employers. 
Kerridge  reached  Ajmer  on  the  very  day  of  the  fugitive's 
death,  which  was  at  once  followed  by  the  sequestration  of  the 
estate  on  behalf  of  the  imperial  exchequer,  in  accordance  with 
the  prevailing  practice  in  the  case  of  aliens  dying  in  the 
country.  Then  ensued  a  struggle  between  Kerridge  and  the 
executor,  each  striving  to  obtain  a  grant  of  the  estate  from 
the  Emperor.  Kerridge  had  in  truth  a  weak  case,  being  unable 
to  produce  any  authority  from  those  on  whose  behalf  he  was 
supposed  to  be  acting,  and  having  against  him  the  discharge 
given  by  Newman  ;  while  his  adversary  was  supported  by  the 
Jesuit  Fathers,  whose  sympathies  were  naturally  with  the 
deceased.  Kerridge  bribed  heavily,  but  without  result,  for 
the  Emperor,  after  hearing  both  sides,  concluded  that  neither 
had  sufficient  right  thereto  and  decided  to  appropriate  the 
estate  himself.  Nevertheless,  Kerridge  persevered,  and  in  the 
end  succeeded  in  recovering  most  of  the  money,  which  was 
duly  transmitted  to  England  for  distribution  amongst  Milden- 
hali's  creditors. 

The  two  documents  here  printed  are  taken  from  Purchas 
His  Pilgrimes,  part  i,  book  iii,  chap.  1,  §  3.  They  were  found 
by  Purchas  among  the  papers  of  Richard  Hakhiyt,  who  may 
have  obtained  them  from  Staper.  In  the  foregoing  accoimt 
of  Mildeniiall's  career  I  have  drawn  freely  on  an  article  of  my 
own  published  in  The  Gentleman^s  Magazine  of  August  1906, 
supplementing  this  from  later  information. 


The  twelfth  of  February,  in  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  God  1599, 
I,  John  Mildenhall  of  London,  merchant,  tooke  upon  me  a 
voyage  from  London  towards  the  East-Indies,  in  the  good 
ship  called  the  Hector  of  London,   Richard   Parsons   being 


JOHN  MILDENHALL,  1599-1606  53 

master,  which  carried  a  present  to  the  Grand  Seigneur  ^  in 
tlie  same  voyage.  Tlie  seven  and  twentietli  of  April,  1599,  we 
arrived  at  Zante,  wliere  I  friglited  a  satea  [Ital.  sacttia,  a  swift 
sailing  vessel]  and  went  into  the  island  of  Cio  [Scio],  from 
thence  to  Smyrna,  and  from  thence  to  Constantinople,  where 
I  arrived  the  nine  and  twentieth  of  October,  1599  ;  and  there 
I  staied  about  my  merchandize  till  the  first  of  May,  1600, 
Sir  Henry  Lillo  beeing  then  Embassador  ;  upon  which  day 
I  passed  from  Constantinople  to  Scanderone  [Iskanderun, 
now  AlexandrettaJ  in  Asia,  where,  in  company  of  a  chaus' 
and  some  sixe  other  Turkes,  I  tooke  my  voyage  for  Aleppo 
overland  and  arrived  in  Aleppo  the  foure  and  twentieth  day 
of  the  said  May  in  safetie,  without  any  trouble  or  molestation 
by  the  way,  and  there  abode  two  and  fortie  dayes,  finding- 
there  Master  Richard  Coulthrust  for  Consul!.  And  the  seventh 
of  July,  1600,  I  departed  from  Aleppo,  in  companie  with  many 
other  nations,  as  Armenians,  Persians,  Tuvkes,  and  divers 
others,  to  the  number  of  sixe  hundred  people  in  our  carravan, 
and  onely  of  English  Master  John  Cartwright,  Preacher  ;  ^ 
from  whence  we  went  to  Bir,  which  is  within  three  dayes 
journey  and  stands  upon  the  edge  of  the  river  Euphrates. 
From  thence  we  went  to  Urfa,  which  is  five  dayes  journey, 
which  we  found  very  hot.  From  thence  we  went  to  Caraemit 
[Diarbekr],  which  is  foure  dayes  journey.  From  thence  to 
Bitelis,  a  city  under  the  government  of  a  nation  called  the 
Courdes  [Kurds]  yet  under  the  subjection  of  Constantinople, 
which  is  seven  dayes  journy  ;  and  from  thence  to  Van,  which 
is  three  dayes  journy  from  Bitelis  ;  a  city  of  great  strength, 
and  by  the  side  of  the  castle  is  a  great  lake  of  salt  water, 
navigable,  and  is  in  compasse  nine  dayes  journey  about,  which 
I  my  selfe  have  rowed  round  about.  And  once  a  yeere,  at 
the  comming  down  of  the  snow  waters  from  the  mountaines, 

^  The  Sultan  of  Turkey,  The  present  was  an  organ  built  by  Thomas 
Dallam,  who  was  sent  out  in  charge  of  it.  (See  his  journal,  published 
by  the  Halduyt  yocioty  in  18'J3. 

"  Turkish  clumsh,  a  minor  official  employed  in  a  variety  of  ways,  such 
as  taking  charge  of  a  caravan. 

■"  In  1611  Cartwright  published  an  account  of  his  experiences  under 
the  title  of  27tc  Preacher's  Travels.  See  also  Purchus  His  Pilgrimes, 
part  i,  lib.  ix,  cap.  4. 


54  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

there  is  abundance  of  fish,  which  come  of  themselves  to  one 
end  of  the  hike  ;  which  I  may  compare  to  our  herring-time 
at  Yermouth,  wliere  the  countrey-people  doe  resort  from  divers 
pUices  and  catcli  the  said  fish  in  great  abundance,  which  they 
salt  and  dry  and  keepe  them  all  the  yeare  for  their  food  ;  the 
fish  are  as  big  as  pilcherds.  From  thence  we  went  to  Nacshian,i 
which  is  sixe  dayes  journey  ;  and  from  Nacshian  to  Chiulfal, 
which  is  halfe  a  dayes  journey  ;  and  there  we  stayed  cightecne 
daj'es.  P'rom  thence  we  went  to  Sultania  [Sultanich],  and 
from  thence  to  Casbin  [Kazvin]  in  Persia,  which  is  fifteene 
dayes  journey,  and  there  we  abode  thirty  dayes.  From  thence 
to  Com  [Kum],  which  is  three  dayes  journey  ;  from  thence 
we  went  to  Cashan  [Kashan],  which  was  seven  dayes  journey. 
From  thence  Master  Cartwright  departed  from  us  and  went 
to  Spauhoan  [Ispahan],  the  chiefe  citie  in  Persia.  From 
Cashan  to  Yesd,  which  is  tenne  dayes  journey.  From  thence 
I  went  to  Curman  [Kerman],  which  is  tenne  dayes  journey  ; 
and  from  thence  to  Sigistam,^  which  is  foureteene  dales 
journey  ;  and  from  thence  to  Candahar,  which  is  also  foure- 
teene dayes  journey. 

II 

Casbin,  tlic  third  day  of  October,  1G06. 

Worshipful!  Sir,  my  duty  remembred.  Not  having  any  other 
of  more  auncient  love  then  your  selfe,  I  have  thought  good  to 
remember  the  manifold  curtesies  received,  and  partly  to  requite 
them  with  the  first  newes  of  the  successe  of  this  my  voyage 
unto  the  court  of  the  Great  King  of  Mogor  and  Cambaia. 

At  my  arrivall  in  Lahora  the       of  1603, 1  dispatched 

a  poste  for  the  Kings  court,  with  my  letters  to  His  Majestic 
that  I  might  have  his  free  leave  to  come  unto  him  and  treat 
of  such  businesse  as  I  had  to  doe  with  him  from  my  Prince  ; 
who  foorthwith  answered  my  letters  and  wrote  to  the  Gover- 
nour  of  Lahora  to  use  mee  with  all  honour  and  curtesie  and  to 
send  a  guarde  of  horse  and  foote  with  me  to  accompanie  me 

'  Nakchivan,  an  ancient  town  in  Erivan.  Jnlfa,  MildenhaU's  next 
stopping-place,  is  about  twenty-six  miles  farther  south,  where  the  road 
to  Tabriz  crosses  the  Aras  river. 

'-  tSagistan,  the  old  name  of  Sistan  in  Eastern  Persia, 


JOHN  MILDENHALL,  1599-1606  55 

to  Agra,  where  his  court  was,  beeing  one  and  twentic  dayes 
journey  from  Lahora.  And  beeing  neere  arrived,  I  was  very 
well  met,  and  an  house  with  all  things  necessarie  was  appointed 
for  mee  by  the  King  ;  where  reposing  my  selfe  two  dayes, 
the  third  day  I  had  audience  and  presented  His  Majestic  with 
nine  and  twentie  great  horses,  very  faire  and  good,  such  as 
were  hardly  found  better  in  those  parts  (some  of  them  cost 
me  fiftie  or  threescore  pounds  an  horse),  with  diverse  jewels, 
rings,  and  earerings  to  his  great  liking.  And  so  I  was  dismissed 
with  his  great  favour  and  content. 

The  third  day  after,  having  made  before  a  great  man  my 
friend,  he  called  me  into  his  Councell ;  and  comming  into  his 
presence,  he  demanded  of  me  what  I  would  have  and  what 
my  businesse  was.  I  made  him  answere  that  his  greatnesse 
and  rcnowmed  kindnesse  unto  Christians  was  so  much  biased 
through  the  world  that  it  was  come  into  the  furthermost  parts 
of  the  westerne  ocean  and  arrived  in  the  cou"t  of  our  Quecne 
of  Englands  Most  Excellent  Majestic  ;  who  desired  to  have 
friendship  with  him  and,  as  the  Portugals  and  other  Christians 
had  trade  with  His  Majestic,  so  her  subjects  also  might  have 
the  same,  with  the  like  favours  ;  and  farther,  because  there 
have  becne  long  warrcs  betweenc  Her  Majestic  and  the  King 
of  Portugall,  that  if  any  of  their  ships  or  portes  were  taken  by 
our  nation,  that  he  would  not  take  it  in  evill  part,  but  suffer 
us  to  enjoy  them  to  the  use  of  our  Queenes  Majestic.  All  this 
the  King  commanded  to  be  written  downe  by  his  secretarie, 
and  said  that  in  short  space  he  would  give  me  answere.  With 
that  I  withdrew  my  selfe  (with  leave)  and  went  to  my  house. 
Within  eight  or  ten  dayes  after,  hee  sent  me  home  in  money 
to  the  value  of  five  hundred  pound  sterling,  the  first  time  with 
very  comfortable  speeches.  Shortly  after,  as  I  was  informed, 
hee  sent  to  certaine  Jesuites  which  lived  there  in  great  honour 
and  credit,  two  in  Agra  and  two  others  in  Lahoi'a,^  and  shewed 
them  my  demands  ;  whereat  the  Jesuites  were  in  an  exceeding- 
great  rage  ;  and  whereas  before  wee  were  friends,  now  we 
grew  to  be  exceeding  great  enemies.     And  the  King  asking 

'  The  two  at  Agra  were  Jerome  Xavier  and  Anthony  Machado,  while 
those  at  Lahore  were  Manoel  Pinheiro  and  Francisco  Corsi ;  see  Sir 
Edward  Maclagau's  article  ah-eady  mentioned. 


56  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

their  opinion  in  this  matter,  they  flatly  answered  him  that 
our  nation  were  all  theeves  and  that  I  was  a  sj)ye,  sent  thither 
for  no  other  purpose  to  have  friendship  with  His  Majestie  but 
that  afterward  our  men  might  come  thither  and  get  some  of 
his  ports,  and  so  put  His  Majestie  to  much  trouble  ;  saying 
withall  that  they  had  eleven  yeares  served  His  Majestie  and 
were  bound  by  their  bread  and  salt  that  they  had  eaten  to 
speake  the  truth,  although  it  were  against  Christians.  With 
these  and  many  more  such  speeches  the  King  and  his  Counccll 
were  all  flat  against  mee  and  my  demands,  but  made  no  shew 
thereof  to  me  in  any  respect  ;  but  I  knew  it  by  friends  which 
I  had  in  his  court.  Afterward  they  caused  five  commande- 
ments  to  bee  drawne  and  sent  them  mee,  with  all  things  that 
I  had  written,  saving  they  had  left  out  the  taking  of  the  ships 
and  the  ports  of  the  Portugals  ;  which  when  I  had  read,  I 
presently  went  to  the  court  and  made  demand  of  the  other 
articles.  The  King  answered  that  hee  would  againe  speake 
with  his  Councell  and  make  answere. 

In  this  manner  rested  my  businesse,  and  every  day  I  went 
to  the  court,  and  in  every  eighteene  or  twcntie  dayes  I  put 
up  Ars  [Hind,  arz]  or  petitions  ;  and  still  he  put  mee  off  with 
good  words  and  promised  that  this  day  and  tomorrow  I  should 
have  them.  In  this  manner  seeing  my  selfe  delayed,  and 
being  at  exceeding  great  expenses  of  eighteene  or  twcntie 
servants  (horsemen  and  foot),  I  withdrew  my  selfe  from  going 
to  the  court,  in  so  mucli  that  in  thirtie  dayes  I  went  not.  At 
length  the  King,  remcmbring  me,  sent  to  call  for  me.  At  my 
comming,  he  asked  the  cause  why  I  came  not  as  I  was  wont. 
I  answered  that  I  had  come  into  his  countrey  only  upon  the 
great  renowme  of  his  excellencie  and  had  wasted  five  yeares 
in  travaile,  and  could  not  obtaine  so  much  as  a  commande- 
ment  at  his  hands  which  was  wholly  for  his  profit  and  nothing 
for  his  losse  ;  adding  that  if  I  had  asked  some  greater  reward 
of  him,  hee  would  much  more  have  denyed  me.  With  that 
he  presently  called  for  garments  for  me  of  the  Christian 
fashion  very  rich  and  good,  and  willed  me  not  to  be  sad, 
because  every  thing  that  I  would  have  should  be  accomplished 
to  mine  owne  content. 

So  with  these  sweet  words  I  passed  sixe  monethes  more. 


JOHN  MILDENHALL,  1599-1606  57 

And  then,  seeing  nothing  accomplished,  I  was  exceeding 
wearie  of  my  lingring,  and  could  do  nothing  ;  and  the  rather 
for  that  I  was  out  of  money.  I  should  have  declared  before 
how  the  Jesuites  day  and  night  sought  how  to  work  my  dis- 
pleasure. First,  they  had  given  to  the  two  chiefest  Counsellors 
that  the  King  had  at  the  least  five  hundred  pounds  sterling 
a  piece,  that  they  should  not  in  any  wise  consent  to  these 
demands  of  mine  ;  so  that,  when  I  came  to  present  them, 
they  would  not  accept  of  any  thing  at  my  hands,  although  I 
offered  them  very  largely  ;  and  where  I  had  any  friendship, 
they  would  by  all  meanes  secke  to  disgrace  me.  But  God  ever 
kept  me  in  good  reputation  with  all  men.  Moreover,  whereas 
I  had  hired  in  Aleppo  an  Armenian  named  Seffur  [Safar],  to 
whom  I  gave  twentie  duckets  the  moneth,  which  served  me 
very  well  for  mine  interpreter  foure  yeares,  now,  comming 
neere  to  the  point  of  my  speciall  businesse,  the  Jesuites  had 
soone  wrought  with  him  also  in  such  sort  that  he  quarrelled 
with  me  and  went  his  way  ;  whereby  I  was  destitute  of  a 
drugman  ^  and  my  selfe  could  speake  little  or  nothing.  Now 
in  what  case  I  was  in  these  remote  countries  without  friends, 
money,  and  an  interpreter,  wisemen  may  judge.  Yet  afterward 
I  got  a  sehoolemaster,  and  in  my  house  day  and  night  I  so 
studied  the  Persian  tongue  that  in  sixe  monethes  space  I  could 
speake  it  something  reasonably.  Then  I  went  in  great  dis- 
contentment to  the  King  and  gave  him  to  understand  how 
the  Jesuites  had  dealt  with  me  in  all  points,  and  desired  His 
Majesties  licence  to  depart  for  mine  owne  countrey,  where  I 
might  have  redresse  for  mine  injuries  received  ;  and  withall 
told  him  how  small  it  would  stand  with  so  great  a  Princes 
honour  as  His  Majestic  had  report  to  be  to  delay  me  so  many 
yeares  only  upon  the  reports  of  two  Jesuites,  who  I  would 
prove  were  not  his  friends  nor  cared  not  for  his  profit  nor 
honour  ;  and  desired  a  day  of  hearing,  that  now  I  my  selfe 
might  make  plaine  unto  His  Majestic  (which  for  want  of  a 
drugman  before  I  could  not  doe)  the  great  abuses  of  these 
Jesuites  in  this  his  court  ;  beseeching  you  [him  ?]  againe  to 
grant  mee  licence  to  depart,  and  that  I  might  not  bee  kept 
any  longer  with  delayes.  At  these  words  the  King  was  mooved 
'  Arabic  Idrjuman  (an  interpreter),  whence  '  dragoman  '. 


58  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

against  the  Jesuites,  and  promised  that  upon  the  Sunday 
following  I  should  bee  heard,  and  that  the  Jesuites  should  be 
present. 

This  speech  I  had  with  the  King  upon  the  Wednesday. 
Comming  before  the  place  of  Couneell  the  Sunday  following, 
there  were  met  all  the  great  States  of  the  court  to  hearc  the 
controversie  betweene  us.  At  the  first  the  King  called  me 
and  demanded  what  injuries  I  had  received  of  the  Jesuites. 
I  answered  that  they  had  abused  my  Prince  and  countrey, 
most  falsly  calling  us  all  theeves  ;  and  if  they  had  beene  of 
another  sort  and  calling,  I  would  have  made  them  eate  their 
words  or  I  would  have  lost  my  life  in  the  quarrell.  Secondly, 
in  saying  that  under  colour  of  marchandise  wee  would  invade 
your  countrey  and  take  some  of  your  forts  and  put  Your 
Majestic  to  great  trouble.  Now,  that  Your  Majestic  may 
understand  the  untruth  of  these  mens  false  suggestions, 
know  you  all  that  Her  Majestic  hath  her  ambassadour  leiger 
in  Constantinople,  and  everie  three  yceres  most  commonly 
doth  send  a  new  and  call  home  the  old  ;  and  at  the  first 
comming  of  every  ambassadour  slice  sendeth  not  them  emptie, 
but  with  a  great  and  princely  present  ;  according  whereunto 
Her  Highncsse  intent  is  to  deale  with  Your  Majestic.  This 
profit  of  rich  presents  and  honour  like  to  redound  to  Your 
Majestic  by  having  league  of  aniitie  and  entercoursc  with 
Christian  Princes,  and  to  have  their  ambassadours  leigers  in 
your  court,  these  men  bj^  their  craftie  practices  would  deprive 
you  of.  And  our  ambassadours  being  resident  as  pledges  in 
your  court,  what  dare  any  of  our  nation  doe  against  Your 
Highncsse  or  any  of  your  subjects  ?  Upon  these  and  other 
such  like  speeches  of  mine,  the  King  turned  to  his  nobles  and 
said  that  all  that  I  said  was  reason  ;  and  so  they  all  answered. 
After  this  I  demanded  of  the  Jesuites  before  the  King  :  In 
these  twelve  yeeres  space  that  you  have  served  the  King,  how 
many  ambassadours  and  how  many  presents  have  you  procured 
to  the  benefit  of  His  Majestic  ?  With  that  the  Kings  eldest 
Sonne  ^  stood  out  and  said  unto  them  (naming  them)  that  it 
was  most  true  that  in  a  eleven  or  twelve  yeares  not  one  came, 
either  upon  ambassage  or  upon  any  other  profit  unto  His 
»  Prince  Salim,  afterwarda  the  Emperor  Jahangir. 


JOHN  MILDENHALL,  1599-1606  59 

Majestic.  Hereupon  the  King  was  very  merrie  and  laughed 
at  the  Jesuites,  not  having  one  word  to  answer.  Then  I  said  : 
If  it  please  Your  Majestie,  I  will  not  onely  procure  an  anibas- 
sadour  but  also  a  present  at  my  safe  returne  againe  into  your 
countrie.  Divers  other  demands  and  questions  were  at  that 
time  propounded  by  the  King  and  his  nobles  unto  me  ;  and 
I  answered  them  all  in  such  sort  as  the  King  called  his  Vice-Roy^ 
(which  before  was  by  the  Jesuites  bribes  made  my  great  enemy) 
and  commanding  [sic]  him  that  whatsoever  privilcdges  or 
conunandements  I  would  have  hee  should  presently  write 
them,  scale  them,  and  give  them  me  without  any  more  delay 
or  question.  And  so  within  thirtie  dayes  after  I  had  them 
signed  to  my  owne  contentment  and  (as  I  hope)  to  the  profit 
of  my  nation.  Afterwards  I  went  and  presented  them  unto 
the  Prince  his  eldest  sonne,  and  demanded  of  him  the  like 
commandements  ;  which  he  most  willingly  granted,  and 
shortly  after  were  delivered  unto  me.  And  so  departing  from 
the  court,  I  brought  them  with  me  into  Persia  ;  which  are 
here  in  Casbin  with  my  selfe,  readie  to  doe  you  any  service. 
And  I  would  have  come  my  selfe  when  I  wrote  this  letter, 
save  that  there  were  two  Italian  marchants  in  Agra  ^  that 
knew  of  all  my  proceedings  ;  whom  I  doubted  (as  I  had  good 
cause)  least  they  would  doe  mee  some  harme  in  Bagdet  or 
some  other  places,  they  alwayes  being  enemies  to  our  nation, 
that  they  should  find  any  new  trade  this  way,  as  to  you  it  is 
well  knowne.  And  within  foure  moneths  I  meane  to  depart 
by  the  way  of  Moscovia  ;  where  arriving,  I  will  not  faile  but 
satisfle  you  at  large  of  all  matters. 

'  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  (Akbar,  p.  294)  suggests  that  this  was  Aziz  Koka 
(Khan  Azam). 

^  Sir  E.  Maclagan  thinks  that  one  of  these  was  Joao  Battista  Vechiete, 


1608-13 
WILLIAM  HAWKINS 

At  the  time  of  the  establishment  of  the  East  India  Company 
(1600)  and  for  tiie  next  few  years,  England  was  at  war  with 
the  united  kingdoms  of  Spain  and  Portugal ;  and  it  was  largely 
for  tlxis  reason  that  the  fleets  of  the  First  and  Second  Voyages 
made  no  attempt  to  visit  the  coasts  of  India  itself,  where  the 
Portuguese  were  known  to  be  in  strong  force,  but  went  instead 
to  the  ports  of  Java,  Sumatra,  and  the  Far  East.  By  the  time, 
however,  that  a  Third  Voyage  was  under  preparation,  hostilities 
had  been  terminated  by  the  Treaty  of  London  (August  1604), 
and  there  was  some  hope  that  the  Portuguese  would  not 
offer  active  opposition  to  the  extension  of  English  trade  to 
the  realm  of  the  Great  Mogul.  Not  that  the  negotiations 
preceding  the  treaty  had  afforded  much  ground  for  confidence 
in  this  respect.  The  Spanish  commissioners  had,  in  fact, 
pressed  hard  for  a  recognition  of  the  illegality  of  English  trade 
in  the  Indies,  both  East  and  West  ;  but  the  utmost  that  the 
English  negotiators  would  offer  was  that  commerce  with  places 
actually  occupied  by  King  Philip's  subjects  should  be  forbidden, 
provided  that  no  attempt  were  made  to  exclude  the  English 
from  trading  with  independent  countries.  This  proposal 
proving  unacceptable,  matters  were  left  as  before,  the  whole 
subject  being  ignored  in  the  treaty. 

In  deciding  to  put  to  the  proof  the  intentions  of  the  Portu- 
guese, the  '  Committees  '  of  the  East  India  Company  were 
largely  influenced  by  the  consideration  that  the  markets  of 
the  Far  East  afforded  little  opening  for  English  goods,  which 
might,  however,  find  ready  sale  in  India  itself  or  at  an  Arabian 
port  frequented  by  Indian  traders.  The  latter  seemed  the  safer 
alternative,  as  offering  less  opportunity  or  justification  for 
Portuguese  interference.  When,  therefore,  the  instructions 
for  the  Third  Voyage  ^  were  drafted,  in  March  1607,  it  was 
laid  down  that  the  fleet  should  make  in  the  first  instance  for 
the  island  of  Sokotra,  to  glean  information  and  obtain  the 
services  of  a  pilot.  Then,  if  the  season  permitted,  a  visit  was 
to  be  paid  to  Aden,  to  see  whether  trade  could  be  opened  up 
there  and  a  factory  established.  If  a  suflicient  cargo  could  be 
obtamed,  the  Hector  was  to  be  sent  home  direct  ;    while  the 

*  For  these,  and  the  royal  commission  for  the  venture,  see  The  First 
Letter  Book,  pp.  Ill,  114. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  61 

other  two  vessels  were  to  proceed  to  Bantam,  calling,  if  time 
permitted,  on  the  coast  of  Gujarat  to  inquire  into  the  possi- 
bility of  '  a  mayntenance  of  a  trade  in  those  ])arts  heereafter 
in  saffetie  fromthe  daunger  of  the  Portingalls  or  other  enymies, 
endevouring  alsoe  to  learne  whether  the  Kinge  of  Cambaya 
or  Suratt  or  any  of  his  havens  be  in  subjection  to  the  Portugalls, 
and  what  havens  of  his  are  not '.     Should  it  prove,  however, 
that  the  monsoon  would  not  permit  of  the  fleet  going  to  Aden, 
all  three  ships  were  to  repair  to  the  Gujarat  coast  ;   there,  if 
such  a  course  appeared  safe,  the  Hector  and  the  Consent  were 
to  be  left  to  open  up  trade,  for  which  purpose  a  letter  was 
provided  from  King  James  to  the  Great  Mogul,  soliciting  the 
grant  of  '  such  libertie  of  trafflque  and  priviledges  as  shall  be 
resonable  both  for  their  securitie  and  proffitt '.    In  the  event  of 
a  favourable  reception,  one  ship  was  to  remain  at  Surat  to 
lade  a  cargo  for  England,  while  the  other  was  to  proceed  to 
Aden  to  carry  out  the  original  plan.    In  any  case,  the  Dragon, 
the   flagship   of  the   '  General '   or  commander  of  the   fleet, 
William  Keeling,  was  to  go  on  to  Bantam  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  '  Lieutenant-General '  of  the  fleet  and  captain  of  the 
Hector  (in  which  vessel,  by  the  way,  Mildenhall  had  voyaged 
to  the  Levant  in  1599)  was  William  Hawkins,  whose  narrative 
we  are  now  considering.    Of  his  previous  history  we  know  but 
two  facts — first,  that  he  had  been  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
secondly,  that  he  had  spent  some  time  in  the  Levant  and  was 
well  acquainted  with  Turkish.     The  first  of  these  two  facts 
may  have  been  Mr.  Noel  Sainsbury's  reason  for  suggesting 
(in' the  index  to  his  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  East  Indies, 
1513-1610)  the  possibility  of  his  identity  with  the  William 
Hawkins  who  was  a  nephew  of  the  famous  Sir  John  Hawkins 
and  acted  as  second  in  command  in  Fenton's  abortive  expedi- 
tion   of    1582-3 — a    conjecture    adopted    as    a    certainty    by 
Sir  Clements  Markham  in  his  work  on  The  Hawkins''  Voyages. 
In  reality  (as  noted  by  Sir  John  Laughton  in  the  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography,  s.n.),  what  little  evidence  exists  points 
rather  the  other  way  ;   and  the  only  fact  in  his  family  history 
of  which  we  can  be  sure  is  that  he  had  a  brother  Charles. 
Possibly  the  general  impression  that  Hawkins  was  a  sailor  by 
profession — '  a  bluff  sea-captain  ',  as  one  modern  writer  calls 
him — accounts  for  the  ready  acceptance  of  this  theory.    Such, 
of  course,  was  not  the  case  ;   the  position  of  commander  of  a 
vessel  in  those  days  did  not  necessarily  imply  an  expert  know- 
ledge of  navigation — that  was  the  business  of  the  master — and 
no  argument  can  be  based  thereon.    In  all  probability  Hawkins 
had  been  a  Levant  merchant,  like  so  many  of  the  East  India 
Company's  servants  at  this  time .    Evidently  it  was  his  acquain- 
tance with  the  Turkish  language  and  his  experience  of  Eastern 
ways   that   procured   him   his    employment   in    the     present 


62  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

expedition,  for  he  was  expressly  designated  as  the  ]ierRon  who 
was  to  deliver  the  royal  letters  to  tlie  Governor  of  Aden  or 
(if  available,  for  he  might  be  going  home  direet  from  Aden  with 
his  shij))  to  the  Great  Mogul, ^  and  to  take  charge  of  the  nego- 
tiations in  either  case.  In  order  that  he  miglit  appear  with 
becoming  splendour  he  was  furnished  with  searlel  a]>parel,  his 
cloak  being  lined  with  taffeta  and  embroidered  with  silver  lace  ; 
while  suitable  presents  of  plate  and  broadcloth  to  the  value 
of  £133  were  provided,  with  a  stipulation  that  anything 
received  in  return  was  to  be  considered  the  property  of  the 
Company. 

The  vessels  started  on  their  voyage  early  in  March  1607.^ 
The  Consent  quickly  lost  company  and  never  rejoined.  The 
other  two  met  with  baffling  winds  near  the  equator  and  were 
forced  to  seek  supplies  at  Sierra  Leone,  with  the  result  that 
they  did  not  reach  Table  Bay  until  the  middle  of  December. 
Their  next  port  of  call  was  St.  Augustine's  Bay  (Madagascar), 
whence  they  proceeded  to  Sokotra,  arriving  there  in  April  1008, 
more  than  a  year  from  the  commencement  of  the  voyage.  An 
attempt  to  get  to  Aden  was  foiled  by  contrary  winds,  and  it 
was  then  decided  that  the  Dragon  should  proceed  direct  to 
Bantam,  wliile  the  Hector  (with  a  pinnace  which  had  been  put 
together  at  Sokotra)  should  make  the  venture  to  Surat. 
Keeling  sailed  accordingly  on  June  21',  and  Hawkins  departed 
on  August  4.  His  vessel — the  first  to  display  the  English  flag 
on  the  coast  of  India — anchored  at  the  entrance  to  the  Tapti 
River  on  August  24. 

Surat,  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  about  14  miles 
from  its  mouth,  was  now  one  of  the  chief  ports  of  India,  and 
the  centre  of  trade  with  the  Red  Sea.  The  harbour  of  its  more 
northerly  rival,  Cambay,  was  fast  silting  up,  and  sea-going  ships 
of  any  size  could  no  longer  lade  there,  but  had  to  embark  their 
goods  from  lighters  at  Gogha,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Gulf 

>  For  these  letters  see  The  First  Letter  Book,  pp.  105,  106.  The  one 
intended  for  the  Great  Mogul  was  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Akbar, 
in  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  he  had  been  dead  for  some  time. 

-  Purchas  prints  two  narratives  of  the  voyage,  by  Keeling  and  Finch 
respectively.  Sir  Clements  Markham,  in  his  Voyages  of  Sir  James 
Lancaster,  c&c,  has  summarized  three  manuscripts  now  in  the  India 
Office,  one  of  which  is  an  abstract  of  Reeling's  journal  ;  and  besides 
these  the  India  Office  possesses  two  fragments,  one  being  the  first  leaf 
of  Reeling's  journal  and  the  other  a  portion  of  a  journal  kept  on  board 
the  Hector.  The  British  Museum  has  two  manuscripts,  viz.  an  incom- 
plete diary  kept  by  Anthony  Marlow  (Titus,  B  viii,  fl.  252-279)  and 
what  seems  to  be  a  copy  (possibly  holograph)  of  Hawkins's  own  journal 
as  far  as  Surat  (Eqerton  2100).  The  latter  has  been  printed  in  The 
Hawkins'  Voyages. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  63 

of  Cambay.  Surat  possessed  the  further  advantage  that  vessels 
frequenting  it  were  spared  the  voyage  up  that  dangerous  gulf, 
which  was  full  of  sandbanks  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  only 
roadstead  available  for  ships  of  any  size  was  the  exposed 
anchorage  outside  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  this 
was  safe  merely  during  the  period  of  fair  weather.  For  customs 
purposes  it  was  under  the  control  of  a  certain  Mukarrab  Khan, 
who  was  also  in  charge  of  the  port  of  Cambay — the  customs 
of  Gujarat  going  thus  directly  into  the  royal  treasury.  This 
individual  was  a  great  favourite  with  the  reigning  Emperor 
Jahangir  (the  son  of  Akbar,  whom  he  had  succeeded  in  1605), 
having  won  his  regard  by  his  skill  in  surgery  and  by  his  useful- 
ness in  the  field  sports  to  which  that  monarch  was  so  much 
addicted.  This  esteem  Mukarrab  Khan  took  care  to  maintain 
by  seeking  out  and  presenting  curiosities  of  all  sorts,  and  it 
was  doubtless  for  such  purposes  that  he  had  obtained  charge 
of  the  Gujarat  ports,  where  the  trade  carried  on  with  the 
Portuguese  gave  him  many  op])ortunities  of  acquiring  rarities 
of  every  description.  In  these  circumstances  the  arrival  of  a 
ship  belonging  to  an  unfamiliar  European  nation  was  natm-ally 
of  great  interest  to  him,  and  he  quickly  dispatcned  his  brother 
to  Surat  to  examine  the  cargo,  himself  following  a  little  later. 
In  the  meantime  Hawkins  prepared  for  the  further  voyage  of 
the  Hector  by  buying  goods  suitable  for  Bantam,  much  to  the 
annoyance  of  the  Surat  merchants  trading  to  those  parts, 
who  feared  the  competition  of  the  new-comers.  Hawkins 
himself  had  decided  to  remain  behind  and  proceed  to  Agra 
with  King  James's  letters  ;  so  he  handed  over  the  command 
of  the  ship  to  Anthony  Marlow  (one  of  the  merchants  who  had 
come  with  him)  and  sent  him  down  the  river  with  the  goods 
in  two  boats,  manned  by  about  thirty  men.  On  their  way 
they  were  attacked  by  some  Portuguese  frigates  ^  and  many 
of  their  number,  with  all  the  goods,  were  captured.  Hawkins 
at  once  demanded  their  restitution,  but  was  answered  only 
with  insults  and  a  declaration  that  the  Indian  seas  belonged 
exclusively  to  Portugal.  The  captives  were  sent  to  Goa  and 
thence  to  Lisbon  ;  while  the  merchandise  was  confiscated. 
On  October  5  the  Hector  departed  for  Bantam,  leaving 
Hawkins  with  only  William  Finch  and  two  English  servants. 

Two  days  earlier  Mukarrab  Khan  had  reached  Surat.  He 
was  at  first  extremely  gracious  to  Hawkins  ;  but  once  he  had 
got  into  his  possession  all  the  goods  he  specially  coveted,  his 
behaviour  changed.  He  dared  not  prevent  the  Englishman 
from  going  to  Agra,  since  the  latter  claimed  (without  any 
authorization)   to   be  an  ambassador  and   undoubtedly  had 

'  Fragatas,  i.  e.  small  armed  coasting  vessels,  fitted  to  sail  or  row. 
The  Portuguese  regularly  sent  a  fleet  (termed  a  Mfila  or  caravan)  of 
such  vessels  from  Goa  to  Cambay  to  sell  and  buy  goods. 


6t  EART.Y  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

royal  letters  to  deliver  to  the  Emperor  ;  but  he  refused  to 
pay  for  the  jioods  he  had  boufjlit  (exce])t  at  his  own  ])ri('c)  and, 
aecordina-  to  Hawkins,  at  the  instigation  of  a  Jesuit  he  ])lotted 
lo  liave  liiin  murdered  on  tlie  way.  All  the  tinu;  of  Hawkins's 
stay  in  Sural  lie  was  troubled  by  the  tlireats  and  intrigues  of 
the  Portuguese,  who,  as  he  asserts,  made  several  attempts  to 
assassinate  him. 

However,  on  February  1,  1609,  Hawkins  got  safely  away 
from  Surat,  leaving  Finch  in  charge  of  the  remaining  stock  of 
merchandise  ;  and  on  April  16  he  reached  Agra.  He  had 
meant  to  keep  his  arrival  secret  for  a  while  ;  but  the  news  soon 
spread  that  an  ambassador  from  England  was  in  the  city,  and 
Jahangir,  who  perhaps  remembered  the  scene  in  his  father's 
Court  a  few  years  earlier,  when  Mildenhall  promised  so  confi- 
dently that  his  sovereign  woidd  dispatch  an  envoy  with  rich 
presents,  was  all  eagerness  to  see  the  new-comer  ;  and  Hawkins 
was  accordingly  hurried  into  his  presence.  He  had  nothing 
but  broadcloth  to  offer  by  way  of  gift,  for  Mukarrab  Khan 
had  taken  possession  of  the  articles  sent  out  for  that  purpose  ; 
but  notwitlistanding  this,  he  had  an  excellent  reception  from 
the  Emperor,  who,  finding  that  the  Englishman  could  speak 
Turkish,  held  frequent  conversations  with  him  about  the 
countries  of  the  West.  So  pleased  was  Jahangir  with  his 
visitor  that  he  pressed  him  to  reinain  as  a  resident  ambassador, 
promising  in  that  case  to  permit  English  trade  with  his  ports 
on  favourable  terms.  To  this  Hawkins  readily  agreed  ;  where- 
upon he  was  made  captain  of  four  hundred  horse,  with  a 
handsome  allowance,  was  married  to  an  Armenian  maiden, 
and  took  liis  place  among  the  grandees  of  the  court.  According 
to  the  Jesuits,  he  now  assumed  the  garb  of  a  Muhammadan 
noble  ;  and  Jourdain  adds  that '  in  his  howse  he  used  altogether 
the  custome  of  the  Moores  or  Mahometans,  both  in  his  meate 
and  drinke  and  other  customes,  and  would  seeme  to  bee  dis- 
content if  all  men  did  not  the  like  '. 

Meanwhile,  his  enemies  had  not  been  idle.  The  Jesuits  at 
court  did  their  best  to  disgrace  him  ;  while  the  Portuguese 
authorities  at  Goa  stirred  up  Mukarrab  Khan  and  other 
persons  of  influence  in  Gujarat  to  represent  the  serious  injury 
which  the  trade  of  that  province  woidd  suffer  if  the  English 
were  allowed  to  gain  a  footing  in  India.  Naturally,  niany  of 
the  courtiers,  envying  the  favour  with  which  Hawkins  was 
regarded  by  the  Emperor,  joined  willingly  in  these  attempts 
to  shake  his  position  ;  and  his  hopes  were  beginning  to  decline 
when,  at  the  end  of  October  1609,  he  was  apprised,  by  letters 
from  Finch,  that  an  English  ship,  the  Ascension,  had  reached 
Indian  waters  and  was  daily  expected  at  Surat.  This  was 
excellent  news,  for,  as  Hawkins  at  once  guessed,  the  vessel 
was  bringing  a  fresh  supply  of  presents  for  the  Great  Mogul. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  65 

He  hastened  to  Court  with  the  inteUigence,  begging  that 
a  farman  (order)  might  be  granted  for  tlie  estabhshment  of 
a  factory  at  Surat,  and  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  carry  this 
down  himself.  The  latter  request  was  refused  ;  but  the 
farman  was  at  once  made  out  and  dispatched  to  Surat.  Before 
it  could  arrive,  however,  tidings  reached  Agra  that  the 
Ascension  had  struck  a  sandbank  and  had  become  a  wreck,  and 
that  her  crew  had  landed  in  their  boats  at  Gandevi,  proceeding 
thence  to  Surat.^  Alarmed  at  the  advent  of  so  many  English- 
men, the  local  authorities  had  insisted  on  their  taking  up  their 
quarters  in  a  village  outside  the  city,  where  their  conduct  was 
anything  but  creditable  to  their  nation.  Hawkins  appears 
to  have  represented  to  the  Emperor  that  this  exclusion  was 
a  grievance  ;  whereupon  another  farman  was  issued,  directing 
that  the  Englishmen  should  be  well  treated  and  that  assistance 
should  be  given  towards  recovering  the  cargo  of  the  wrecked 
vessel.  Evidently  Jahangir  was  hoping  that  the  presents  he 
had  been  led  to  expect  might  still  be  forthcoming  ;  in  this, 
however,  he  was  disappointed,  and  the  influence  of  Hawkins 
commenced  to  diminish  in  consequence. 

Early  in  December  a  number  of  the  survivors  from  the 
Ascension  arrived  at  Agra  and  were  presented  to  the  Emperor 
by  Hawkins.  Their  disorderly  behaviour  lent  colour  to  the 
representations  of  the  Portuguese  as  to  the  undesirability  of 
admitting  such  a  nation  to  the  Gujarat  ports  ;  and  it  is  clear 
that  the  '  ambassador's  '  position  was  not  improved  by  their 
advent,  though  he  was  still  treated  with  respect  and  considera- 
tion. Covert,  who  left  Agra  in  January  1610,  says  that 
Hawkins  was  then  '  in  great  credit  with  the  King,  being 
allowed  one  hundred  ruckees  [rupees]  a  day,  which  is  ten 
pound  sterling,  and  is  intituled  by  the  name  of  a  Can  [Khan], 
which  is  a  kiiight,  and  keepeth  company  with  the  greatest 
noblemen  belonging  to  the  King  ;  and  he  seemeth  very  willing 
to  doe  his  country  good  '. 

Towards  the  end  of  March  1610  Mukarrab  Khan  arrived 
from  Gujarat,  bringing  a  large  array  of  presents  for  the 
Emperor,  including  a  number  of  European  articles,  among 
which  Hawkins  recognized  some  of  his  own  goods.  According 
to  the  text,  Mukarrab  Klian  had  been  recalled  in  consequence 
of  complaints  made  against  his  administration,  and  his  goods 
had  been  seized  by  Jahangir's  orders  ;  but  there  is  no  hint 
of  this  in  the  Emperor's  own  memoirs.^  Soon  after,  however, 
*  Details  are  given  in  The  Journal  o/  John  Jourdain,  where  will  also 
be  found  Jourdain's  account  of  his  journey  to  court  and  much  other 
information  bearing  on  the  present  subject.  Robert  Covert's  True  and 
Almost  Incredible  Report  (1612)  should  also  be  consulted. 

^  The  Tuzuk-i-Jahangirl,  vol.  i,  p.  167.  It  may  be  noted  that  there 
is  no  allusion  to  Hawkins  or  his  embassy  in  this  work. 


GO  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Mukarrab  Klian  did  fall  into  disgrace  for  a  time,  owing  to  a 
serious  accusation  brought  against  him  ;  and  Hawkins  felt 
safe  in  pressing  liim  to  pay  what  was  still  due  for  the  broad- 
cloth lie  had  bought.  The  account  in  the  text  may  be  eom- 
]):ire(l  with  tiuit  given  by  Jourdain,  who  manifestly  thought 
the  altitude  of  Hawkins  unwise.  According  to  him  Mukarrab 
Khan  was  willing  to  pay  the  greater  part  of  the  debt,  but 
contended  for  the  remission  of  the  rest,  on  the  ground  that 
the  original  price  was  too  high  ;  Hawkins,  however,  demanded 
the  full  amount  and  threatened  to  complain  to  the  Emperor. 
Khwaja  Abul  Hasan,  '  the  Kings  chiefe  Vizir,'  endeavoured 
to  persuade  the  Englishman  to  accept  the  money  offered,  but 
in  vain.  The  complaint  was  duly  made,  and  Jahanglr  angrily 
ordered  Abul  Hasan  to  see  the  debt  discharged  ;  whereupon 
the  latter  paid  Hawkins  the  amount  Mukarrab  Khan  had 
previously  tendered,  and  added  threats  which  effectually 
deterred  him  from  applying  again  to  the  Emperor  ;  so  by  his 
obstinacy  he  had  gained  nothing  but  the  ill-will  of  Abul  Hasan, 
who  took  care  to  make  him  feel  its  effect  by  docking  the  pay 
due  to  him  from  the  royal  treasury. 

The  prospects  of  the  English  were  now  far  from  bright.  A 
rich  present  arrived  from  Goa  accompanied  by  a  letter  com- 
plaining that  another  European  nation  should  be  allowed  to 
endanger  the  friendship  that  had  so  long  existed  between 
Portugal  and  the  Mogul  ;  while  the  effect  of  this  was  enhanced 
by  the  declaration  of  certain  Surat  merchants  (then  at  court) 
that  any  encouragement  of  the  English  would  mean  the  ruin 
of  the  trade  of  Gujarat,  owing  to  the  reprisals  threatened  by 
the  Portuguese.  Moreover,  Jahanglr  had  long  entertained 
the  idea  of  sending  Mukarrab  Khan  to  Goa,  and  his  actual 
departure  on  this  errand  had  only  been  deferred  until  it  should 
be  known  that  the  long-expected  Viceroy  had  arrived  from 
Portugal  and  would  welcome  the  presence  of  such  an  emissary. 
The  letter  now  received  settled  both  points,  and  mentioned 
also  that  a  merchant  at  Goa  had  for  sale  a  particularly  fine 
ruby,  a  model  of  which  was  sent.  The  Emperor  was  of  course 
eager  to  acquire  this  gem,  and  accordingly  Mukarrab  Klian, 
now  restored  to  favour,  was  ordered  to  proceed  on  his  mission. 
He  represented,  however,  that  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 
be  able  to  assure  the  Viceroy  that  the  English  would  be  defi- 
nitely excluded  from  trade  in  India  ;  and  this  promise  Jahanglr 
at  once  gave. 

Hawkins  waited  until  the  envoy  was  well  on  his  way,  and 
then  applied  afresh  to  the  Emperor,  with  the  result  that  the 
latter  changed  his  mind  and  declared  that  the  English  should 
be  freely  admitted  ;  but  on  hearing  of  this,  Mukarrab  Khan 
wrote  that  it  would  be  useless  in  that  case  for  him  to  proceed 
to  Goa,  and  thereupon  the  promised  farman  was  withheld,  in 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  67 

s])ite  of  all  the  entreaties  of  Hawkins.  Another  mortification 
for  the  Englishman  was  his  exclusion  from  the  place  of  honour 
he  had  hitherto  enjoyed  at  court.  This  he  ascribes  to  the 
malice  of  Abfil  Hasan.  The  latter,  however,  would  not  have 
dared  to  take  such  a  step  without  the  Emperor's  sanction, 
and  the  real  reason  was  probably  that  given  by  Jourdain, 
which  is  as  follows.  From  time  to  time  Jahanglr  made 
attempts  to  abstain  from  his  usual  indulgence  in  strong- 
drink,  and  in  one  of  these  fits  of  temperance  he  ordered  that 
none  of  his  courtiers  should  come  into  his  presence  smelling 
of  liquor.  Hawkins,  who  had  a  weakness  in  that  direction, 
offended  against  this  regulation,  and  in  consequence  he  was 
one  day  denounced  in  the  presence  of  the  court  ;  '  whereat 
the  Kinge  pauzed  a  little  space  and,  consideringe  that  he  was 
a  stranger,  he  bid  him  goe  to  his  howse,  and  when  hee  came 
next,  he  should  not  drinke.  Soe,  beeing  disgraced  in  publique, 
he  could  not  be  suffred  to  come  into  his  accustomed  place 
neere  the  Kinge  ;  which  was  the  cause  that  he  went  not  soe 
often  to  courte  '  (Journal  of  John  Jourdain,  p.  156).  Evidently 
Jahanglr  was  by  this  time  tired  of  his  troublesome  visitor,  and 
an  appeal  from  Hawkins  '  either  to  establish  me  as  formerly 
or  give  me  leave  to  depart ',  produced  only  an  immediate  order 
for  his  passports  to  be  made  ready.  He  then  applied  for  an 
answer  to  the  letter  he  had  brought  from  King  James,  but 
this  was  contemptuously  refused. 

The  few  Englishmen  remaining  in  India  now  began  to  make 
plans  for  their  departure.  Finch,  who  had  joined  Hawkins 
early  in  IGIO  but  was  now  at  Lahore,  decided  to  go  home 
overland.  Jourdain,  who  had  reached  Agra  in  February  1611, 
left  again  towards  the  end  of  July  for  the  coast,  accompanied 
by  three  other  Englishmen.  At  their  farewell  audience  they 
presented  Jahanglr  with  '  a  peece  of  gould  of  our  Kings  quoyne, 
which  he  looked  earnestlie  upon  and  putt  itt  in  his  pockett  ' 
(Jourdain,  p.  166).^  Hawkins  himself  was  in  a  difficulty,  as 
he  had  his  wife  to  consider,  whose  friends  objected  strongly  to 
her  quitting  India.  He  decided  to  apply  to  the  Jesuits  (whom 
he  had  so  persistently  reviled)  and  to  beg  them  to  procure 
a  pass  from  the  Viceroy  to  enable  him  to  proceed  by  way  of 
Cambay  to  Goa  (to  which  place  his  wife's  friends  would  allow 
her  to  accompany  him),  hoping  then  to  obtain  a  passage  to 
Lisbon.  This  the  Fathers  willingly  agreed  to  effect  ;  and  so 
he  continued  his  preparations  for  departure. 

1  Covert  on  quitting  Agra  gave  the  Emperor  '  a  small  whistle  of  gold, 
weighing  almost  an  ounce,  set  with  sparks  of  rubies  ;  which  hee  tooke 
and  whistleled  therewith  almost  an  houre.  Also  I  gave  him  the  picture 
of  St.  Johns  head  cut  in  amber  and  gold,  which  he  also  received  very 
gratiously.  The  whistle  hee  gave  to  one  of  his  great  women,  and  the 
picture  to  Sultan  Caroone,  his  yongest  sonne  '. 

f2 


G8  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

However,  the  end  was  not  yet.  In  the  early  summer  of  1 61 1 
Khwfija  Abul  Hasan  was  sent  to  the  Decean,  and  (lliiyas  \ic<r, 
father  of  tlie  ceU-brated  Nur  Jahan  (whom  Jahrin<>Tr  had  Just 
espoused),  was  made  VVazTr  in  his  phiee.  His  son,  known 
later  as  Asaf  Khan,  was  also  in  <»reat  favour  ;  and  as  he  was 
on  very  friendly  terms  with  Hawkins,  the  envoy  began  to 
build  fresh  hopes  upon  this  change  of  ministers,  particularly 
as  he  had  learned  that  an  English  fleet,  under  Sir  Henry 
Middleton,  was  on  its  way  to  the  Gujarat  coast.  These  vessels 
reached  the  bar  of  Surat  on  September  26,  and  as  soon  as 
the  news  arrived  at  court,  Hawkins  presented  himself  before 
Jahanglr,  with  a  handsome  ruby  ring  by  way  of  offering,  and 
once  more  requested  afarmdn  for  the  establishment  of  English 
trade  at  Surat.  The  Emperor,  probably  in  expectation  of  the 
curiosities  likely  to  be  brought  by  the  ships,  at  once  ordered 
the  desired  document  to  be  drawn  up  ;  but  here  one  of  his 
chief  favourites  interposed,  representing  that  this  was  in  flat 
contradiction  to  the  promises  made  to  the  Portuguese  and 
would  entail  '  the  utter  overthrow  '  of  the  trade  of  Gujarat. 
Thereupon  Jahanglr  retracted  his  concession,  at  the  same  time 
assuring  Hawkins  that  if  he  would  remain  in  India,  he  should 
receive  in  full  the  allowance  previously  assigned  to  him.  The 
Englishman,  however,  replied  with  dignity  that  he  could  not 
remain  if  his  fellow-countrymen  were  refused  the  liberty  of 
commerce  which  had  been  promised  to  them  ;  and,  after 
another  ineffectual  attempt  to  procure  an  answer  to  the  letter 
he  had  brought,  he  quitted  Agra  early  in  November  1611. 

He  and  his  wife  got  safely  to  Cambay  ;  and  from  thence,  in 
the  following  January,  managed  to  reach  Middleton's  fleet, 
bringing  with  them  goods  to  the  value  of  about  £1,800.  Having 
been  finally  refused  by  Mukarrab  Khan,  in  view  of  the  menaces 
of  the  Portuguese,  permission  to  establish  a  factory  at  Surat, 
the  English  departed  on  February  11,  1612,  for  the  Red  Sea, 
where  Middleton  found  Captain  Saris  with  a  fresh  fleet  from 
England,  including  Hawkins's  old  ship  the  Hector.  The 
Indian  vessels  trading  to  Moklia  and  Aden  were  now  held  up 
and  forced  to  exchange  their  goods  for  English  commodities, 
and  finally  those  belonging  to  Din  and  Surat  were  required  to 
pay  a  heavy  ransom,  as  a  punishment  for  the  action  of  the 
Gujarat  officials  in  excluding  the  English  at  the  dictation  of 
the  Portuguese.  These  measures  had  a  great  effect  in  India, 
showing  as  they  did  that  it  was  as  dangerous  to  injure  the  one 
nation  as  to  defy  the  other  ;  and  wnen,  a  little  later.  Best  and 
Downton  demonstrated  that  their  countrymen  were  as  powerful 
at  sea  as  the  Portuguese,  the  Gujarat  seaports  were  duly  opened 
to  English  trade. 

Having  finished  his  business  in  the  Red  Sea,  Middleton 
departed  in  August  1612  for  Sumatra  and  Java.     Hawkins 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  69 

and  his  household  were  on  board  the  Trade's  Increase,  which, 
after  running  aground  near  Tiku  (in  Sumatra),  reached 
Bantam  four  days  before  Christmas.  There  they  found  the 
Hector,  the  Solomon,  and  the  Thomas,  all  preparing  to  start 
for  England.  Hawkins  and  his  wife  embarked  on  the  last- 
named,  and  the  vessels  sailed  in  January  1613.  The  Hector 
and  Thomas  reached  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  April,  and  after 
a  month's  respite  the  voyage  was  resumed  on  the  21st  of 
May,  Next  day  the  two  ships  lost  company,  and  of  the  rest 
of  the  voyage  we  know  but  little.  Sickness  broke  out  on  board 
the  Thomas,  with  the  result  that  most  of  the  crew  died  ;  while 
at  one  time  the  vessel  was  in  danger  of  being  plundered  by 
•  certain  Newfoundland  men  ' — probably  rough  traders  tempted 
by  the  sight  of  a  richly  laden  ship  weakly  manned.  Fortu- 
nately, this  danger  was  averted  by  the  appearance  of  the  Pearl, 
an  interloping  vessel  homeward  bound  from  the  East.  Her 
captain  not  only  rescued  the  Thomas  from  the  danger  that 
threatened  her,  but  also  supplied  her  with  much  needed 
provisions.  With  this  assistance  she  staggered  home,  arriving 
some  time  in  the  autumn  of  1613  ;  but  Hawkins  did  not  see 
his  native  land,  for  it  was  his  fate  to  '  dye  on  +he  Irish  shoare 
in  his  returne  homewards  '  (Purchas  His  Pilgrimage,  p.  521). 
When,  and  exactly  where,  this  happened  we  are  not  told. 

His  widow  came  on  to  London  in  the  Thomas.  Besides  her 
claim  to  her  late  husband's  property,  she  was  reputed  to  have 
many  valuable  jewels  ;  and  these  considerations  probably  had 
a  share  in  leading  to  her  second  marriage,  early  in  1614,  to 
Gabriel  Towerson,  who  had  been  captain  of  the  Hector  in  the 
recent  voyage.  There  was  some  haggling  with  the  East  India 
Company  over  the  settlement  of  Hawkins's  accounts.  The 
'  Committees  '  who  examined  these  reported  that  they  included 
heavy  charges  for  housekeeping,  presents,  '  goeinge  to  the 
campe  with  60  horse,'  and  so  on  ;  and  that,  after  allowing 
his  full  salary  of  £200  a  year  up  to  the  day  of  his  death,  with 
£300  for  the  expense  of  bringing  his  household  down  to  the 
coast,  there  still  remained  a  balance  due  from  his  estate  of  £600. 
However,  the  Company,  considering  that  the  widow  was 
'  a  straunger ',  and  that  liberal  treatment  of  her  might  have 
a  good  effect  in  India,  agreed  to  forgo  all  claims  ;  while  in 
addition  they  presented  her  with  a  wedding  gift  of  200  jacobuses 
(about  £240)  as  a  '  token  of  there  love  '.  In  1617  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Towerson  obtained  permission  from  the  Company  to 
proceed  to  India  in  a  private  capacity,  hoping  to  improve 
their  fortunes  by  the  aid  of  her  relatives.  From  the  journal 
of  Sir  Thomas  Roe  (who  was  much  vexed  by  their  vagaries) 
we  learn  that  these  hopes  were  disappointed.  Towerson 
himself  returned  to  England  with  the  ambassador  in  1619, 
leaving  his  wife  with  her  friends  at  Agra,  where,  a  couple  of 


70  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

years  later,  we  find  her  pestering  the  Company's  lactors  lor 
maintenance.  Her  second  husband  had  evidently  no  intention 
of  rejoining  her,  for  in  1620  he  obtained  employment  from  the 
Company  as  a  principal  factor  for  the  Moluccas.  Three  years 
later,  while  holding  this  post,  he  was  put  to  death  by  the 
Dutch  in  what  is  termed  '  the  Massacre  of  Aniboyna  '. 

The  narrative  here  reprinted  from  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes 
(part  i,  book  iii,  chap.  7)  represents  Hawkins's  own  rejiort  to 
the  East  India  Company.  The  reverend  gentleman  tells  us, 
in  his  companion  work  the  Pilgrimage  (p.  520),  that  the 
traveller's  '  booke  or  large  journall,  written  by  himselfe,  was 
communicated  to  me  by  the  Right  Worshipful!  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  '  (the  Governor  of  the  Company)  ;  and  elsewhere  he 
describes  it  as  '  written  at  sea-leasure,  very  voluminous,  in  a 
hundred  sheets  of  paper  '.  This  account  Purchas  edited  freely, 
omitting,  as  he  frankly  tells  us,  '  many  advices  of  the  authour 
touching  forts,  Indian  factories,  &c.,'  which  he  regarded  '  as 
not  so  fitting  every  eye  '.  Unfortunately,  the  manuscript  is 
no  longer  extant,  and  we  are  unable  therefore  to  assess  the 
value  of  what  was  thus  excised. 

Hawkins's  story  should  be  read  in  conjunction  with  the 
narrative  of  William  Finch,  which  supplements  it  in  many  ways. 
It  is  a  characteristic  production  and  gives  a  vivid  idea  of  the 
writer — enterprising  and  resourceful,  but  somewhat  arrogant 
and  blustering.  Upon  his  contemporaries  he  made  an  impres- 
sion not  altogether  favourable.  Finch  quarrelled  with  him  ; 
Jourdain,  as  we  have  seen,  gives  rather  a  hostile  account  of  his 
behaviour,  and  declares  that '  his  promises  weare  of  little  force, 
for  he  was  very  fickle  in  his  resolucion,  as  alsoe  in  his  religion  ' 
{Journal,  p.  162)  ;  and  Roe,  though  he  did  not  know  him 
personally,  wrote  of  him  :  '  For  Hawkings,  I  fynd  him  a  vayne 
foole  '  (British  Museum,  Addl.  MSS.,  no.  6115,  f.  148).  But, 
at  all  events,  we  owe  to  him  a  most  valuable  account  of  the 
Court  of  the  Emperor  Jahanglr,  second  only  to  that  given  by 
Roe  himself  ;  while  his  picturesque  account  of  his  adventures 
has  an  interest  which  is  all  its  own. 


At  my  arrivall  unto  the  bar  of  Sural,  being  the  foure  and 
twentieth  of  August,  1608,  I  presently  sent  unto  Surat  Francis 
Buck,  merchant,  with  two  others,  to  make  knownc  unto  the 
Governour^  that  the  King  of  England  had  sent  me  as  his 
embassadour  unto  his  king,  with  his  letter  and  present.  I 
received  the  Governours  answere,  both  by  theni  and  three 

*  His  name  appears  to  have  been  Mirza  Nuruddin. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  71 

of  his  servants  sent  me  from  Surat,  that  he  and  what  the 
countrey  affoorded  was  at  my  command,  and  that  I  should 
be  very  welcome  if  I  would  vouchsafe  to  come  on  shore.  I 
went,  accompanied  with  my  merchants  and  others,  in  the  best 
manner  I  could,  befitting  for  the  honour  of  my  king  and 
country.  At  my  comming  on  shore,  after  their  barbarous 
manner  I  was  kindly  received,  and  multitudes  of  people 
following  me,  all  desirous  to  see  a  new  come  people,  much 
nominated  but  never  came  in  their  parts.  As  I  was  neere  the 
Governors  house,  word  was  brought  me  that  he  was  not  well  ; 
but  I  thinke  rather  drunke  with  affion  [Hind,  afiyun,  opium] 
or  opion,  being  an  aged  man.  So  I  went  unto  the  Chiefc 
Customer,^  which  was  the  onely  man  that  seafaring  causes 
belonged  unto  (for  the  government  of  Surat  belonged  unto 
two  great  noblemen,  the  one  being  Viceroy  of  Decan,  named 
Chanchana,"  the  other  Viceroy  of  Cambaya  and  Surat,  named 
Mocreb-chan,^  but  in  Surat  hee  had  no  command,  save  onely 
over  the  Kings  customes),  who  was  the  onely  man  I  was  to 
deale  withall.  After  many  complements  done  with  this  Chiefe 
Customer,  I  told  him  that  my  comming  was  to  establish  and 
settle  a  factory  in  Surat,  and  that  I  had  a  letter  for  his  king 
from  His  Majesty  of  England  tending  to  the  same  purpose, 
who  is  desirous  to  have  league  and  amitie  with  his  king,  in 
that  kind  that  his  subjects  might  freely  goe  and  come,  sell 
and  buy,  as  the  custome  of  all  nations  is  ;  and  that  my  ship 
was  laden  with  the  commodities  of  our  land  which,  by  intelli- 
gence of  former  travellers,  were  vendible  for  these  parts. 
His  answere  was  that  he  would  dispatch  a  foot-man  for  Cam- 
baya unto  the  nobleman  his  master,  for  of  himsclfe  he  could 
doe  nothing  without  his  order.  So  taking  my  leave,  I  departed 
to  my  lodging  appointed  for  mee,  which  was  at  the  custome- 
house. 

In  the  morning  I  went  to  visit  the  Governour  and,  after 

'  The  Shalibandar,  who  had  control  of  all  matters  relating  to  the  port, 
iucliuling  the  customs. 

-  Ivhan-khanan,  the  highest  military  title.  It  was  borne  at  this  time 
by  Mlrza  Abdurrahim,  son  of  Bairiim  Ivhan,  Akbar's  celebrated  general. 
He  was  in  cliarge  of  the  operations  against  the  Deccan  kings,  with  head- 
quarters at  Burhanpur. 

^  Mukarrab  Khan  (for  whom  see  \i  03). 


72  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

a  present  given  him,  witli  great  gravity  and  outward  shew  of 
kindnesse  he  entertained  me,  biddin<>-  me  most  heartily 
welcome,  and  that  the  countrey  was  at  my  command.  After 
complements  done,  and  cntring  into  the  maine  affaires  of  my 
businesse,  acquainting  liim  wherefore  my  comming  was  for 
these  parts,  he  answered  me  that  these  my  affaires  did  not 
concerne  him,  because  they  were  sea-faring  causes,  which 
did  belong  unto  Mocrebehan,  unto  whom  bee  promised  me 
to  dispatch  a  foot-man  unto  Cambaya  and  would  write  in 
my  behalfe,  both  for  the  unlading  of  my  shippe,  as  also  con- 
cerning a  factorie.  In  the  meane  while,  he  appointed  me  to 
lodge  in  a  merchants  house  that  understood  the  Turkish, 
being  at  that  time  my  trouch-man  [interpreter  (see  p.  57)  ], 
the  captaine  of  that  shippe  which  Sir  Edward  Michelborne 
tooke.^ 

It  was  twentie  dales  ere  the  answer  came,  by  reason  of  the 
great  waters  and  raines  that  men  could  not  passe.  In  this 
time  the  merchants,  many  of  them  very  friendly,  feasted  me, 
when  it  was  faire  weather  that  I  could  get  out  of  doores  ;  for 
there  fell  a  great  raine,  continuing  almost  the  time  the 
messengers  were  absent,  who  at  the  end  of  twenty  dales 
brought  answer  from  Mocrebehan  with  licence  to  land  my 
goods  and  buy  and  sell  for  this  present  voyage,  but  for  a  future 
trade  and  setling  of  a  factorie  he  could  not  doe  it  without  the 
Kings  commaundement,  which  he  thought  would  be  effected, 
if  I  would  take  the  paines  of  two  moneths  travell  to  deliver 
my  kings  letter.  And  further,  he  wrote  unto  his  Chiefe 
Customer  that  all  whatsoever  I  brought  should  be  kept  in 
the  custome-house  till  his  brother,  Sheck  Abder  Rachim 
[Shaikh  Abdurrahim],  came,  who  should  make  all  the  hast 
that  possibly  could  bee,  for  to  chuse  such  goods  as  were  fitting 
for  the  King  (these  excuses  of  taking  goods  of  all  men  for  the 
King  are  for  their  owne  private  gaine).  Upon  this  answere 
I  made  all  the  hast  I  could  in  easing  our  shippe  of  her  heavy 
burthen  of  lead  and  iron,  which  of  necessitie  must  be  landed. 

*  This  was  in  1605,  during  an  interloping  voyage,  for  which  Michel- 
borne  had  obtained  a  licence  from  James  I.  His  high-handed  proceed- 
ings with  the  native  vessels  he  met  much  alarmed  the  East  India  Com- 
pany. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  73 

The  goods  being  landed  and  kept  in  the  Customers  power  till 
the  comming  of  this  great  man,  perceiving  the  time  precious 
and  my  ship  not  able  long  to  stay,  I  thought  it  convenient  to 
send  for  three  chests  of  money,  and  with  that  to  buy  com- 
modities of  the  same  sorts  that  were  vendible  at  Priaman  and 
Bantam,^  which  the  Guzerats  carry  yearely  thither,  making 
great  benefit  thereof.  I  began  to  buy  against  the  will  of  all 
the  merchants  in  the  towne,  whose  grumbling  was  very  much, 
and  complaining  unto  the  Governour  and  Customer  of  the 
leave  that  was  granted  me  in  buying  those  commodities, 
which  would  cut  their  owne  throates  at  Priaman  and  Bantam, 
they  not  suspecting  that  I  would  buy  commodities  for  those 
parts,  but  onely  for  England. 

At  the  end  of  this  businesse  this  great  man  came,  who  gave 
me  licence  to  ship  it  ;  before  the  shipping  of  which  I  called 
a  councell,  which  were  the  merchants  I  had  and  those  that 
I  thought  fitting  for  the  businesse  I  pretended  [i.  e.  intended], 
demanding  every  ones  opinion  according  to  his  place  what 
should  be  thought  convenient  for  the  delivery  of  His  Majesties 
letter,  and  the  establishing  of  a  trade.  So  generally  it  was 
agreed  and  concluded  that  for  the  effecting  of  these  waighty 
affaires  it  neither  would  nor  could  be  accomplished  by  any 
but  by  myselfe,  by  reason  of  my  experience  in  my  former 
travels  and  language  ;  as  also  I  was  knowne  to  all  to  be  the 
man  that  was  sent  as  embassadour  about  these  affaires. 
After  it  was  concluded,  and  I  contented  to  stay,  I  made  what 
hast  I  could  in  dispatching  away  the  ship,  and  to  ship  the 
goods.  This  done,  I  called  Master  Marlow  and  all  the  company 
that  was  on  shore  before  mee,  acquainting  them  with  my 
pretjence  [intention],  and  how  they  should  receive  for  their 
commander  Master  Marlow,  willing  them  that  they  obey  and 
reverence  him  in  that  kind  as  they  did  me.  This  done,  I  brought 
them  to  the  water  side  and,  seeing  them  imbarke  themselves, 
I  bad  them  farewell. 

The  next  day,  going  about  my  affaires  to  the  great  mans 
brother,  I  met  with  some  tenne  or  twelve  of  our  men,  of  the 
better  sort  of  them,  very  nuich  frighted,  telling  me  the  heaviest 

'  Priaman,  a  pepper  port  on  the  west  coast  of  Sumatra.  Bantam,  on 
the  north-east  coast  of  Java. 


74  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN   INDIA 

iicwcs  (as  I  tlumght)  that  ever  came  unto  nic,  of  the  taking 
of  the  barkcs  by  a  Portugal  frigat  or  two,  and  all  goods  and 
men  taken,  onel^'  they  escaped. ^  I  demanding  in  what  manner 
they  were  taken  and  whether  they  did  not  fight,  their  answer 
was  no  :  M[aster]  Marlow  would  not  suffer  them,  for  that  the 
Portugals  were  our  friends,  and  Bucke,  on  the  other  side,  went 
to  the  Portugall  without  a  pawne  [hostage],  and  there  he 
betrayed  us,  for  he  never  came  unto  us  after.  Indeed,  Bucke 
went  upon  the  oath  and  faithfuU  promise  of  the  Captaine,  but 
was  never  suffered  to  returne.  I  presently  sent  a  letter  unto 
the  Captaine  Major,  that  he  release  my  men  and  goods,  for 
that  we  were  Englishmen,  and  that  our  kings  had  peace  and 
amity  together,  and  that  we  were  sent  unto  the  Mogols 
countrey  by  our  king,  and  with  his  letter  unto  the  Mogol  for 
his  subjects  to  trade  in  his  countrey,  and  with  His  Majesties 
commission  for  the  government  of  his  subjects,  and  I  made 
no  question  but  in  delivering  backe  His  Majesties  subjects  and 
goods,  that  it  would  be  well  taken  at  his  kings  hands  ;  if  the 
contrary,  it  would  be  a  meanes  of  breach.  At  the  receit  of 
my  letter,  the  proud  rascall  braved  so  much,  as  the  messenger 
told  me,  inost  vilely  abusing  His  Majestic,  tearming  him  King 
of  Fishermen,  and  of  an  iland  of  no  import,  and  a  fart  for  his 
commission,  scorning  to  send  me  any  answer. 

It  was  my  chance  the  next  day  to  meete  with  a  captaine 
of  one  of  the  Portugal  frigats,  who  came  about  businesse, 
sent  by  the  Captaine  Major.  The  businesse,  as  I  understood, 
was  that  the  Governour  should  send  me  as  prisoner  unto  him, 
for  that  we  were  Hollanders.  I,  understanding  what  he  was, 
tooke  occasion  to  speake  with  him  of  the  abuses  offered  the 
King  of  England  and  his  subjects.  His  answere  was  that  these 
seas  belonged  unto  the  King  of  Portugall,  and  none  ought  to 
come  here  without  his  license.  I  told  him  that  the  King  of 
Englands  license  was  as  good  as  the  King  of  Spaincs,  and  as 
free  for  his  subjects  as  for  the  King  of  Spaincs,  and  he  that 
saith  the  contrary  is  a  traytor  and  a  villaine,  and  so  tel  your 

'  Our  two  barks  taken  by  the  Portugals,  and  tliirtie  men  in  them. 
This  not  fighting  was  upbrayded  to  our  men  by  the  Indians  with  much 
disgrace,  since  recovered  with  interest  by  our  sea-fights  with  the 
Portugals.'    {Marginal  note  by  Purchas.) 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,   1608-13  75 

great  captaine  that  in  abusing  the  King  of  England  he  is  a 
base  villaine  and  a  traytor  to  his  king,  and  that  I  will  maintaine 
it  with  my  sword,  if  he  dare  come  on  shore.  I  sending  him  a 
challenge,  the  Mores,  perceiving  I  was  much  mooved,  caused 
the  Portugal  to  depart.  This  Portugal,  some  two  houres  after, 
came  to  my  house,  promising  me  that  he  would  procure  the 
libertie  of  my  men  and  goods,  so  that  I  would  be  liberall  unto 
him.  I  entertained  him  kindly  and  promised  him  much,  but 
before  he  departed  the  towne  my  men  and  goods  were  sent 
for  Goa. 

I  had  my  goods  readie  some  five  dayes  before  I  could  be 
cleare  and  have  leave,  for  they  would  not  let  them  be  shipped 
untill  this  great  man  came,  which  was  the  third  of  October  ; 
and  two  dayes  after,  the  ship  set  sayle,  I  remaining  with  one 
merchant,  William  Finch,  who  was  sicke  the  greater  part  of 
his  time  and  not  able  to  stirre  abroad  to  doe  any  busincsse  ; 
the  rest  were  two  servants,  a  cooke  and  my  boy.  These  were 
the  companie  I  had  to  defend  our  selves  from  so  many  enemies, 
which  lay  daily  lurking  to  destroy  us,  aiming  at  me  for  the 
stopping  of  m^^  passage  to  the  Great  Mogol  ;  but  God  pre- 
served me,  and  in  spight  of  them  all  I  tooke  heart  and  resolution 
to  goe  forwards  on  my  travels.  After  the  departure  of  the 
ship,  I  understood  that  my  goods  and  men  were  betrayed  unto 
the  Portugal  by  Mocrcb-chan  and  his  followers  ;  for  it  was 
a  plot  laid  by  the  Jesuite  ^  and  Mocreb-chan  to  protract  time 
till  the  frigats  came  to  the  bar,  and  then  to  dispatch  me,  for 
till  then  this  dogge  Mocrcb-chan  his  brother  came  not,  and 
the  comming  of  these  frigats  was  in  such  secrecy  that,  till 
they  had  taken  us,  we  heard  no  newes  of  them.  After  the 
departure  of  my  ship  I  was  so  misused  that  it  was  unsufferable, 
but  so  long  as  my  ship  was  at  the  bar  I  was  flattered  withall. 
But  howsoever,  well  used  or  ill,  it  was  not  for  mee  to  take 
thought  for  any  thing,  although  remaining  in  an  heathen 
countrey,  invironed  with  so  many  enemies,  who  daily  did 
nothing  else  but  plot  to  nuirther  me  and  cosen  me  of  my 
goods,  as  hereafter  you  shall  understand.  First,  misused  by 
Mocreb-chan  as  to  have  possession  of  my  goods,  taking  what 
he  pleased  and  leaving  what  he  pleased,  giving  me  such  a  price 

'  This  was  Father  Manoel  Pinheiro  (see  p.  55). 


7G  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDLV 

as  his  owiic  barbarous  conscience  ai'fonlcd,  Ihat  i'loni  tliirlic 
five  would  give  but  eighteene,  not  regarding  his  brothers  bil, 
who  had  full  authoritic  from  him  ;  and  how  diflicult  it  was 
to  get  money  from  his  chiefe  servant,  after  the  time  expired, 
as  it  is  best  knowne  to  us  who  tooke  the  paines  in  receiving 
a  small  part  thereof  before  his  comming  to  Surat  ;  and  after 
his  comming  I  was  barred  of  all,  although  he  outwardly  dis- 
sembled and  flattered  with  me  almost  for  three  moneths,  feeding 
me  with  faire  promises  of  payment  and  other  kindnesses. 
In  the  meane  time  he  came  to  my  house  three  times,  sweeping 
me  cleane  of  all  things  that  were  good  ;  so  that,  when  he  saw 
that  I  had  no  more  good  things  left,  he  likewise  by  little  and 
little  degraded  me  of  his  good  lookes.  Almost  all  this  time 
William  Finch  was  extreame  sicke  of  the  fluxe  [dysentery],  but, 
thankes  be  to  God,  recovered  past  all  hope.  I,  on  the  other 
side,  could  not  peepc  out  of  doores  for  feare  of  the  Portugals, 
who  in  troops  lay  lurking  in  by-wayes  to  give  me  assault  to 
murther  me,  this  beeing  at  the  time  that  the  armada  ^  was 
there. 

The  first  plot  laid  against  me  was  :  I  was  invited  by  Hogio 
Nazam  [Khwaja  Nizam]  to  the  fraughting  of  his  ship  for 
Mocha,  as  the  custome  is  they  make  at  the  fraughting  of  their 
ships  great  feasts  for  all  the  principallest  of  the  towne.  It 
was  my  good  hap  at  that  time,  a  great  captaine  belonging  to 
the  Vice-Roy  of  Guzerat,  resident  in  Amadavar  [Ahmadabad], 
being  sent  about  affaires  unto  Surat,  was  likewise  invited  to 
this  feast,  which  was  kept  at  the  water  side  ;  and  neere  unto 
it  the  Portugals  had  two  frigats  of  their  armada,  which  came 
to  receive  their  tribute  of  the  shippes  that  were  to  depart,  as 
also  refreshment.  Out  of  these  frigats  there  came  three 
gallant  fellowes  to  the  tent  where  I  was,  and  some  fortie 
followers,  Portugals,  scattering  themselves  along  the  sea  side 
ready  to  give  an  assault  when  the  word  should  be  given. 
These  three  gallants  that  came  to  the  tents,  armed  with  coats 
of  buffe  downe  to  the  knees,  their  rapiers  and  pistols  by  their 
sides,  demaunded  for  the  English  captaine  ;  upon  the  hearing 
of  which  I  arose  presently  and  told  them  that  I  was  the  man, 

'  The  Portuguese  fleet  of  frigates  trading  between  Goa  and  Cambay 
(see  p.  G3). 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  77 

and  perceiving  an  alteration  in  them  I  laid  hand  on  my 
weapon.  The  Captaine  Mogol  perceiving  treason  towards  me, 
both  he  and  his  followers  drew  their  weapons  and,  if  the 
Portugals  had  not  been  the  swifter,  both  they  and  their 
scattered  crew  (in  retiring  to  their  frigats)  had  come  short 
home.  Another  time  they  came  to  assault  me  in  my  house 
with  a  friar,  some  thirty  or  fortie  of  them.  The  friars  comming 
was  to  animate  the  souldiers  and  to  give  them  absolution. 
But  I  was  alwaies  wary,  having  a  strong  house  with  good  doores. 
Many  troopes  at  other  times  lay  lurking  for  me  and  mine  in 
the  streetes,  in  that  kind  that  I  was  foi'ced  to  goe  to  the 
Governour  to  complaine  that  I  was  not  able  to  goe  about  my 
businesse  for  the  Portugals  comming  armed  into  the  citie  to 
murther  me  ;  which  was  not  a  custome  at  other  tiines  for  any 
Portugals  to  come  armed,  as  now  they  did.  He  presently  sent 
word  to  the  Portugals  that,  if  they  came  into  the  city  armed 
againe,  at  their  owne  perils  be  it.  At  Mocreb-chan  his  comming, 
with  a  Jesuite  named  Padre  Pineiro  in  his  company  (who 
profered  Mocreb-chan  fortie  thousand  rials  of  eight  ^  to  send 
me  to  Daman,  as  I  understood  by  certaine  advise  given  me 
by  Hassun  Ally  ^  and  Ally  Pommory),  I  went  to  visit  him, 
giving  him  a  present,  besides  the  present  his  brother  had  ; 
and  for  a  time,  as  I  have  above  written,  I  had  many  kind 
outward  shewes  of  him,  till  the  time  that  I  demanded  my 
money.  After  that  his  dissembling  was  past  and  he  told  me 
plainely  that  he  would  not  give  mee  twentie  mamadies  per 
vare,^  but  would  deliver  me  backe  my  cloath.  Upon  which 
dealings  I  dissembled  as  wel  as  I  could  with  him,  intreating 
leave  for  Agra  to  the  King,  telling  him  that  William  Finch 
was  the  man  that  I  left  as  my  chiefe  in  this  place,  and  in  what 
kind  soever  his  pleasure  was  to  deale  with  me,  he  was  the  man 
to  receive  either  money  or  ware  ;  upon  which  answer  he  gave 
me  his  license  and  letter  to  the  Kijig,  promising  me  fortie 
horsemen  to  goe  with  me.  which  hee  did  not  accomplish.  After 
license  received,  the  Father  put  into  Mocreb-chan  his  head 

'  The  rial  of  eight  was  worth  about  4«.  6d. 

*  Khwaja  Hasan  All,  afterwards  Shahbandar  of  Surat. 

*  '  Vare  '  is  probably  a  misprint  for  '  yard  '.  The  mahmudi  was  a 
small  silver  coin  (equivalent  to  about  IkZ.  or  I2d.  English),  which  was 
still  the  favourite  currency  in  Gujarat,  side  by  side  with  the  rupee. 


78  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

that  it  was  not  good  to  let  mc  passe,  for  that  I  wouhl  complaine 
of  liim  unto  the  King.  This  he  plotted  with  Moereh-chan  to 
overthrow  my  journey,  which  he  could  not  doc  because  I  came 
from  a  king  ;  but  he  said  that  he  would  not  let  me  have  any 
force  to  goe  with  me.  And  what  else  hee  would  have  him  to 
doe,  either  with  my  treuch-man  [see  p.  72]  and  coachman, 
to  poyson  or  murthcr  me,  if  one  shoidd  faile,  the  other  to  doe 
it.  This  invention  was  put  into  Mocreb-chans  liead  by  the 
Father,  but  God  for  His  mercie  sake  afterward  discovered 
these  plots,  and  the  counsell  of  this  Jesuite  tooke  not  place. 
Before  the  plotting  of  this,  the  Jesuite  and  I  fell  out  in  the 
presence  of  Mocreb-chan  for  vile  speaches  made  by  him  of 
our  king  and  nation  to  bee  vassals  unto  the  King  of  Portugall  ; 
which  words  I  could  not  brooke,  in  so  much  that,  if  I  could 
have  had  my  will,  the  Father  liad  never  spoken  more,  but  I 
was  prevented. 

Now  finding  William  Finch  in  good  health,  newly  recovered, 
I  left  all  things  touching  the  trade  of  merchandizing  in  his 
power,  giving  him  my  remembrance  and  order  what  he  should 
doe  in  my  absence.  So  I  began  to  take  up  souldiers  to  conduct 
mee,  being  denyed  of  Mocrebchan,  besides  shot  and  bow-men 
that  I  hired.  For  my  better  safety  I  went  to  one  of  Chanchanna 
his  captaines  to  let  me  have  fortie  or  fiftie  horsemen  to  conduct 
me  to  Chanchanna,  being  then  Vice-roy  of  Decan,  resident  in 
Bramport  [Burhanpur],  who  did  to  his  power  all  that  I 
demanded,  giving  me  valiant  horsemen,  Pattans  [Pathans], 
a  people  very  much  feared  in  these  parts  ;  for  if  I  had  not 
done  it,  I  had  beene  over-throwne.  For  the  Portugalls  of 
Daman  had  wrought  with  an  ancient  friend  of  theirs,  a  Raga 
[Raja],  who  was  absolute  lord  of  a  province  (betweene  Daman, 
Guzerat  and  Decan)  called  Cruly,^  to  be  readie  with  two 
hundred  horsemen  to  stay  my  passage  ;  but  I  went  so  strong 
and  well  provided,  that  they  durst  not  incounter  with  us  ;  so 
likewise  that  time  I  escaped. 

Then   at   Dayta,^   another   province    or   princedome,    my 

1  This  has  been  identified  as  the  district  round  Karoli,  four  miles  south- 
east of  Salher  (for  which  see  Finch's  narrative). 

'^  Dhaita,  on  the  Surpini  River.  The  '  province  '  referred  to  is  Baglan, 
a  mountainous  district  to  the  south  of  the  Tapti,  which  still  maintained 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  79 

coachman  being  drunke  with  certaine  of  his  kindred,  discovered 
the  treason  that  hee  was  to  worke  against  mee,  which  was  that 
hee  was  hiered  to  niurther  me  ;  he  being  overheard  bj'  some 
of  my  souldicrs,  who  at  that  present  came  and  told  me  and 
how  it  shoiikl  be  done  in  the  morning  following,  when  we  begin 
our  travell  (for  wee  use  to  travell  two  houres  before  day)  ; 
upon  which  notice  I  called  the  coachman  unto  me,  examining 
him  and  his  friends  before  the  captaine  of  the  horsemen  I  had 
with  mee  ;  who  could  not  deny  ;  but  hee  would  never  confesse 
who  hired  him,  although  hee  was  very  much  beaten,  cursing 
his  fortune  that  he  could  not  effect  it,  for  he  was  to  doe  it  the 
next  morning.  So  I  sent  him  prisoner  unto  the  Governour 
of  Suratt.  But  afterward  by  my  broker  or  truchman  I  under- 
stood that  both  hee  and  the  coachman  were  hired  by  Mocreb- 
chan,  but  by  the  Fathers  perswasion,  the  one  to  poyson  me, 
and  the  other  to  murther  me  ;  but  the  truchman  received 
nothing  till  he  had  done  the  deed,  which  hee  never  meant  to 
doe,  for  in  that  kind  hee  was  alwayes  true  unto  mee  ;  thus 
God  preserved  me.  This  was  five  dayes  after  my  departure 
from  Suratt,  and  my  departure  from  Suratt  was  the  first  of 
February,  1608  [1609].  So  following  on  my  travels  for 
Bramport,  some  two  dayes  beyond  Dayta  the  Pattans  left 
me,  but  to  be  conducted  by  another  Pattan  captaine,  governour 
of  that  lordship,  by  whom  I  was  most  kindly  entertained. 
His  name  was  Sherchan  [Sher  Khan].  Beeing  sometime  a 
prisoner  unto  the  Portugall  and  having  the  Portugall  language 
perfect,  was  glad  to  doe  me  any  service,  for  that  I  was  of  the 
nation  that  was  enemie  unto  the  Portugall.  Himselfe  in  person, 
with  fortie  horsemen,  went  two  dayes  journey  with  mee  till 
hee  had  freed  mee  from  the  dangerous  places  ;  at  which  time 
he  met  with  a  troupe  of  out-lawes  and  tooke  some  foure  alive 
and  slew  and  hurt  eight  ;  the  rest  escaped.  This  man  very 
kindly  writ  his  letter  for  me  to  have  his  house  at  Bramport, 
which  was  a  great  curtesie  ;  otherwise  I  could  not  tell  where 
to  lodge  my  selfe,  the  towne  being  so  full  of  souldiers,  for  then 
began  the  warres  with  the  Decans. 

its  independence.  The  chief's  headquarters  were  at  Jaitapur,  near 
Mulher  ;  and  he  levied  tolls  on  travellers  from  Surat  to  Burhanpur,  the 
road  passing  through  his  territories.    See  also  Finch's  account. 


80  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

The  eighteenth  of  the  said  monctli,  tliankes  be  to  God,  I 
came  in  safetie  to  Bramport,  and  the  next  day  I  went  to  the 
court  to  visit  Ciianclianna,  being  then  Lord  Cienerall  and 
Vice-Roy  of  Decan,  giving  him  a  present,  who  kindly  tooke  it  ; 
and  after  three  houres  conference  with  him,  lie  made  me  a 
great  feast,  and  being  risen  from  the  table,  invested  me  with 
two  clokes,  one  of  fine  woollen,  and  another  of  cloth  of  gold, 
giving  mee  his  most  kind  letter  of  favour  to  the  King,  which 
avayled  much.  That  done,  he  imbraced  me,  and  so  we 
departed.  The  language  that  we  spoke  was  Turkish,  which 
he  spake  very  well.  I  remayned  in  Bramport  unto  the  second 
of  March  ;  till  then  I  could  not  end  my  businesses  of  monies 
that  I  brought  by  exchange,  staying  likewise  for  a  carravan. 
Having  taken  new  souldiers,  I  followed  my  voyage  or  journey 
to  Agra,  where  after  much  labour,  toyle,  and  many  dangers 
I  arrived  in  safety  the  sixteenth  of  Aprill,  1609. 

Being  in  the  citie,  and  seeking  out  for  an  house  in  a  very 
secret  manner,  notice  was  given  the  King  that  I  was  come, 
but  not  to  bee  found.     He  presently  charged  both  horsemen 
and  footmen  in  many  troupes  not  to  leave  before  I  was  found, 
commanding  his   Knight  Marshall  to  accompany  mee  with 
great  state  to  the  court,  as  an  embassador  of  a  king  ought  to 
be  ;    which  he  did  with  a  great  traine,  making  such  extra- 
ordinary haste  that  I  admired  [i.  e.  wondered]  much,  for  I 
could  scarce  obtayne  time  to  apparell  my  selfe  in  my  best 
attyre.    In  fine  I  was  brought  before  the  King.    I  came  with 
a  slight   present,   having  nothing   but   cloth,   and   that   not 
esteemed  ;    for  what  I  had  for  the  King  Mocreb-chan  tooke 
from  me,  wherwith  I  acquainted  His  Majestic.    After  saluta- 
tion   done,  with  a    most  kinde  and  smiling  countenance  he 
bade  me  most  heartily  welcome  ;    upon  which  speech  I  did 
my  obeysance  and  dutie  againe.    Having  His  Majesties  letter 
in  my  hand,  he  called  me  to  come  neere  unto  him,  stretching 
downe  his  hand  from  the  seate  royall,  where  he  sate  in  great 
majestic  something  high  for  to  be  scene  of  the  people  ;  receiving 
very  kindly  the  letter  of  me.     Viewing  the  letter  a  prettie 
while,  both  the  scale  and  the  manner  of  the  making  of  it  up, 
he  called  for  an  old  Jesuite'^  that  was  there  present  to  reade  it. 
^  Probably  Father  Xavier  (see  p.  55). 


JAIIANGlR 


P.  8(1 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1  GO 8-1 3  81 

In  the  meane  space,  while  tlie  Jesuite  was  reading  it,  hee 
spake  unto  mee  in  the  kindest  manner  that  could  bee,  demand- 
ing of  mee  the  contents  of  the  letter,  which  I  told  him  ;  \ipon 
which  notice  presently  granting  and  promising  me  by  God 
that  all  what  the  King  had  there  written  he  would  grant  and 
allow  with  all  his  heart,  and  more  if  His  Majestic  would  require 
it.  The  Jesuite  likewise  told  him  the  effect  of  the  letter,  but 
discommending  the  stile,  saying  it  was  basely  penned,  writing 
Vestra  without  Majcstad.^  My  answere  was  unto  the  King  : 
And  if  it  shall  please  Your  Majestic,  these  people  are  our 
enemies  ;  how  can  this  letter  be  ill  written,  when  my  king 
demandeth  favour  of  Your  Majestie  ?    He  said  it  was  true. 

Perceiving  I  had  the  Turkish  tongue,  which  himselfe  well 
understood,    hee    commanded    me    to   follow   him    unto    his 
chamber  of  presence, ^  being  then  risen  from  that  place  of  open 
audience,  desiring  to  have  further  conference  with  me  ;    in 
which  place  I  stayed  some  two  houres,  till  the  King  came 
forth  from  his  women.     Then  calling  mee  unto  him,  the  first 
thing  that  hee  spake  was  that  he  understood  that  Mocrebchan 
had  not  dealt  well  with  mee  ;  bidding  mee  bee  of  good  chccre, 
for  he  would  remedie  all.    It  should  seeme  that  Mocrebchans 
enemies  had  acquainted  the  King  with  all  his  proceedings,  for 
indeed  the  King  hath  spies  upon  every  nobleman.    I  answered 
most  humbly  that  I  was  certaine  all  matters  would  goe  well 
on  my  side  so  long  as  His  Majestie  protected  me  ;  upon  which 
speech  he  presently  sent  away  a  post  for  Suratt,  with  his 
command  to  Mocrebchan,  writing  unto  him  very  earnestly 
in  our  behalfes,  conjuring  him  to  bee  none  of  his  friend  if  hee 
did  not  deale  well  with  the  English  in  that  kind  as  their  desire 
was.    This  being  dispatched  and  sent,  by  the  same  messenger 
I  sent  my  letter  to  William  Finch,  wishing  him  to  goe  with  this 
command  to  Mocrebchan  ;  at  the  receit  of  which  hee  wondred 
that  I  came  safe  to  Agra  and  was  not  murthered  or  poysoned 
by  the  way,  of  which  speech  William  Finch  advertised  me 
afterward. 

1  According  to  Du  Jarric  (vol.  iii,  p.  194),  Hawkins  had  brought  with 
him  a  Spanish  version  of  the  royal  letter. 

-  The  Dlwan-i-klms.    Hawkins  had  been  received  in  the  Diwan-i-am,  or 
public  audience  chamber. 

G 


82  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

It  grew  late,  and  having  had  some  small  conference  with 
the  King  at  that  time,  he  commanded  that  I  sJiould  daily  be 
brought  into  his  presence,  and  gave  a  captaine  named  IIous- 
haberclian  ^  cliarge  that  I  should  lodge  at  his  house  till  a  house 
were  found  convenient  for  me,  and  when  I  needed  anything 
of  the  King,  that  he  should  bee  my  solicitor.  According  to 
command  I  resorted  to  the  court,  where  I  had  daily  conference 
with  the  King.  Both  night  and  day  his  delight  was  very  much 
to  talke  with  nice,  both  of  the  affaires  of  England  and  other 
countries,  as  also  many  demands  of  the  West  Indies,  whereof 
hee  had  notice  long  before,  being  in  doubt  if  there  were  any 
such  place  till  he  had  spoken  with  me,  who  had  beene  in  the 
countrey. 

Many  dayes  and  weekes  being  past  and  I  now  in  great 
favour  with  the  King,  to  the  griefe  of  all  mine  enemies,  espying 
my  time,  I  demanded  for  his  commandement  or  commission 
with  capitulations  for  the  establishing  of  our  factory  to  be  in 
mine  owne  power.  His  answere  was  whether  I  would  remayne 
with  him  in  his  court.  I  replyed,  till  shipping  came ;  then  my 
desire  was  to  goe  home  with  the  answere  of  His  Majesties  letter. 
Hee  replyed  againe  that  his  meaning  was  a  longer  time,  for  he 
meant  to  send  an  embassador  to  the  King  of  England  at  the 
comming  of  the  next  shipping,  and  that  I  should  stay  with 
him  untill  some  other  bee  sent  from  my  king  to  remayne  in 
my  place,  saying  this  :  Thy  staying  would  be  highly  for  the 
benefit  of  thy  nation  ;  and  that  he  would  give  me  good 
maintenance,  and  my  being  heere  in  his  presence  would  bee 
the  cause  to  right  all  wrongs  that  should  be  offered  unto  my 
nation  ;  and  further,  what  I  should  see  benefieiall  for  them, 
upon  my  petition  made,  hee  would  grant  ;  swearing  by  his 
fathers  soule  that,  if  I  would  remayne  with  him,  he  would 
grant  me  articles  for  our  factorie  to  my  hearts  desire,  and 
would  never  goe  from  his  word.  I  replyed  againe,  that  I 
would  consider  of  it.  Thus  daily  inticing  me  to  stay  with  him, 
alleaging  as  is  above  written,  and  that  I  should  doe  service 
both  to  my  naturall  king  and  to  him,  and  likewise  he  would 

*  Probably  Khushkliabar  Khan,  the  title  given  by  Jahangir  to  the 
man  who  brought  him  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  his  rebel  son  Khusran 
{Tuzuk,  vol.  i,  p.  63). 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  83 

allow  me  by  the  ycare  three  thousand  and  two  hundred 
pounds  sterling  ^  for  my  first,  and  so  yecrely  hee  promised 
mee  to  augment  my  living  till  I  came  to  a  thousand  horse. 
So  my  first  should  be  foure  hundred  horse  ;  for  the  nobilitie 
of  India  have  their  titles  by  the  number  of  their  horses,  that 
is  to  say,  from  fortie  to  twelve  thousand,  which  pay  belongeth 
to  prinees  and  his  sonnes,  I  trusting  upon  his  promise,  and 
seeing  it  was  beneficiall  both  to  my  nation  and  my  selfe, 
beeing  dispossessed  of  that  benefit  which  I  should  have  reaped 
if  I  had  gone  to  Bantam,  and  that  after  halfe  a  doozen  yeeres, 
Your  Worships  would  send  another  man  of  sort  in  my  place, 
in  the  meane  time  I  should  feather  my  neast,  and  doe  you 
service  ;  and  further  perceiving  great  injuries  offered  us,  by 
reason  the  King  is  so  farre  from  the  ports  ;  for  all  which 
causes  above  specified,  I  did  not  thinke  it  amisse  to  yecld 
unto  his  request.  Then,  because  my  name  was  something 
hard  for  his  pronuntiation,  hee  called  me  by  the  name  of 
English  Chan,  that  is  to  say,  English  lord,  but  in  Persia  it 
[i.  e,  Klian]  is  the  title  for  a  Duke  ;  and  this  went  currant 
throughout  the  countrey. 

Now  your  Worships  shall  understand  that  I  being  now  in 
the  highest  of  my  favours,  the  Jesuites  and  Portugalls  slept 
not,  but  by  all  meanes  sought  my  overthrow  ;  and,  to  say  the 
truth,  the  principal!  Mahumetans  neere  the  King  envyed  m.uch 
that  a  Christian  should  bee  so  nigh  unto  him.  The  Jesuite 
Peniero  being  with  Mocrebchan,  and  the  Jesuites  here,  I  thinke 
did  little  regard  their  masses  and  church  matters  for  studying 
how  to  overthrow  my  affaires  ;  advice  being  gone  to  Goa  by 
the  Jesuites  here,  I  meane  in  Agra,  and  to  Padre  Peneiro  at 
Surat  or  Cambaya,  hee  working  with  Mocrebchan  to  be  the 
Portugals  assistance,  and  the  Vice-Roy  sending  him  a  great 
present,  together  with  many  toyes  [i.  e.  curiosities]  unto  the 
King  with  his  letter.  These  presents  and  many  more  jiromiscs 
wrought  so  much  with  Mocrebchan  that  he  writeth  his  petition 

'  The  Jesuit  accounts  give  Hawkins's  stipend  as  30,000  rui^ees,  which 
would  amount  to  about  the  sum  here  stated.  Equal  credit  cannot  be 
accorded  to  their  statement  that  the  Englishman  gave  the  Emperor 
presents  worth  25,000  gold  pieces,  four-fifths  of  which  sum  was  represented 
by  a  single  gem.  (Du  Jarric,  vol.  iii,  p.  194.)  The  gold  piece  was  doubtless 
the  Venetian  sequin  (see  p.  0). 

G  2 


at  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

unto  the  King,  sending  it  together  with  the  present,  advertising 
the  King  that  the  suffring  of  the  Englisli  in  his  land  woukl  be 
the  cause  of  the  lossc  of  his  owne  countries  neere  the  sea-coasts, 
as  Suratt,  Cambaya,  and  such  like,  and  tliat  in  any  case  he 
entertaine  me  not,  for  that  his  ancient  friends  the  Portugalls 
murmured  highly  at  it,  and  that  the  fame  is  spread  amongst 
the  Portugalls  that  I  was  generall  of  ten  thousand  horsemen, 
readie  to  give  the  assault  upon  Diu  when  our  shipping  eame.^ 
The  Vicc-Royes  letter  likewise  was  in  this  kind.  The  Kings 
answere  was  that  he  had  but  one  English-man  in  his  court, 
and  him  they  needed  not  to  feare,  for  hee  hath  not  pretended 
any  such  matter,  for  I  would  have  given  him  living  neere  the 
sea  parts  but  he  refused  it,  taking  it  neere  me  heere.  This 
was  the  Kings  answere  ;  upon  which  answere  the  Portugalls 
were  like  madde  dogges,  labouring  to  worke  my  passage  out 
of  the  world.  So  I  told  the  King  what  dangers  I  had  passed, 
and  the  present  danger  wherein  I  was,  my  boy,  Stephen 
Gravener,  instantly  departing  this  world,  my  man,  Nicholas 
Ufflet,^  extreame  sicke,  and  this  was  all  my  English  com]>any, 
my  selfe  beginning  to  fall  downe  too.  The  King  presently 
called  the  Jesuites  and  told  them  that  if  I  dyed  by  any  extra- 
ordinary casualtie,  that  they  should  all  rue  for  it.  This  past, 
the  King  was  very  earnest  with  me  to  take  a  white  mayden 
out  of  his  palace  ;  who  would  give  her  all  things  necessary, 
with  slaves,  and  he  would  promise  mee  shee  should  turne 
Christian,  and  by  this  mcanes  my  meates  and  drinkes  should 
be  looked  unto  by  them,  and  I  should  live  without  feare. 
In  regard  she  was  a  Moore,  I  refused  ;  but  if  so  bee  there 
could  bee  a  Christian  found,  I  would  accept  it.  At  which  my 
speech  I  little  thought  a  Christians  daughter  could  bee  found. 
So  the  King  called  to  memorie  one  Mubarique  Sha  [Mubarak 

»  Du  Jarric  (vol.  iii,  p.  196)  repeats  the  allegation  that  Hawkins 
proposed  to  the  Emperor  the  blockade  by  land  of  the  Portuguese  settle- 
ment at  Diu,  promising  the  help  of  fourteen  ships  to  cut  off  relief  from  the 
sea. 

-  Ufflet  returned  to  England  with  Hawkins,  and  then  came  out  again 
in  Downton's  fleet.  In  1617  we  find  him  in  Java,  and  two  years  later  he 
died  on  board  one  of  the  vessels  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale's  fleet.  An  account 
he  appears  to  have  written  of  Agra  and  the  chief  routes  thither  is  referred 
to  on  a  later  page. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  85 

Shah]  his  daughter,  who  was  a  Christian  Armenian,  and  of 
the  race  of  the  most  ancient  Christians,  who  was  a  captaine 
and  in  great  favour  with  Ekber  Padasha  [Hind.  Padshah, 
Emperor],  this  kings  father.  This  captaine  dyed  suddenly 
and  without  will,  worth  a  masse  of  money,  and  all  robbed  by 
his  brothers  and  kindred,  and  debts  that  cannot  be  recovered, 
leaving  the  child  but  only  a  few  jewels.  I,  seeing  shee  was  of 
so  honest  a  descent,  having  passed  my  word  to  the  King, 
could  not  withstand  my  fortunes  ;  wherefore  I  tooke  her  and, 
for  want  of  a  minister,  before  Christian  witnesses  I  marryed 
her.i  The  priest  was  my  man  Nicholas  [Ufflet],  which  I  thought 
had  beene  lawfull,  till  I  met  with  a  preacher  that  came  with 
Sir  Henry  Middleton  and,  hee  shewing  me  the  error,  I  was 
new  marryed  againe.  So  ever  after  I  lived  content  and 
without  feare,  she  being  willing  to  goe  where  I  went,  and  live 
as  I  lived. 

After  these  matters  ended,  newes  came  hither  that  the 
Ascention  was  to  come,  by  the  men  of  her  pinnasse,  that  was 
cast  away  neere  Suratt  ;  upon  which  newes  I  presently  went 
to  the  King  and  told  him,  craving  his  licence,  together  with 
his  commission  for  the  setling  of  our  trade  ;  which  the  King 
was  willing  to  doe,  limiting  me  a  time  to  returne  and  be  with 
him  againe.  But  the  Kings  chiefe  Vizir,  Abdal  Hassan,^  a 
man  envious  to  all  Christians,  told  the  King  that  my  going 
would  be  the  occasion  of  warre,  and  thus  harme  might  happen 
unto  a  great  man  [i.  e.  Mukarrab  Khan]  who  was  sent  for  Goa 
to  buy  toyes  for  the  King.  Upon  which  speach  the  Kings 
pleasure  was  I  should  stay,  and  send  away  his  commission  to 
my  chiefe  factor  at  Surat  ;  and  presently  gave  order  that 
it  should  be  most  effectually  written.  In  fine,  under  his  great 
scale  with  golden  letters  his  commission  was  written,  so 
firmely  for  our  good  and  so  free  as  heart  can  wish.  This  I 
obtained  presently  and  sent  it  to  William  Finch.     Before  it 

'  According  to  Du  Jarric,  Hawkins  applied  to  the  Jesuit  Father  to 
perform  the  ceremony,  but  was  told  that  this  could  only  be  done  if  he 
would  acknowledge  that  the  Pope  was  the  head  of  the  Church  ;  where- 
upon he  got  his  servant  to  officiate. 

^  Khwaja  Abul  Hasan.  In  the  Tuzuk  (vol.  i,  p.  202)  his  office  is  spoken 
of  as  the  chief  Diwanship ;  while  Jourdain  terms  him  the  King's 
secretary. 


8()  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Clinic  tlicrc,  iicwcs  came  that  the  Asccnlion  was  cast  away 
and  lier  men  saved,  but  not  suffered  to  come  into  the  citie  of 
Surat.  Of  that  likewise  I  told  the  King,  who  seemed  to  be 
very  much  discontented  with  that  great  captaine  Mqcreb- 
chan,  my  enemy,  and  gave  me  another  commandement  for 
their  good  usage  and  meanes  to  be  wrought  to  save  the  goods, 
if  it  were  possible.  These  two  commandements  came  almost 
together,  to  the  great  joy  of  William  Finch  and  the  rest, 
admiring  much  at  these  things. 

And  now  continuing  these  great  favours  with  the  King, 
being  continually  in  his  sight,  for  the  one  halfe  of  foure  and 
twentie  houres  serving  him  day  and  night,  I  wanted  not  the 
greater  part  of  his  nobles  that  were  Mahumetans  to  be  mine 
enemies,  for  it  went  against  their  hearts  tliat  a  Christian 
should  be  so  great  and  neere  the  King  ;  and  the  more,  because 
the  King  had  promised  to  make  his  brothers  children  Christians, 
which  two  yeares  after  my  coming  he  performed,  commanding 
them  to  be  made  Christians.'^  A  while  after  came  some  of  the 
Asccntions  company  unto  me  (whom  I  could  have  wished  of 
better  behaviour,  a  thing  pryed  into  by  the  King).  In  all 
this  time  I  could  not  get  my  debts  of  Mocrebchan,  till  at  length 
he  was  sent  for  up  to  the  King  to  answere  for  many  faults  and 
tyrannicall  injustice  which  he  did  to  all  people  in  those  parts, 
many  a  man  being  undone  by  him,  who  petitioned  to  the  King 
for  justice.  Now  this  dogge  to  make  his  peace  sent  many 
bribes  to  the  Kings  sonnes  and  noblemen  that  were  neere  the 
King,  who  laboured  in  his  behalfe.  After  newes  came  that 
Mocrebchan  was  approached  neere,  the  King  presently  sent  to 
attach  all  his  goods,  which  were  in  that  abundance  that  the 
King  was  two  moneths  in  viewing  of  them,  every  day  allotting 
a  certaine  quantitie  to  be  brought  before  me  [him  ?]  ;  and 
what  he  thought  fitting  for  his  owne  turne  he  kept,  and  the 
rest  delivered  againe  to  Mocrebchan.  In  the  viewing  of  these 
goods  there  came  those  peeees  and  costlet  and  head-pecce, 
with  other  presents  that  he  tooke  from  me  for  ihc  King  of 
mine  owne,  not  suffering  mee  to  bring  them  my  selfe  ;  at 
the  sight  whereof  I  was  so  bold  to  tell  the  King  what  was 
mine.  After  the  King  had  viewed  these  goods,  a  very  great 
*  See  the  account  of  this  given  by  Finch. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  ICO 8-1 3  87 

complaint  was  made  by  a  Banian  [Hindu  trader],  how  that 
Mocrebchan  had  taken  his  daughter,  saying  she  was  for  the 
King  ;  which  was  liis  excuse,  deflowring  her  himselfe,  and 
afterwards  gave  her  to  a  Brammen  [Brahmin]  belonging  to 
Mocrebchan.  The  man  who  gave  notice  of  this  child  protested 
her  to  passe  all  that  ever  he  saw  for  bcautie.  The  matter  being 
examined,  and  the  offence  done  by  Mocrebchan  found  to  be 
true,  hee  was  committed  to  prison  in  the  power  of  a  great 
nobleman,  and  commandement  was  given  that  the  Brammene 
his  privy  members  should  be  cut  off  .^ 

Before  this  hapiJened  to  Mocrebchan,  I  went  to  visite  him 
divers  times,  who  made  me  verie  faire  promises  that  he  would 
deale  very  kindly  with  nice  and  be  my  friend,  and  that  I  should 
have  my  right.  Now  being  in  this  disgrace,  his  friends  daily 
solliciting  for  him,  at  length  got  him  cleere,  with  commande- 
ment that  he  pay  every  man  his  right,  and  that  no  more 
complaints  be  made  of  him  if  he  loved  his  life.  So  Mocrebchan 
by  the  Kings  command  paid  every  one  his  due  excepting  me, 
whom  he  would  not  pay  but  deliver  mc  my  cloath,  whereof 
I  was  desirous  and  to  make  (if  it  were  possible)  by  faire  meanes 
an  end  with  him  ;  but  he  put  me  off  the  more,  delaying  time 
till  his  departure,  which  was  shortly  after.  For  the  King  had 
restored  him  his  old  place  againe,  and  he  was  to  goe  for  Goa 
about  a  faire  ballaee  ruby  -  and  other  rare  things  promised 
the  King. 

All  my  going  and  sending  to  Mocrebchan  for  my  money  or 
cloath  was  in  vainc,  I  being  abused  so  basely  by  him  that  I 
was  forced  to  demaund  justice  of  the  King,  who  commanded 
that  the  money  be  brought  before  him  ;  but  for  all  the  Kings 
commaund  he  did  as  he  listed,  and,  doe  what  I  could,  he  cut 
me  off  twelve  thousand  and  five  hundred  mamadies.  For  the 
greatest  man  in  this  kingdome  was  his  friend,  and  many  otliers 

1  According  to  the  Tuzuk  (vol.  i,  p.  172),  the  complaint  was  made  by 
a  widow  woman,  whose  daughter  had  been  done  to  death  in  Mukarrab'a 
Khan's  house  at  Cambay.  On  investigation  it  was  found  that  the  out- 
rage had  been  perpetrated  by  one  of  Mukanab  Khan's  attendants,  who 
was  thereujjon  put  to  death  and  an  allowance  granted  to  the  complain- 
ant ;   while  Mukarrab  Khan  himself  had  his  i^ay  reduced  by  one  half. 

-  Really  a  rose-red  spinel.  '  Balass  '  is  said  to  mean  Budakhshi,  from 
Badakhshan,  their  place  of  origin. 


88  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

holding  on  his  side,  murmuring  to  the  King  the  suffering  of 
EngHsh  to  come  into  his  countrey,  for  that  we  were  a  nation 
that,  if  we  once  set  foot,  we  would  take  his  countrey  from  him. 
The  King  called  me  to  make  answere  to  that  they  said.  I 
answered  His  Majestic  that,  if  any  such  matter  were,  I  would 
answer  it  with  my  life,  and  that  we  were  not  so  base  a  nation 
as  these  mine  enemies  reported  ;  all  this  was  because  I 
demaunded  my  due  and  yet  cannot  get  it.  At  this  time  those 
that  were  neere  favourites  and  neerest  unto  the  King,  whom 
I  daily  visited  and  kept  in  withall,  spake  in  my  behalfe  ;  and 
the  King,  holding  on  my  side,  commanded  that  no  more  such 
wrongs  be  offred  me.  So  I  thinking  to  use  my  best  in  the 
recovery  of  this,  intreting  the  head  Vizir  that  he  would  be 
meanes  that  I  receive  not  so  great  a  losse,  he  answered  me  in 
a  threatning  manner,  that  if  I  did  open  my  mouth  any  more 
hee  would  make  me  to  pay  an  hundred  thousand  mamadies, 
which  the  King  had  lost  in  his  customes  by  entertaining  mee, 
and  no  man  durst  adventure  by  reason  of  the  Portugall.  So 
by  this  meanes  I  was  forced  to  hold  my  tongue,  for  I  know 
this  money  was  swallowed  by  both  these  dogges.  Now 
Mocrebchan  being  commaunded  in  publicke  that  by  such  a 
day  he  be  ready  to  depart  for  Guzerat,  and  so  for  Goa,^  and 
then  come  and  take  his  leave,  as  the  custome  is  :  in  this 
nieane  time  three  of  the  prineipallest  merchants  of  Surat  were 
sent  for  by  the  Kings  commaundement  and  come  to  the  court 
about  affaires  wherein  the  King  or  his  Vizir  had  imployed 
them,  being  then  present  there  when  Mocrebchan  was  taking 
his  leave,  this  being  a  plot  laid  both  by  the  Portugals,  Mocreb- 
chan, and  the  Vizir,  for  some  six  dales  before  a  letter  came 
unto  the  King  from  the  Portugall  Vice-roy,  with  a  present  of 
many  rare  things.  The  contents  of  this  letter  were,  how  highly 
the  King  of  Portugall  tooke  in  ill  part  the  entertaining  of  the 
English,  he  being  of  an  ancient  amitie,  with  other  complements  ; 
and  withall,  how  that  a  merchant  was  there  arrived  with  a  very 

*  Mukarrab  Khan  had  been  dispatched  on  this  mission  as  early  as 
September  1607,  but  had  halted  at  Cambay  to  await  news  of  the  arrival 
at  Goa  of  the  expected  Viceroy,  the  Conde  de  Feyra.  The  death  of  the 
latter  and  the  disputes  over  the  admission  of  the  English  had  further 
delayed  matters,  and  nothing  had  been  done  at  the  time  of  Mukarrab 
Khan's  return  to  court.    (Du  Jarric,  vol.  iii,  pp.  192,  &c.) 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  89 

faire  ballace  ruby,  weighing  three  hundred  and  fiftie  rotties,i 
of  which  stone  the  pattern  was  sent.  Upon  this  newes  Mocreb- 
chan  was  to  be  hastened  away  ;  at  whose  comming  to  take 
his  leave,  together  with  Padre  Pineiro  that  was  to  goe  with 
him,  the  above  named  merchants  of  Surat  being  then  there 
present,  Mocrebchan  began  to  make  his  speech  to  the  King, 
saying  that  this  and  many  other  things  he  hoped  to  obtaine 
of  the  Portugal!,  so  that  the  English  were  disanulled  ;  saying 
more,  that  it  would  redound  to  great  losse  unto  His  Majestic 
and  subjects  if  hee  did  further  suffer  the  English  to  come  into 
his  parts.  Upon  which  speech  he  called  the  merchants  before 
the  King  to  declare  what  losse  it  would  be,  for  that  they  best 
knew.  They  affirmed  that  they  were  like  to  be  all  undone 
because  of  the  English,  nor  hereafter  any  toy  could  come  into 
this  countrey,  because  the  Portugal  was  so  strong  at  sea  and 
would  not  suffer  them  to  goe  in  or  out  of  their  ports,  and  all 
their  excuse  was  for  suffering  the  English.  These  speeches 
now  and  formerly,  and  lucre  of  this  stone,  and  promises  by 
the  Fathers  of  rare  things  were  the  causes  the  King  overthrew 
my  affaires,  saying  :  Let  the  English  come  no  more  ;  presently 
giving  Mocreb-chan  his  commandement  to  deliver  the  Viceroy 
to  that  effect,  that  he  would  never  suffer  the  English  to  come 
any  more  into  his  ports. 

I  now  saw  that  it  booted  me  not  to  meddle  upon  a  sudden, 
or  to  make  any  petition  unto  the  King  till  a  prety  while  after 
the  departure  of  Mocreb-chan  ;  and  seeing  my  enemies  were 
so  many,  although  they  had  eaten  of  me  many  presents. 
When  I  saw  my  time,  I  made  petition  unto  the  King.  In 
this  space  I  found  a  toy  to  give,  as  the  order  is,  for  there  is 
no  man  that  commeth  to  make  petition  who  commeth  emptie- 
handed.  LTpon  which  petition  made  him,  he  presently  graunted 
my  request,  commanding  his  Vizir  to  make  me  another  com- 
mandement in  as  ample  manner  as  my  former,  and  commanded 
that  no  man  should  open  his  mouth  to  the  contrary,  for  it  was 
his  pleasure  that  the  English  should  come  into  his  ports.  So 
this  time  againe  I  was  afloate.  Of  this  alteration  at  that 
instant  the  Jesuite  had  notice  ;  for  there  is  no  matter  passeth 
in  the  Mogols  court  in  secret,  but  it  is  knowne  halfe  an  houre 
1  Rati,  the  seed  of  Abrus  precatorias,  used  as  a  jeweller's  weight. 


00  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

ul'ttT,  gi\ing  11  .sniull  nuiltcr  to  Hit  wiiUr  oi'  lliul  (lay,  for  there 
is  notliing  that  jnissclh  but  it  is  written,  and  writers  ai)])()inle(l 
by  turncs,  so  that  the  Father  nor  I  could  passe  any  busines«e, 
but  when  wc  would  we  had  notice.  So  the  Jesuitc  presently 
sent  away  the  most  speedy  messenger  that  could  be  gotten, 
with  his  letter  to  Padre  Pineiro  and  Mocreb-chan,  advertising 
them  of  all  that  had  passed.  At  the  receit  of  which  they 
consulted  amongst  themselves  not  to  goe  forward  on  their 
voyage  for  Goa  till  I  were  overthrown  againe.  Wherefore 
Mocreb-chan  wrote  his  petition  unto  the  King,  and  letters 
unto  his  friend  the  head  Vizir,  how  it  stood  not  with  the  Kings 
honour  to  send  him,  if  he  performed  not  what  he  promised 
the  Portugal,  and  that  his  voyage  would  be  overthrowne,  if 
he  did  not  call  in  the  commandement  he  had  given  the 
Englishman.  Upon  the  receiving  and  reading  of  this,  the 
King  went  againe  from  his  word,  esteeming  a  few  toj^es  which 
the  Fathers  had  promised  him  more  then  his  honour. 

Now  beeing  desirous  to  see  the  full  issue  of  this,  I  went  to 
Hogio  Jahan,!  Lord  General  of  the  Kings  Palace  (the  second 
man  in  place  in  the  kingdome),  intreating  him  that  he  would 
stand  my  friend.  He  very  kindly  presently  went  unto  the 
King,  telling  him  that  I  was  very  heavy  and  discontent  that 
Abdall  Hassan  would  not  deliver  me  my  commandement, 
which  His  Majestic  had  graunted  me.  The  King  answered 
him  (I  being  present  and  very  neere  him),  saying,  it  was  true 
that  the  commandement  is  sealed,  and  ready  to  be  delivered 
him  :  but  upon  letters  received  from  Mocreb-chan  and  better 
consideration  by  me  had  on  these  my  affaires  in  my  ports  in 
Guzerat,  I  thought  it  fitting  not  to  let  him  have  it.    Thus  was 

1  tossed  and  tumbled  in  the  kind  of  a  rich  merchant  adventui*- 
ing  all  he  had  in  one  bottome,  and  by  casualtie  of  stormes  or 
pirates  lost  it  all  at  once.  So  that  on  the  other  side,  concerning 
my  living,  I  was  so  crossed  that  many  times  this  Abdall  Hassan 
his  answere  would  be  unto  me  :  I  knowe  wel  enough  you  stand 
not  in  such  need,  for  your  master  bcareth  your  el  arges,  and 
the  King  knew  not  what  he  did  in  giving  to  you,  from  whom 

1  Khwaja  Jaliiin,  the  title  given  to  Dost  Muhammad  of  Kabul,  whose 
daughter  Jahangir  had  married.  He  was  much  employed  by  the 
Emperor  in  superintending  architectural  work  at  Agra  and  Lahore. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  91 

he  should  receive.^  My  answer  was  that  it  was  the  Kings 
pleasure  and  none  of  my  request,  and  seeing  it  is  His  Majesties 
gift,  I  had  no  reason  to  loose  it.  So  that  from  time  to  time 
he  bad  nice  have  patience  and  he  would  find  out  a  good  living 
for  me.  Thus  was  I  dallied  withall  by  this  mine  cncmie,  in  so 
much  that  in  all  the  time  I  served  in  court  I  could  not  get  a 
living  that  would  yeeld  any  thing,  giving  me  my  living  still 
in  places  where  out-lawcs  raigned.  Only  once  at  Labor,  by 
an  especiall  commandcment  from  the  King  ;  but  I  was  soon 
deprived  of  it,  and  all  that  I  received  from  the  beginning  was 
not  fully  three  hundred  pounds,  a  great  part  whereof  was 
spent  upon  charges  of  men  sent  to  the  lordships.  When  that 
I  saw  that  the  living  which  the  King  absolutely  gave  me  was 
taken  from  me,  I  was  then  past  all  hopes  ;  for  before,  at  the 
newes  of  the  arrivall  of  shipping,  I  had  great  hope  that  the 
King  would  performe  former  grants,  in  hope  of  rare  things 
that  should  come  from  England.  But  wben  I  made  arse 
[see  p.  56]  or  petition  unto  the  King  concerning  my  living, 
he  turned  me  over  to  Abdal  Hassan,  wbo  not  onely  denied  me 
my  living,  but  also  gave  order  that  I  be  suffered  no  more 
to  enter  within  the  red  rayles,  which  is  a  place  of  honour 
where  all  my  time  I  was  placed  very  neere  unto  the  King, 
in  which  place  there  were  but  five  men  in  the  kingdome 
before  me. 

Now  perceiving  that  all  my  affaires  were  overthrowne,  I 
determined  with  the  councell  of  those  that  were  neere  me  to 
resolve  whereto  to  trust,  either  to  be  well  in  or  well  out. 
Upon  this  resolution  I  had  my  petition  made  ready,  by  which 
I  made  known  unto  the  King  how  Abdall  Hassan  had  dealt 
with  me,  having  himselfe  eaten  what  His  Majestic  gave  me  ; 
and  how  that  my  charges  of  so  long  time  (being  by  His  Majestic 
desired  to  stay  in  his  court,  upon  the  faithfull  promises  he  made 
me)  were  so  nuich  that  it  would  be  my  utter  overthrow ; 
therefore  I  besought  His  Majestic  that  he  would  consider  my 
cause,  either  to  establish  me  as  formerly,  or  give  me  leave  to 
depart.    His  answere  was  that  he  gave  me  leave,  commanding 

*  According  to  Jourdain,  Khwaja  Abid  Hasan  told  Hawkins  that, 
'  beeinge  a  marckannt,  he  might  plye  his  marchandizinge  and  not 
looke  for  any  thinge  att  the  Kings  hands  '. 


92  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

liis  safe  conduct  to  bcc  made  nice  to  passe  freely  without 
molestation  throughout  his  kingdomcs.  When  this  comniandc- 
ment  was  made,  as  the  custome  is,  I  came  to  doe  my  obeysaiice 
and  to  take  my  leave,  intreating  for  an  answerc  of  my  kings 
letter.  Abdall  Hassan,  comming  unto  me  from  the  King,  in  a 
disdainfull  manner  utterly  denyed  me,  saying  that  it  was  not 
the  custome  of  so  great  a  monarch  to  write  in  the  kind  of  a 
letter  imto  a  pettie  prince  or  governour.  I  answered  him  that 
the  King  knew  more  of  the  mightinesse  of  the  King  of  England 
then  to  be  a  petty  governour.  Well,  this  was  mine  answerc, 
together  with  my  leave  taken. 

I  went  home  to  my  house,  studying  with  all  my  endeavours 
to  get  all  my  goods  and  debts  together,  and  to  buy  com- 
modities with  those  monies  that  were  rcmayning,  using  all 
the  speed  I  could  to  cleere  my  selfe  of  the  countrey,  staying 
only  for  Nicholas  Ufflet  to  come  from  Lahor  with  a  remainder 
of  indico  that  was  in  William  Finches  power,  who  determined 
to  goe  overland,  being  past  all  hopes  for  ever  imbarking  our 
selves  at  Surat  ;  which  course  I  also  would  willingly  have 
taken,  but  that  (as  it  is  well  knowne)  for  some  causes  I  could 
not  travell  thorow  Turkic,  and  especially  with  a  woman  ;  .so 
I  was  forced  to  currie  favour  with  the  Jesuites  to  get  mee  a 
safe  conduct  or  seguro  from  the  Vice-Roy  to  goe  for  Goa,  and 
so  to  Portugall,  and  from  thence  to  England,  thinking  (as  the 
opinion  of  others  was)  that,  the  Vice-Roy  giving  his  secure  ^ 
royall,  there  would  be  no  danger  for  me.  But  when  my  wifes 
mother  and  kindred  saw  that  I  was  to  carry  her  away,  suspecting 
that  they  should  never  see  her  any  more,  they  did  so  distaste 
me  in  these  my  travels  that  I  was  forced  to  yeeld  unto  them 
that  my  wife  go  no  further  then  Goa,  because  it  was  India, 
and  that  they  could  goe  and  come  and  visit  her,  and  that, 
if  at  any  time  I  meant  to  goe  for  Portugall,  or  any  other-where, 
that  I  leave  her  that  portion  that  the  custome  of  Portugall 
is  to  leave  to  their  wives  when  they  dye  ;  unto  which  I  was 
forced  to  yeeld,  to  give  them  content  to  prevent  all  mischiefes. 
But  knowing  that,  if  my  wife  would  goe  with  me,  all  would 
bee  of  no  effect,  I  effected  with  the  Jesuite  to  send  for  two 
secures,  the  one  concerning  my  quiet  being  and  free  libertie 
1  Port,  seguro  (as  just  above),  '  assurance  '. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  93 

of  conscience  in  Goa,  and  to  bee  as  a  Portugall  in  all  tradings 
and  commerce  in  Goa  (this  was  to  shew  my  wifes  parents), 
the  other  was  an  absolute  grant  for  free  passage  into  Portugall, 
and  so  for  England,  with  my  wife  and  goods,  without  any 
disturbances  of  any  of  my  wives  friends  :  and  what  agreements 
I  made  with  them  to  be  void  and  of  none  effect,  but  I  should 
stay  or  goe  when  I  pleased,  with  free  libertie  of  conscience 
for  my  selfe.  This  last  securo  I  should  receive  at  Cambaya, 
which  at  my  departure  for  our  shippes  was  not  yet  come,  but 
was  to  come  with  the  carravan  of  frigats.  This  and  much 
more  the  Fathers  would  have  done  for  me,  only  to  rid 
me  out  of  the  country  ;  for  being  cleere  of  me,  they  should 
much  more  quietly  sleepe.  About  this  time  I  had  notice  of 
the  comming  of  three  English  shipps,  that  were  arrived  at 
Mocha,  and  without  fade  their  determination  was  to  come 
for  Surat  at  the  time  of  the  yeare  ;  having  this  advertisement 
by  Nicholas  Bangham  from  Bramport,  who  departed  from  me 
some  six  weekes  before,  both  for  the  recovery  of  certaine  debts, 
as  also  with  my  letter  to  our  shipping  (if  it  were  possible  to 
send  it)  advertising  them  of  my  proceedings. 

In  this  time  of  my  dispatching,  newes  came  of  Mocreb-chans 
returne  from  Goa  with  many  gallant  and  rare  things,  which 
he  brought  for  the  King.'^  But  that  ballace  ruby  was  not  for 
his  turne,  saying  it  was  false,  or  at  the  least  made  his  excuse, 
for  feare  that  if  lie  should  give  the  Portugall  his  price  and 
when  it  came  into  the  Kings  power  it  should  bee  valued  much 
lesse  (which  overplus  he  should  be  forced  to  pay,  as  hee  had 
done  in  former  times  for  other  things),  hee  left  it  behind  him. 
And  besides  I  understood  that  Mocrebchan  had  not  his  full 
content  as  he  expected  of  the  Portugalls.  And  likewise  at 
this  instant  the  Vizir,  my  enemy,  was  thrust  out  of  his  place 
for  many  complaints  made  of  him  by  noblemen  that  were  at 
great  charges  and  in  debt,  and  could  not  receive  their  livings 
in  places  that  were  good,  but  in  barren  and  rebellious  places, 
and  that  he  made  a  benefit  of  the  good  places  himselfe  and 
robbed  them  all.  For  these  complaints  and  others  he  had 
much  ado  to  escape  with  life,  being  put  out  of  his  place  and 

'  See  the  Tuzuk,  vol.  i,  p.  215.  One  of  the  curiosities  he  brought  was 
a  turkeycock,  in  which  Jahangir  was  much  interested. 


94  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

sent  to  the  wars  of  Dccan.^  Now  one  Gaihbcig,-  being  the 
Kings  chiel'e  treasurer  (a  man  that  in  outward  shew  made 
nuieh  of  me  and  was  alwaycs  wiUing  to  pleasure  me  wl>en  I 
had  oeeasion  to  use  him),  was  made  cliiefe  Vizir,  and  his 
daughter  marryed  with  the  King,  being  liis  chiefc  queene  or 
paramor.  This  Vizirs  soHne  and  myselfe  were  great  friends, 
he  having  beene  often  at  my  house,  and  was  now  exalted  to 
high  dignities  by  the  King.  Perceiving  this  alteration,  and 
being  certified  of  the  comming  of  shipping  by  certaine  advise 
sundry  M'ayes,  knowing  the  custome  of  these  Moores  that 
without  gifts  and  bribes  nothing  would  either  goe  forward 
or  bee  accomplished,  I  sent  my  broker  to  seeke  out  for  jewels 
fitting  for  the  Kings  sister  ^  and  new  paramour,  and  likewise 
for  this  new  Vizir  and  his  sonne. 

Now  after  they  had  my  gifts,  they  beganne  on  all  sides  to 
solicite  my  cause  ;  at  which  time  newes  came  to  Agra  by 
Banians  of  Diu  how  that  of  Diu  three  English  ships  were 
scene,  and  three  dayes  after  other  newes  came  that  they  were 
at  the  barre  of  Surat.  Upon  which  newes  the  Great  Vizir 
asked  me  what  toy  I  had  for  the  King.  I  shewed  him  a  ruby 
ring  that  I  had  gotten,  at  the  sight  of  which  he  bade  me 
make  readie  to  goe  with  him  at  court  time  and  he  would  make 
my  petition  to  the  King,  and  told  me  that  the  King  was 
alreadie  wonne.  So  once  more  comming  before  His  Greatnesse, 
and  my  petition  being  read,  he  presently  granted  mee  the 
establishing  of  our  factorie,  and  that  the  English  come  and 
freely  trade  for  Surat  ;  willing  the  Vizir  that  with  all  expedi- 
tion my  commandement  be  made  ;  upon  which  grant  the 
Vizir  made  signe  unto  mee  to  make  obeysance,  which  I  did 
according  to  the  custome.    But  now  what  followed  ?    A  great 

'  There  is  nothing  in  the  Tuzuk  to  support  these  accusations,  and 
the  fact  that  Abul  Hasan  was  put  in  charge  of  the  province  of  the 
Deccan  shows  that  the  Emperor  was  not  really  displeased  with  him. 

^  Ghiyas  Beg,  Itimaduddaula.  His  daughter,  Nur  Mahal  (better 
known  by  her  later  title  of  Nur  Jahan)  was  married  to  the  Emperor 
in  May  1611.  Her  brother  shared  in  the  family  honours  by  receiving 
the  title  of  Itikad  Khan.  He  is  familiar  to  readers  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe's 
journal  by  his  later  style  of  Asaf  Khan,  bestowed  upon  him  in  March 
1614. 

^  Probably  Shakarunnisa  Begam,  to  whom  .Tahangir  was  much 
attached. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  95 

nobleman  and  neerest  favourite  of  the  King,  being  the  dearest 
friend  that  Mocrebchan  and  likewise  Abdall  Hassan  had, 
brought  up  together  from  their  childhood,  and  pages  together 
unto  the  King,  began  to  make  a  speech  inito  the  King,  saying 
that  the  granting  of  this  would  be  the  utter  overthrow  of  his 
sea  coasts  and  people,  as  His  Majestic  had  beene  informed 
by  petition  from  divers  of  his  subjects  :  and  besides,  that  it 
stood  not  with  His  Majesties  honour  to  contradict  that  which 
he  had  granted  to  his  ancient  friends  the  Portugals,  and 
whosoever  laboured  for  the  English  knew  not  what  he  did  ; 
if  knowing,  hee  was  not  His  Majesties  friend.  Upon  the  speech 
of  this  nobleman  my  businesse  once  againe  was  quite  over- 
throwne,  and  all  my  time  and  presents  lost  ;  the  King  answer- 
ing that,  for  my  nation,  hee  would  not  grant  trade  at  the  sea 
ports,  for  the  inconvenience  that  divers  times  had  beene 
scanned  upon  ;  but,  for  my  selfe,  if  I  would  remayne  in  his 
service,  he  would  command  that  what  he  i.ad  allowed  me 
should  be  given  me  to  my  content  ;  which  I  denyed,  unlesse 
the  English  should  come  unto  his  ports  according  to  promise, 
and,  as  for  my  particular  maintenance,  my  King  would  not 
see  me  want.  Then  desiring  againe  answere  of  the  Kings 
letter,  he  consulted  awhile  with  his  Vizirs  and  then  sent  me 
his  denyall.  So  I  tooke  my  leave,  and  departed  from  Agra 
the  second  of  November,  1611,  being  of  a  thousand  thoughts 
what  course  I  were  best  to  take  ;  for  I  still  had  a  doubt  of 
the  Portugalls  that  for  lucre  of  my  goods  they  would  poyson 
me.  Againe,  on  the  other  side,  it  was  dangerous  by  reason 
of  the  warres  to  travell  thorow  Decan  unto  Masulipatan.  By 
land,  by  reason  of  the  Turkes,  I  could  not  goe  ;  and  to  stay 
I  would  not  amongst  these  faithlesse  infidels. 

I  arrived  at  Cambaya  the  last  of  December,  1611,^  where 
I  had  certaine  newes  of  the  English  ships  that  were  at  Surat. 
Immediately  I  sent  a  footman  unto  the  ships  with  my  letter, 
with  certaine  advice,  affirmed  for  a  truth  by  the  Fathers  of 
Cambaya  unto  me,  that  the  Vice-Roy  had  in  a  readinesse 
prepared  to  depart  from  Goa  foure  great  ships,  with  certaine 
gallies  and  frigats,  for  to  come  upon  them,  and  treasons  plotted 
against  Sir  Henry  Middletons  person  ;  of  which  newes  I  was 
^  This  date  appears  to  be  a  little  too  late  :  see  Jourdain,  p.  188. 


96  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

wisliod  by  the  Fathers  to  advise  Sir  Henry  ;  wliich  I  found 
afterward  to  bee  but  their  policie  to  put  him  in  feare,  anci  so 
to  deparl  ;  and  withall  I  wished  them  to  be  well  advised. 
And  as  for  me,  my  shifts  were  to  goe  home  by  the  way  of  the 
Portugalls,  for  so  I  had  promised  my  wife  and  her  brother,  who 
at  that  present  was  with  me,  and  to  delude  him  and  the  Fathers 
till  I  had  notice  for  certaine  that  I  might  freely  get  aboord 
without  feare,  whieh  I  was  assured  to  know  at  the  returne  of 
my  letter.  In  the  meane  time  I  did  all  that  I  could  to  dispatch 
her  brother  away  ;  who  within  two  dayes  after  departed  for 
Agra,  not  suspecting  that  I  had  any  intent  for  the  ships. 
Nicholas  Ufflet  now  departing  from  mee  to  survey  the  way, 
beeing  two  dayes  journey  on  his  way,  met  with  Captaine 
William  ^  Sharpeigh,  Master  Fraine  and  Hugh  Greete,  sent  by 
Sir  Henry  to  Cambaya  unto  mee,  which  was  no  small  joy  unto 
mee.  So  understanding  of  the  place  (which  was  miraculously 
found  out  by  Sir  Henry  Middleton,  and  never  knowne  to  any 
of  the  eountrey),^  I  admired  and  gave  God  thankes  :  for  if 
this  place  had  not  beene  found,  it  had  beene  impossible  for 
mee  to  have  gotten  aboord  with  my  goods.  Wlierefore  making 
all  the  haste  that  I  could  in  dispatching  my  selfe  away,  I 
departed  from  Cambaya  the  eighteenth  of  January,  1611  [1612] 
and  came  unto  the  ships  the  six  and  twentieth  of  the  said 
moneth,  where  I  was  most  kindly  received  by  Sir  Henry 
Middleton. 

From  this  place  we  departed  the  eleventh  of  February,  1611 
[1612]  and  arrived  at  Dabul  [Dabhol]the  sixteenth  of  the  same  ; 
in  which  place  we  tooke  a  Portugall  ship  and  frigat,  out  of 
which  we  tooke  some  quantitie  of  goods.  And  from  thence 
we  departed  the  fift  of  March,  1611  [1612]  for  the  Red  Sea, 
with  an  intent  to  revenge  us  of  the  wrongs  offered  us,  both  by 
Turkes  and  Mogols  ;  at  which  place  wee  arrived  the  third  of 
Aprill,  1612.  Here  we  found  three  English  ships  ;  their 
Generall  was  Captaine  John  Saris.^  Having  dispatched  our 
businesse  in  the   Red   Sea,   wee  set  sayle  from   thence  the 

'  A  mistake  for  Alexander. 

-  This  refers  to  the  discovery  of  a  safe  anchorage  in  '  Swally  Hole  ', 
for  whieh  see  Jourdain's  narrative,  pp.  xxxvi,  177,  &c. 
'  See  The  Voyage  oj  John  Saris,  Hakluyt  Society,  1900. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  97 

sixteenth  of  August,  1612,  and  arrived  in  Tecu  [Tiku]  in 
Sumatra  the  nintcenth  of  October,  1612.  And  liaving  ended 
our  businesse  there,  we  departed  in  the  night  the  twentieth  of 
November,  1612,  and  came  on  ground  the  same  night,  three 
leagues  off,  upon  a  bed  of  coral!  in  three  fathome  water,  or 
thereabouts  ;  and  by  the  great  mercie  of  God  we  escaped,  but 
were  forced  to  returne  baeke  againe  to  stop  her  leakes,  the 
goods  being  taken  out  and  some  damage  received.  Now  her 
leakes  being  somewhat  stopped,  and  her  goods  in,  not  losing 
an  houre  of  time,  wee  departed  from  thence  the  eight  of 
December,  1612,  and  arrived  at  Bantam  the  one  and  twentieth 
of  the  same  ;  where  Sir  Henry  Midleton,  not  finding  the 
Trade  sufficient  to  goe  home  that  yeare,  was  forced  to  stay 
and  carine  her.  Having  ended  account  with  him,  as  himselfe 
liked  best,  I  tooke  my  goods  and  shipped  them  in  the  Salomon, 
which  came  for  our  Voyage,  for  saving  of  a  greater  fraight  ; 
but  I  could  not  be  admitted  to  goe  in  her  myselfe.  Captaine 
Saris,  I  thanke  him,  accommodated  me  in  the  Thomas,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  the  Salomon  and  wee  should  keepe  company 
together. 

From  thence  we  set  sayle  on  the  thirtieth  of  January,  1612 
[1613],  and  arrived  in  Saldania  Roade  [Table  Bay]  the  one  and 
twentieth  of  Aprill,  1613  ;  and  comming  neere  some  two 
hundred  leagues  from  the  Cape,  we  had  much  foule  weather 
and  contrary  windes.  Here  we  found  foure  sayle  of  Hollanders, 
that  departed  Bantam  a  moneth  before  us.  There  was  great 
kindnesse  betwixt  us,  especially  to  me,  in  regard  that  they 
had  heard  much  of  my  great  estate  in  India  by  an  agent  of 
theirs  that  was  lieger  [resident]  at  Masulipatan.  Some  eight 
dayes  after,  the  Expedition  ^  came  in,  and  brought  mee  a  letter 
from  Your  Worships  and  delivered  it  unto  me  two  dayes  after 
their  arrivall.  The  wind  comming  faire  we  departed  from 
Saldania  the  one  and  twentieth  of  May,  1613. 

•  This  was  the  TweKth  Voyage,  under  Christopher  Newport.  An 
account  of  it,  written  by  Walter  Peyton,  will  be  found  in  Purchas  His 
Pilgrimes  (part  i,  bk.  iv,  chap.  9). 


98  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

A  briefc  discniirse  of  the  ftlrength,  wenltlu  and  fiovcrnment  xvith 
some  customes  of  the  Great  Mogol,  ivhich  I  have  both  seenc  and 
gathered  by  his  chief e  officers  and  over-seers  of  all  his  estate. 

First,  I  begin  witli  his  princes,  dukes,  marquesses,  carles, 
viscounts,  barons,  knights,  esquires,  gentlemen,  and  yeomen. 
As  Christian  princes  use  their  degrees  by  titles,  so  they  have 
their  degrees  and  titles  by  their  number  of  horses  ;  unlesse 
it  bee  those  that  the  King  most  favoureth,  whom  he  lionoureth 
with  the  title  of  Chan  and  Immirza  [Mirza].  None  have  the 
title  of  Sultan  but  his  sonnes.  Chan  in  the  Persian  language 
is  as  much  as  a  duke.  Immirza  is  the  title  for  the  Kings 
brothers  children.  They  that  be  of  the  fame  of  twelve  thousand 
horsemen  belong  to  the  King,  and  his  mother,^  and  eldest 
sonne,^  and  one  more,  who  is  of  the  bloud  royall  of  Uzbeck, 
named  Chan  Azam.^  Dukes  be  nine  thousand  fame,  mar- 
quesses five  thousand  fame,  earlcs  three  thousand,  viscounts 
two  thousand,  barons  a  thousand,  knights  foure  hundred, 
esquires  an  himdred,  gentlemen  fifty,  yeomen  from  twentie 
downwards.*  All  they  that  have  these  numbers  of  horsemen 
are  called  mansibdars,^  or  men  of  livings  or  lordships.  Of 
these  there  be  three  thousand,  that  is  to  say  ;  foure  be  of 
twelve  thousand  horse  a-piece,  and  they  be  the  King,  his 
mother,  Sultan  Pervis,  Prince,  and  Chan  Azam.  Of  nine 
thousand  horsemen  there  bee  three,  that  is  to  say,  Sultan 
Chorem,^  the  Kings  third  sonne,  Chanchanna,  and  Kelich  Chan 
[Killj  Khan].  Of  five  thousand  there  bee  eightecne,  named 
Hasuff  Chan,  Chan  Ichan,  Abdula  Chan,  Raga  Manging, 
Ray  Durga,  Raga  Sursing,  Ramadas  Rechuva,  Raga  Rassu, 
Emirel  Umera,  Mahabet  Chan,  Chan  Dowran,  Sedris  Chan, 

^  Maryam-zamani.    She  was  a  daughter  of  Raja  Bihari  Mai. 

^  As  shown  below,  Hawkins  means  Sultan  Parwiz,  who  was  Jahangir's 
second  son.  Khusrau,  the  eldest,  was  at  this  time  a  prisoner,  owing  to  his 
rebellion. 

^  Aziz  Koka,  Khan  Azam,  a  foster-brother  of  Akbar,  in  whose  reign  he 
had  been  a  conspicuous  figure.  The  allegation  about  his  descent  from 
a  chief  of  the  Uzbeg  Tartars  is  not  borne  out  by  other  evidence. 

■*  This  comparison  with  English  degrees  is  rather  fanciful,  and  the 
enumeration  of  the  various  grades  is  incomplete. 

°  Mansab,  an  office  or  rank  ;   -ddr,  the  holder  thereof. 

'  Khurram,  afterwards  the  Emperor  Shah  Jahan. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  99 

Hogio  Bey  Mirza,  Mirza  Cazi,  Ettcbar  Chan,  Abulfet  Dckenny, 
Jelam  Cully  Chan,  Sheik  Ferid.  Of  three  thousand  there  bee 
two  and  twentie,  to  wit,  Chan  Alem,  Iniirza  Ereg,  Imirza  Darab, 
Hogio  Jahan,  Hogio  Abdal  Hassan,  Mirza  Gaysbey,  Mirza 
Shenichadin,  Mirza  Cbadulla,  Seffer  Chan,  Kazniy  Chan, 
Mirza  Chin  Kelieh,  Saif  Clian,  LallaBersingdia,  Mirza  Zeady, 
Mirza  Ally  Ecberchuly,  Terbiat  Chan,  Mirza  Lasehary,  Mirza 
Charucogly,  Mirza  Rustem,  Ally  Merdon  Badur,  Tasbey  Chan, 
Abulbey.i  Th.e  rest  bee  from  two  tliousand  downwards  till 
you  come  to  twentie  horses,  two  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
flftie.  Of  horsemen  that  receive  pay  monethly,  from  sixe  horse 
to  one,  there  be  five  thousand  ;  these  bee  called  baddies 
[ahadi].  Of  such  officers  and  men  as  belong  to  the  court  and 
campe  there  bee  thirtie  sixe  thousand,  to  say,  porters,  gunners, 
watermen,  laekeyes,  horse-keepers,  elephant-keepers,  small- 
shot,  frasses  [famish]  or  tent  men,  cookes,  light  bearers, 
gardiners,  keepers  of  all  kind  of  beasts.  Ail  these  be  payd 
monethly  out  of  the  Kings  treasurie  ;  whose  wages  be  from 
ten  to  three  rupias.  All  his  captaines  are  to  maintaine  at  a 
seven-nights  warning  from  twelve  thousand  to  twentie  horse, 
all  horsemen  three  leckes  [lakhs],  which  is  three  hundred 
thousand  horsemen,  which  of  the, incomes  of  their  lordships 
allowed  them  they  must  maintayne. 

The  Kings  yeerely  income  of  his  crowne  land  is  fiftie  crou 
[kror]  of  rupias. ^  Every  crou  is  an  hundred  leckes,  and  every 
leek  is  an  hundred  thousand  rupiae. 

1  Apart  from  misprints,  these  two  lists  appear  to  be_both  incomplete 
and  incorrect.  The  persons  named  are  probably  :  (i)  Asaf  Khan  (Jafar 
Beg),  Khan  Jahan  Lodi,  Abdullah  Khan,  Raja  Man  Singh  of  Jaipur, 
Ray  Durga,  Raja  Sursing  of  Jodhpur,  Ram  Das  Kachhwaha,  Raja 
Biiso,  the  Amirulumara  (Sharif  Khan),  Mahabat  Khan,  Khan  Dauran, 
Idris  Khan  (?),  Khwaja  Beg  Mirza  Safawi,  Mirza  Kasim  (?),  Itibar 
Khan,  Abulfath  Dekhani,  Jahangir  Kuli  Khan  (?),  Shaikh  Farid 
Bukhari ;  (ii)  Khan  Alam,  Mirza  Iraj  (Shahnawaz  Khan),  Mirza  Darab, 
Khwaja  Jahan,  Khwaja  Abiil  Hasan,  Mirza  Ghiyas  Beg,  Mirza  Sham- 
suddin,  Mirza  SaduUah,  Zafar  Khan,  Kazmi  Khan  (?),  Mii-za  Chin  Kilij, 
Saif  Khan  Barha,  Lala  Bir  Singh  Deo  of  Orchha,  Mirza  Zahid  (?),  Mirza 
Ali  Akbar  Kuli,  Tarbiyat  Khan,  Mirza  Lashkari,  Mirza  Shahrukh 
Oglu  (?),  Mirza  Rustam,  Ali  Mardan  Khan  Bahadur,  Tash  Beg  Khan, 
Abulbi  Uzbeg. 

-  At  2s.  M.  the  rupee,  this  would  equal  56^  millions  of  pounds  sterling. 
Edward  Thomas,  in  his  Revenue  Resources  of  the  Mughal  Empire  (p.  23), 

h2 


TOO  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

The  compasso  of  liis  countrey  is  two  ycares  traA'cll  witli 
eanavan.  to  say,  from  Candaliar  to  Agra,  from  Soiiylitarc  '  in 
Bengala  to  Agra,  from  Cabiil  to  Agra,  from  Decan  to  Agra, 
from  Surat  to  Agra,  from  Tatta  in  Sinde  to  Agra.  Agra  is  in 
a  manner  in  the  heart  of  all  his  kingdomes. 

His  empire  is  divided  into  five  great  kingdomes.  The  first 
named  Pengab  [Panjab],  whereof  Lalior  is  the  cliiefe  seate ;  the 
second  is  Bengala,  the  chiefe  seate  Sonargham  [Sonargaon]  ; 
the  third  is  Malva  [Malwa],  the  chiefe  seate  is  LTgam 
[Ujjain]  ;  the  fourth  is  Decan,  the  chiefe  seate  Bi'amport 
[Burhanpur]  ;  the  fifth  is  Guzerat,  the  chiefe  seat  is  Amadavar 
[Ahmadabad].  The  chiefe  citie  or  seate  royall  of  the  Kings 
of  India  is  called  Delly,  where  hee  is  established  king,  and  there 
all  the  rites  touching  his  coronation  are  performed. 

There  are  sixe  especiall  castles,  to  say,  Agra,  Guallier 
[Gwalior],  Nerver,  Ratamboore,  Hassier,  Roughtaz.'  In  every 
one  of  these  castles  he  hath  his  treasure  kept. 

In  all  his  empire  there  are  three  arch-enemies  or  rebels, 
which  with  all  his  forces  cannot  be  called  in,  to  say,  Amberry 
Chapu  ^  in  Decan  ;  in  Guzerat  the  sonne  of  Muzafer  that  was 
king  (his  name  is  Bahador)  ;  *  of  Malva,  Raga  Rahana.'' 
His  sonnes  be  five,  to  say.  Sultan  Coussero,  Sultan  Pervis, 
Sultan  Chorem,  Sultan  Shariar,  and  Sultan  Bath.^    Hee  hath 

accepts  this  statement  as  authoritative,  with  the  reservation  that 
Hawkins  must  have  meant  it  to  include  receipts  from  all  sources,  not 
merely  from  land  revenue.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  Salbank, 
writing  from  Agra  in  1617,  declared  that  Hawkins  had  exaggerated  the 
amount  {Letters  Received,  vol.  vi,  p.  187).  The  impression  likely  to  be 
made  on  the  Englishmen  of  that  day  by  such  figures  may  be  gauged 
by  the  fact  that  the  public  revenue  in  England  was  then  only  about 
£425,000  per  annum. 

*  Possibly  meant  for  Kayara  Sundar,  near  Sonargaon.  Roe  mentions 
this  place  as  the  easternmost  limit  of  the  empire. 

-  The  last  four  are  Narwar  (now  in  Gwalior  State),  Ranthambhor 
(in  Jaipur),  Asir  (near  Burhanpur),  and  Rohtas  (in  the  Shahabad  district, 
Bihar). 

^  Malik  Ambar,  for  whom  see  p.  130.  '  Chapu  '  is  possibly  a  mis- 
reading of  some  form  of  '  Habashi '  (Abyssinian). 

*  Bahadur,  son  of  Muzaffar  Shah  III,  the  last  king  of  Gujarat. 

*  The  Raja  Rana  of  Udaipur  (Amar  Singh). 

®  Jahanglr's  sons  were  Khusrau,  Parwiz,  Khurram,  Shahryar,  and 
Jahandar.     Terry  calls  the  last  named  Takht,  and .possiblj'  'Bath'  is 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  101 

two  yong  daughters,!  and  three  hundred  wives,  whereof  foure 
be  chiefe  as  queenes,  to  say,  the  first,  named  Padasha  Banu,^ 
daughter  to  Kaime  Chan  ;  the  second  is  called  Noore  Mahal, 
the  daughter  of  Gais  Beyge  ;  the  third  is  the  daughter  of 
Seinehan  ^  ;  the  fourth  is  the  daughter  of  Hakim  Hamaun, 
who  was  brother  to  his  father,  Ecber  Padasha.* 

His  treasure  is  asfolloweth  :  the  first  is  his  severall  coine  of  gold.^ 

Inprimis,  of  serafflns  Ecberi,*  which  be  ten  rupias  a  piece, 
there  are  sixtie  leckes.  Of  another  sort  of  coyne  of  a  thousand 
rupias  a  piece,'  there  are  twentie  thousand  pieces.  Of  another 
sorte  of  halfe  the  value  there  are  ten  thousand  pieces.  Of 
another  sort  of  gold  of  twenty  toles  *  a  piece  there  are  thirtie 
thousand  pieces.  Of  another  sort  of  tenne  toles  a  piece  there 
bee  five  and  twenty  thousand  pieces.  Of  another  sort  of  five 
toles,  which  is  this  kings  stampe,  of  these  there  be  flftie  thousand 
pieces. 

a  misprint  for  this.  Similarly,  Salbank  in  Letters  Received,  vol.  vi,  p.  189, 
speaks  of  '  Sultan  Take  '. 

1  Sultaniinnisa  and  Bihar  Banu  Begam, 

^  Padshah  Banu  Begam,  daughter  of  Kaiin  Khan. 

'  Zain  Khan  Koka,  Akbar's  foster-brother. 

*  Nothing  seems  to  be  known  of  this  consort  of  Jahangir.  Hakim 
Humam  was  a  favoiuite  officer  of  Akbar,  but  not  his  brother.  Perhaps 
he  is  confused  with  Mirza  Muhammad  Hakim,  governor  of  Kabul,  who 
was  a  brother  of  that  monarch. 

°  Purchas,  in  his  Pilgrimage  (p.  522),  says  that  Withington  '  received 
of  the  Jesuites  which  reside  there  this  same  story  of  the  Mogols  treasures  '. 
Probably  Hawkins  obtained  his  information  from  the  same  source. 

"  Mohurs  of  Akbar's  coinage.  '  Xerafim  '  was  the  Portuguese  form  of 
Ashrafi,  which  was  frequently  used  for  the  gold  mohur. 

'  The  Mughals  coined  pieces  of  200,  100,  and  50  mohurs,  but  they 
seem  to  have  been  used  chietly  for  presentation  by  or  to  the  Emperor  on 
ceremonial  occasions.  An  account  of  them  will  be  fomid  in  Lane  Poole's 
Coins  of  the  Moghul  Emperors  (p.  Ixxxvii).  Manucci  (Storia  do  Mogor, 
vol.  i,  p.  206)  si>eaks  of  pieces  of  100,  500,  and  1,000  mohurs,  adding 
'  the  king  gave  them  as  presents  to  his  ladies.  When  I  was  attending  as 
physician  on  one  of  these,  she  made  me  a  present  of  one  of  these  coins.' 

'  '  A  tole  is  a  rupia  challany  [chalani,  current]  of  silver,  and  ten  of 
these  toles  are  the  value  of  one  of  gold  '  {marginal  note).  The  tola  was 
a  goldsmith's  weight,  equivalent  to  96  ralia.  The  rupee  weighed  about 
a  tola. 


10 2  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Of  silver,  as  follozveth. 

Iiil)riinis,  of  rupias  Ecbeiy,  thirtccnc  crou  (every  crou  is  an 
hundred  leckcs  and  every  leek  an  hundred  thousand  rupias),  is 
one  thousand  three  hundred  leekes.  Of  anotlier  sort  of  coinc 
of  SeHni  Sha,^  this  king,  of  an  hundred  toles  a  piece,  th.cre  are 
fiftie  thousand  pieces.  Of  fiftie  toles  a  piece  there  is  one  lecke. 
Of  thirtie  toles  a  piece  there  are  fortie  thousand  pieces.  Of 
twentie  toles  a  piece  there  are  thirtie  thousand  pieces.  Of 
ten  toles  a  piece  there  are  twentie  thousand  pieces.  Of  five 
toles  a  piece  there  are  five  and  twentie  thousand  pieces.  Of 
a  certaine  money  that  is  called  savoy,^  which  is  a  tole  ^,  of 
these  there  are  two  leekes.  Of  jagaries,^  whereof  five  make 
sixe  toles,  there  is  one  lecke.  More  should  have  been  coyncd 
of  this  stampe,  but  the  contrary  was  commanded. 

Here  followeih  oj  his  Jewells  of  all  sorts. 

Inprimis,  of  diamantes  Ij  battman  ;  these  be  rough,  of  all 
sorts  and  sizes,  great  and  small,  but  no  lesse  then  2|  caratts. 
The  battman  *  is  fifty  five  pound  waight,  which  maketh  eightie 
two  pounds  J  weight  English.^  Of  ballace  rubies  little  and 
great,  good  and  bad,  there  are  single  two  thousand  pieces. 
Of  pearle  of  all  sorts  there  are  twelve  battmans.  Of  rubies  of 
all  sorts  there  are  two  battmans.  Of  emeraudes  of  all  sorts, 
five  battmans.  Of  cshime,®  which  stone  commeth  from 
Cathaia  [China],  one  battman.  Of  stones  of  Emen,'  which  is 
a  red  stone,  there  are  five  thousand  pieces.  Of  all  other  sorls, 
as  corall,  topasses,  etc.,  there  is  an  infinite  number. 

^  Jahangir's  birth-name  was  Salim,  after  Shaikh  Salim,  the  hermit  of 
Fatclipur  Sikii,  who  had  prophesied  his  birth. 

"  Rupees  called  sawai, '  an  excess  of  one  foiirth.' 

^  Jahangiri  rupees,  five  of  which  (as  Ufflet  confirms)  were  worth  six 
ordinary  rui^ees.  Roe  values  them  at  2s.  Id.  each.  This  account  of 
Jahangir's  coins  sliould  be  compared  with  that  given  in  the  Tuzvl:,  vol.  i, 
p.  10. 

■*  The  batman,  a  Turkish  weight,  is  here  used  for  the  Indian  maund 
(cf.  p.  lUf)).  Finch  employs  the  term  in  the  same  way  (Leilas  Beceived, 
vol.  i,  p.  28). 

°  For  the  total  weight  of  the  diamonds. 

"  Jade  (Persian  yashm). 

'  Cornelian  (i/amaui). 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  103 

Here  foUoivcth  of  the  jewels  zvrought  in  gold. 

Of  swords  of  Almaine  [German]  blades,  witli  the  hilts  and 
scabberds  set  with  divers  sorts  of  rich  stones  of  the  richest  sort, 
there  are  two  thousand  and  two  hundred.  Of  two  sorts  of 
poniards  there  bee  two  thousand.  Of  saddle  drummes,  which 
they  use  in  their  hawking,  of  these  there  are  very  rich  ones 
of  gold  set  with  stones,  five  hundred.  Of  brooches  for  their 
heads  [i.e.  the  sarpesh],  whereinto  their  feathers  be  put,  these 
be  very  rich,  and  of  them  there  are  two  thousand.  Of  saddles 
of  gold  and  silver  set  with  stones  there  are  one  thousand. 
Of  teukes  ^  there  be  five  and  twentie  ;  this  is  a  great  launcc 
covered  with  gold  and  the  fluke  set  with  stones,  and  these, 
instead  of  their  colours,  are  carryed  when  the  King  goeth  to 
the  warres  ;  of  these  there  are  five  and  twentie.  Of  kittasoles 
[Port,  quitasol,  a  sunshade]  of  state,  for  to  shaddowhim,  there 
bee  twentie.  None  in  his  empire  dareth  in  any  sort  hafVe  any 
of  these  carryed  for  his  shadow  but  himselfe  ;  of  these,  I  say, 
there  are  twentie.  Of  chaires  of  estate  there  bee  five,  to  say, 
three  of  silver  and  two  of  gold  ;  and  of  other  sorts  of  chaires 
there  bee  an  hundred  of  silver  and  gold  ;  in  all  an  hundred 
and  five.  Of  rich  glasses  there  bee  two  hundred.  Of  vases  for 
wine  very  faire  and  rich,  set  with  jewels,  there  are  an  hundred. 
Of  drinking  cuppes  five  hundred,  but  fiftie  very  rich,  that  is  to 
say,  made  of  one  piece  of  ballace  ruby,  and  also  of  emerods 
[emeralds],  of  eshim,  of  Turkish  stone  [turquoises],  and  of 
other  sorts  of  stones.  Of  chaines  of  pcarle,  and  chaines  of  all 
sorts  of  precious  stones,  and  ringes  with  jewels  of  rich  diamants, 
ballace  rubies,  rubies,  and  old  emerods,  there  is  an  infinite 
number,  which  only  the  keeper  thereof  knoweth.  Of  all  sorts 
of  plate,  as  dishes,  cups,  basons,  pots,  beakers  of  silver  wrought, 
there  are  two  thousand  battmans.  Of  gold  wrought,  there 
arc  one  thousand  battmans. 

Hcrcfolloiveth  of  all  sorts  of  beasts. 

Of  horses  there  are  twelve  thousand  ;  whereof  there  bee  of 
Persian  horses  foure  thousand,  of  Turkic  horses  six  thousand, 

1  Turkish  log  or  toyh,  a  flag  or  standard.  Blochmaim  gives  an  illustra- 
tion of  one  in  his  translation  of  the  Aln-i-Akbari. 


104  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

and  of  Kismirc  [Kashmir]  two  thousand  ;  all  are  twelve 
thousand.  Of  elephants  there  be  twelve  thousand,  whereof 
five  thousand  bee  teeth  elephants  and  seven  thousand  of  sliee 
ones  and  yong  ones  ;  which  arc  twelve  thousand.  Of  camels 
there  be  two  thousand.  Of  oxen  for  the  cart  and  all  other 
services  there  bee  tenne  thousand.  Of  moyles  [mules]  there 
be  one  thousand.  Of  deere  like  buckes,  for  game  and  sport, 
there  be  three  thousand.  Of  ounces  [see  p.  17]  for  game  there 
be  foure  hundred.  Of  dogges  for  hunting,  as  grey-hounds  and 
other,  there  be  foure  hundred.  Of  lions  tame  there  are  an 
hundred.  Of  buffalaes  there  be  five  hundred.  Of  all  sorts  of 
hawkes  there  bee  foure  thousand.  Of  pidgeons  for  sport  of 
flying  there  bee  ten  thousand.  Of  all  sorts  of  singing  birds 
there  be  foure  thousand.  Of  armour  of  all  sorts,  at  an  houres 
warning,  in  a  readinesse  to  arme  five  and  twentie  thousand  men. 

His  daily  expences  for  his  owne  person,  that  is  to  say,  for 
feeding  of  his  cattell  of  all  sorts,  and  amongst  them  some  few 
elephants  royall,  and  all  other  expences  particularly,  as 
apparell,  victuals,  and  other  petty  expences  for  his  house, 
amounts  to  fiftie  thousand  rupias  a  day.  The  expences  daily 
for  his  women  by  the  day  is  thirtie  thousand  rupias.^ 

All  this  written  concerning  his  treasure,  expences,  and 
monethly  pay  is  in  liis  court  or  castle  of  Agra  ;  and  every  one 
of  the  castles  above  nominated  have  their  severall  treasure, 
especially  Labor,  which  was  not  mentioned. 

The  custome  of  this  Mogoll  Emperour  is  to  take  possession 
of  his  noblemens  treasure  when  they  dye,  and  to  bestow  on 
his  [their]  children  what  he  pleaseth  ;  but  commonly  he 
dealeth  well  with  them,  possessing  them  with  their  fathers 
land,  dividing  it  amongst  them  ;  and  unto  the  eldest  sonne 
he  hath  a  very  great  respect,  who  in  time  receiveth  the  full 

^  Jourdain  says  (p.  164)  :  '  The  Kinge  is  at  greate  charge  in  expence 
of  his  howse  and  for  his  beasts,  as  horses,  camells,  dromedaries,  coaches, 
and  elaphannts.  It  was  crediblie  reported  to  Captaine  Haivkins  in  my 
presence  by  the  Kings  purveyour  for  his  beasts,  that  every  dale  in  the 
yeare  he  spent  in  meate  for  them  70,000  ripeas,  which  is  35,000  rialls  of 
eight.  His  wives,  there  slaves,  and  his  concubines  doe  spend  him  an 
infinite  deale  of  money,  incredible  to  bee  believed,  and  therefore  1  omitt 
itt.' 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  105 

title  of  his  father.  Tliere  was  in  my  time  a  great  IntHan  lord 
or  prince,  a  Gentile  named  Raga  Gaginat,^  upon  whose  goods 
the  Kings  seizing  after  his  death,  he  was  found  (besides  jewels 
and  other  treasure)  to  have  sixtie  maunes  [maunds]  in  gold, 
and  every  maune  is  five  and  flftie  pound  waight.  Also  his 
custome  is  that  of  all  sorts  of  treasure  excepting  coine,  to  say, 
of  all  sorts  of  beasts,  and  all  other  things  of  value,  a  small 
quantitie  is  daily  brought  before  him.  All  things  are  severally 
divided  into  three  hundred  and  sixtie  parts  ;  so  that  hee  daily 
seeth  a  ccrtaine  number,  to  say,  of  elephants,  horses,  camels, 
dromedaries,  moyles,  oxen,  and  all  other  ;  as  also  a  certaine 
quantitie  of  jewels,  and  so  it  continueth  all  the  yeere  long  ; 
for  what  is  brought  him  to  day  is  not  scene  againe  till  that  day 
twelve  moneth. 

He  hath  three  hundred  elephants  royall,  which  are  elephants 
whereon  himselfe  rideth  ;  and  when  they  are  brought  before 
him  they  come  with  great  jollitie,  having  jome  twentie  or 
thirty  men  before  them  with  small  stremers.  The  elephants 
cloth  or  covering  is  very  rich,  eyther  of  cloth  of  gold  or  rich 
velvet  ;  hee  hath  following  him  his  shee  elephant,  his  whelpe 
or  whelpes,  and  foure  or  five  yong  ones  as  pages,  which  will 
bee  in  number  some  sixe,  some  seven,  and  some  eight  or  nine. 
These  elephants  and  other  cattell  are  dispersed  among  his 
nobles  and  men  of  sort  to  oversee  them,  the  King  allowing 
them  for  their  expences  a  certaine  quantitie  ;  but  some  of 
them  will  eate  a  great  deale  more  then  their  allowance  commeth 
unto.  These  elephants  royall  eate  tenne  rupias  every  day  in 
sugar,  butter,  graine,  and  sugar  canes.  These  elephants  are 
the  goodliest  and  fairest  of  all  the  rest,  and  tame  withall,  so 
managed  that  I  saw  with  mine  eyes  when  the  King  commanded 
one  of  his  young  sonnes  named  Shariar  (a  childe  of  seven  yeeres 
of  age)  to  goe  to  the  elephant  to  bee  taken  up  by  him  with  his 
snout ;  who  did  so,  delivering  him  to  his  keeper  that  commanded 
him  with  his  hooke ;  and  having  done  this  unto  the  Kings  sonne, 
he  afterwards  did  the  like  to  many  other  children.  Wlien 
these  elephants  are  shewed,  if  they  who  have  the  charge  of 
them  bring  them  leane,  then  are  they  checked  and  in  disgrace, 

^  Raja  Jagannath,  son  of  Raja  Bilifui  Mai, 


lOG  KARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

iinlcsscllu-ir  (  xcusc  bee  tlie  better.  And  so  it  is  willi  all  tilings 
else  in  tluit  kind,  that  every  man  striveth  to  bring  his  quantitie 
in  good  liking,  although  hee  spend  of  his  owne. 

When  hee  rideth  on  progressc  or  hunting,  the  conipasse  of 
his  tents  may  bee  as  much  as  the  compassc  of  London  and 
more  ;  and  I  may  say  that  of  all  sorts  of  people  that  follow 
the  campe  there  are  two  hundred  thousand,  for  hee  is  provided 
as  for  a  citie.  This  king  is  thought  to  be  the  greatest  emperour 
of  the  East  for  wealth,  land,  and  force  of  men,  as  also  for 
horses,  elephants,  camels,  and  dromedaries.  As  for  elephants 
of  his  owne  and  of  his  nobles,  there  are  fortie  thousand,  of 
which  the  one  halfe  are  trayned  elephants  for  the  A\arre  ;  and 
these  elephants  of  all  beasts  are  the  most  understanding. 
I  thought  good  here  to  set  downe  this  one  thing,  which  was 
reported  to  me  for  a  certainty,  although  it  seemed  very  strange. 
An  elephant  having  journyed  very  hard,  being  on  his  travcll, 
was  misused  by  his  commander  ;  and  one  day  finding  the 
fellow  asleepe  by  him,  but  out  of  his  reach,  having  greene 
canes  brought  him  to  eate,  split  the  end  of  one  of  them  with 
his  teeth,  and  taking  the  other  end  of  the  cane  with  his  snowt, 
reached  it  toward  the  head  of  the  fellow,  who  being  fast  asleepe 
and  his  turbant  fallen  from  his  head  (the  use  of  India  being 
to  Avear  their  haire  long  like  women)  he  tooke  hold  with  the 
cane  on  his  haire,  wreathing  it  therein  and  withall  haling  him 
unto  him  until!  he  brought  him  within  the  compasse  of  his 
snowt  ;  he  then  presently  killed  him.  Many  other  strange 
things  are  done  by  elephants. 

He  hath  also  infinite  numbers  of  dromedaries,  which  are 
very  swift,  to  come  with  great  speed  to  give  assault  to  any 
citie  ;  as  this  kings  father  did,  so  that  the  enemies  thought  he 
had  beene  in  Agra  when  he  was  at  Amadavar,  and  he  came 
from  Agra  thither  in  nine  dales  upon  these  dromedaries  with 
twelve  thousand  choyce  men,  Chan-channa  being  then  his 
generall.  The  day  being  appointed  for  the  battell,  on  a  suddaine 
newes  came  of  the  Kings  arrivall,  which  strucke  sucii  a  present 
feare  into  the  Guzerats  that  at  that  time  they  were  over- 
throwne  and  conquered .^  This  king  hath  diminished  his 
chiefe  captaines,  which  were  Rasbootes  [Rajputs]  or  Gentiles, 
'  This  was  in  the  autumn  of  1573. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  107 

and  natiirall  Indians,  and  hath  preferred  the  Mahumetans 
(weak  spirited  men,  void  of  resokition)  in  such  sort  that 
what  this  mans  father,  called  Ecber  Padasha,  got  of  the 
Decans,  this  king,  Selim  Sha,  bcginneth  to  loose.  He  hath 
a  few  good  captaines  yet  remaining,  whom  his  father  highly 
esteemed,  although  they  be  out  of  favour  with  him,  because 
that  upon  his  rebellion  against  his  father  they  would  not 
assist  him,  considering  his  intent  was  naught,  for  he  meant  to 
have  shortned  his  fathers  daies  and  before  his  time  to  have 
come  to  the  crowne.  And  to  that  purpose  being  in  Attabase,^ 
the  regall  seatc  of  a  kingdome  called  Porub,  hee  arose  with 
eighty  thousand  horse,  intending  to  take  Agra  and  to  have 
possession  of  the  treasury,  his  father  being  then  at  the  warres 
of  Decan  ;  who,  understanding  of  his  sonnes  pretence,  left  his 
conquering  there  and  made  hast  to  come  home  to  save  his 
owne.  Before  the  Kings  departure  to  the  warres,  hee  gave 
order  to  his  sonne  to  goe  with  his  forces  upon  Aranna  [see 
p.  100],  that  great  rebell  in  Malva  ;  who  comming  to  parlc 
with  this  rebell,  he  told  the  Prince  that  there  was  nothing  to 
bee  gotten  by  him  but  blowes,  and  it  were  better  for  him,  now 
his  father  was  at  Decan,  to  goe  upon  Agra  and  possesse  himselfe 
of  his  fathers  treasure  ahd  make  himselfe  king,  for  there  was 
no  man  able  to  resist  him.  The  Prince  followed  his  counsell 
and  would  have  prosecuted  it  but  his  fathers  hast  before  (upon 
notice  given)  prevented  his  purpose  ;  at  whose  arrivall  at 
Agra  hee  presently  sent  unto  his  sonne,  that  he  make  choyce 
either  to  come  and  fall  at  his  feete  and  be  at  his  mercy  to  doe 
with  him  as  he  pleased,  or  to  fit  himselfe  for  the  battell  and 
fight  it  out.  He,  well  considering  the  valour  of  his  father, 
thought  it  meetest  to  submit  himselfe  and  stand  to  his  fathers 
mercy  ;  who,  after  affronts  shewed  him  and  imprisonment, 
was  soone  released  and  pardoned  by  reason  of  many  friends, 
his  mother,  sisters,  and  others.^ 

This  Selim  Padasha  being  in  his  rebellion,  his  father  dis- 
possessed him  and  proclaimed  heire  apparant  his  eldest  sonne 

*  Ilahabas,  the  old  name  for  Allahabad.  '  Porub  '  (Hind.  Purh,  '  the 
cast ')  was  the  country  east  and  north  of  the  Gauges,  including  Oudh 
and  part  of  Bihar. 

-  This  account  of  Saliin's  rebellion  contains  several  inaccuracies. 


]08  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Cossero/  being  eldest  sonne  to  Sclimslia  ;  for  his  owne  soiines 
[Murud  and  Uaniyal],  younger  brothers  to  Selim,  were  all 
dead  in  Decan  and  Guzerat.  Yet  shortly  after  his  father  dyed, 
who  in  his  death-bed  had  mercy  on  Selini,  possessing  him 
againe.  But  Cossero,  who  was  proclaimed  heire  apparant, 
stomached  his  father,  and  rose  with  great  troopes,  yet  was 
not  able  to  indure  after  the  losse  of  many  thousand  men  on 
both  sides,  but  was  taken  and  remaineth  still  in  prison  in  the 
Kings  pallace,  yet  blinde,  as  all  men  report,  and  was  so 
commaunded  to  be  blinded  by  his  father.^  So  since  that 
time,  being  now  eight  yeares  after,  he  had  commanded  to 
put  all  his  sonnes  confederates  to  death,  with  sundry  kinds 
of  death,  some  to  bee  hanged,  some  spitted,  some  to  have 
their  heads  chopped  off,  and  some  to  bee  torne  by  elephants. 
Since  which  time  hee  hath  raigned  in  quiet,  but  ill  beloved  of 
the  greater  part  of  his  subjects,  who  stand  greatly  in  feare 
of  him.  His  custome  is  every  yeare  to  be  out  two  moneths  on 
hunting,  as  is  before  specified.  Wlien  he  meaneth  to  begin  his 
journey,  if  comming  forth  of  his  pallace  hee  get  up  on  a  horse, 
it  is  a  signe  that  he  goeth  for  the  warres  ;  but  if  he  get  up  upon 
an  elephant  or  palankine,  it  will  bee  but  an  hunting  voyage. 
My  selfe,  in  the  time  that  I  was  one  of  his  courtiers,  have 
scene  many  cruell  deeds  done  by  him.  Five  times  a  weeke  he 
commaundeth  his  brave  elephants  to  fight  before  him  ;  and 
in  the  time  of  their  fighting,  either  comming  or  going  out, 
many  times  men  are  killed  or  dangerously  hurt  by  these 
elephants.  But  if  any  be  grievously  hurt  which  might  very 
well  escape,  yet  neverthelesse  that  man  is  cast  into  the  river, 
himselfe  commaunding  it,  saying  :  dispatch  him,  for  as  long 
as  he  liveth  he  will  doe  nothing  else  but  curse  me,  and  therefore 
it  is  better  that  he  dye  presently.  I  have  scene  many  in  this 
kind.  Againe,  hee  delighteth  to  see  men  executed  himselfe 
and  torne  in  peeces  with  elephants.  He  put  to  death  in  my 
time  his  secretary,  onely  upon  suspicion  that  Chan-channa 
should  write  unto  the  Decan  king  ;  who,  being  sent  for  and 
examined  about  this  matter,, denied  it  ;   whereui)on  the  King, 

1  Khusrau.     The  statement  that  Akbar  recognized  him  as  liis  heir 
is  incorrect. 

^  See  Finch's  account. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  109 

not  ha\'ing  patience,  arose  from  liis  seate  and  witli  his  sword 
gave  him  his  deadly  wound,  and  afterwards  delivered  him  to 
bee  torne  by  elephants. 

Likewise  it  happened  to  one  who  was  a  great  friend  of  mine 
(a  chiefe  man,  having  under  his  charge  the  Kings  ward-robe 
and  all  woollen  cloath,  and  all  sorts  of  mercery,  and  his  China 
dishes),  that  a  faire  China  dish  (which  cost  ninetie  rupias  or 
fortie  five  rials  of  eight)  was  broken  in  this  my  friends  time 
by  a  mischance  (when  the  King  was  in  his  progresse),  being 
packed  amongst  other  things  on  a  cammell,  which  fell  and 
broke  all  the  whole  parcell.  This  nobleman,  knowing  how 
deerely  the  King  loved  this  dish  above  the  rest,  presently  sent 
one  of  his  trusty  servants  to  China-machina  [China]  over  land 
to  seeke  for  another,  hoping  that,  before  he  should  remember 
that  dish,  he  would  returne  with  another  like  unto  it  ;  but  his 
evill  lucke  was  contrarie,  for  the  King  two  yeares  after  remem- 
bred  this  dish,  and  his  man  was  not  yet  come.  Now  when 
the  King  heard  that  the  dish  was  broken,  he  was  in  a  great 
rage,  commanding  him  to  be  brought  before  him  and  to  be 
beaten  by  two  men  with  two  great  whips  made  of  cords  ;  and 
after  that  he  had  received  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  these 
lashes,  he  commanded  his  porters,  who  be  appointed  for  that 
purpose,  to  beate  him  with  their  small  cudgels,  till  a  great 
many  of  them  were  broken  ;  at  the  least  twenty  men  were 
beating  of  him,  till  the  poo  re  man  was  thought  to  bee  dead, 
and  then  he  was  haled  out  by  the  heeles  and  commaunded  to 
prison.  The  next  day  the  King  demaunded  whether  he  was 
living  ;  answer  was  made  that  he  was  ;  whereupon  he  com- 
manded him  to  be  carried  unto  perpetuall  prison.  But  the 
Kings  Sonne,  being  his  friend,  freed  him  of  that  and  obtained 
of  his  father  that  he  might  bee  sent  home  to  his  owne  house 
and  there  be  cured.  So  after  two  moneths  he  was  reasonably 
well  recovered  and  came  before  the  King,  who  presently 
commanded  him  to  depart  the  court  and  never  come  againe 
before  him  untill  he  had  found  such  a  like  dish,  and  that  hee 
travell  for  China-machina  to  seeke  it.  The  King  allowed  him 
five    thousand    rupias  ^    towards    his    charges,    and    besides 

'  Jourdain,  who  tells  the  story  with  some  variations,  says  50,000 
(p.  10(5).     Terry  has  a  brief  reference  to  the  anecdote  (p.  338). 


no  EARLY  TRAVELS  TN  INDIA 

returninfi  one  fourth  part  of  his  living  tliat  lie  hf^d  before,  to 
niiiintaine  liim  in  his  travell.  He  being  departed  and  fourteene 
nioneths  on  his  travell,  was  not  yet  come  liome;  but  newes 
eaiue  of  him  that  the  King  of  Persia  had  the  like  dish  and  for 
]iittiessake  hath  sent  it  him ;  who  at  my  departure  was  on  his 
way  homeward. 

Likewise  in  my  time  it  happened  that  a  Paltan,  a  man  of 
good  stature,  came  to  one  of  the  Kings  sonnes,  named  Sultan 
Pervis,  to  intreat  him  to  bestow  somewhat  on  him,  by  peti- 
tion delivered  to  one  of  the  Princes  chiefe  men  ;  at  the 
delivery  whereof  the  Prince  caused  him  to  come  neere  ; 
and  demanding  of  him  whether  hee  would  serve  him,  he 
answered  no,  for  he  thought  that  the  Prince  would  not  grant 
him  so  much  as  he  would  aske.  The  Prince,  seeing  him  to  be  a 
pretty  fellow  and  meanely  apparelled,  smiled,  demanding  what 
would  content  him.  Hee  told  him  plainly  that  hee  would 
neither  serve  his  father  nor  him  under  a  thousand  rupias  a  day, 
which  is  100  pound  sterling.  The  Prince  asked  what  was 
in  him  that  he  demanded  so  much.  He  replyed  :  make  tryall 
of  me  with  all  sorts  of  weapons,  either  on  horsebacke  or 
on  foote  ;  and  for  my  sufficient  command  in  the  warres,  if 
I  do  not  performe  as  much  as  I  speake,  let  mee  dye  for  it. 
The  houre  being  come  for  the  Prince  to  go  to  his  father,  he 
gave  over  his  talk,  commanding  the  man  to  be  forth  comming. 
At  night  the  Kings  custome  being  to  drinke,  the  Prince, 
perceiving  his  father  to  be  merry,  told  him  of  this  man.  So 
the  King  commaunded  him  to  be  brought  before  him.  Now 
while  he  was  sent  for,  a  wilde  lyon  was  brought  in,  a  very 
great  one,  strongly  chained,  and  led  by  a  dozen  men  and 
keepers  ;  and  while  the  King  was  viewing  this  lyon,  the 
Pattan  came  in,  at  whose  sight  the  Prince  presently  re- 
membred  his  father.  The  King  demanding  of  this  Pattan 
whence  he  was,  and  of  what  parentage,  and  what  valour  was 
in  him  that  he  should  demand  so  much  wages,  his  answer  was 
that  the  King  should  make  tryal  of  him.  That  I  will,  saith 
the  King  ;  goe  wrastle  and  buffet  with  this  lyon.  The  Pattans 
answere  was  that  this  was  a  wild  beast,  and  to  goe  barely 
upon  him  without  weapon  would  be  no  triall  of  his  man- 
hood.    The  King,  not  regarding  his  speech,  commanded  him 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS.  1008-13  111 

to  buckle  with  the  lion  ;  who  did  so,  wrastling  and  buffeting 
with  the  lyon  a  pretty  while  ;  and  then  the  lyon,  being  loose 
from  his  keepers,  but  not  from  his  ehaines,  got  the  poore  man 
within  his  clawes  and  tore  his  body  in  many  parts,  and  with 
his  pawes  tore  the  one  halfe  of  his  faee  so  that  this  valiant 
man  was  killed  by  this  wilde  beast.^  The  King,  not  yet  con- 
tented, but  desirous  to  see  more  sport,  sent  for  ten  men  that 
were  of  his  horse-men  in  pay,  being  that  night  on  the  watch  ; 
for  it  is  the  custome  of  all  those  that  receive  pay  or  living  from 
the  King  to  watch  once  a  weeke,  none  excepted,  if  they  be  well 
and  in  the  citie.  These  men,  one  after  another,  were  to  buffet 
with  the  lyon  ;  who  were  all  grievously  wounded,  and  it  cost 
three  of  them  their  lives.  The  King  continued  three  moneths 
in  this  vaine  when  he  was  in  his  humors,  for  whose  pleasure  sake 
many  men  lost  their  lives  and  many  were  grievously  wounded. 
So  that  ever  after,  untill  my  comming  away,  some  fifteene 
young  lyons  were  made  tame  and  played  oi  e  with  another 
before  the  King,  frisking  betweene  mens  legs  and  no  man 
hurt  in  a  long  time. 

Likewise  he  cannot  abide  that  any  man  should  have  any 
precious  stone  of  value,  for  it  is  death  if  he  know  it  not 
at  that  present  time,  and  that  he  hath  the  refusall  thereof. 
His  jeweller,  a  Bannian,  named  Herranand  [Hira  Nand], 
had  bought  a  diamond  of  three  mettegals,^  which  cost 
one  hundred  thousand  rupias  ;  which  was  not  so  closely 
done  but  newes  came  to  the  King.  Herranand  likewise 
was  befriended,  beeing  presently  acquainted  therewith  ;  who, 
before  the  King  sent  for  him,  came  unto  him  and  challenged 
the  King  that  he  had  often  promised  him  that  he  would 
come  to  his  house.  The  King  answered  that  it  was  true. 
Herranand  therefore  replyed  that  now  was  the  time,  for 
that  he  had  a  faire  present  to  bestow  upon  His  Majestic, 
for  that  he  had  bought  a  stone  of  such  a  weight.  The 
King  smiled  and  said  :  thy  lucke  was  good  to  prevent 
me.  So  preparation  was  made,  and  to  the  Bannians  house 
he  went.  By  this  means  the  King  hath  ingrossed  all  faire 
stones,  that  no  man  can  buy  from  five  carats  upwards  with- 

*  This  anecdote  is  also  told  by  Jourdain  (p.  160). 
'  Arabic  mithkdl,  a  weight  of  about  73  grains. 


112  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

out  liisloHAV^  ;  for  lie  liatli  tlie  n-fusnll  of  all,  and  givctli  not 
by  a  lliird  part  so  much  as  tlieir  value.  There  was  a  dianiant 
cutter  of  my  acquaintance  tliat  was  sent  for  to  cut  a  dianianl 
of  three  mettegals  and  a  halfe,  who  demanded  a  small  foule 
diamant  to  make  powder,  wherewith  to  cut  the  other  dia- 
mant.  They  brought  him  a  chest,  as  he  said,  of  three  spannes 
long  and  a  spanne  and  half  broad,  and  a  spanne  and  halfe 
deepe,  full  of  diamants  of  all  sizes  and  sorts  ;  yet  could  he  find 
never  any  one  for  his  purpose,  but  one  of  five  rotties,  which 
was  not  very  foule  neither. 

He  is  exceeding  rich  in  diamants  and  all  other  precious 
stones,  and  usually  weareth  every  day  a  faire  diamant  of 
great  price  ;  and  that  which  he  weareth  this  day,  till  his  time 
be  come  about  to  weare  it  againe  he  weareth  not  the  same  ; 
that  is  to  say,  all  his  faire  jewels  are  divided  into  a  certaine 
quantitie  or  proportion  to  weare  every  day.  He  also  wear- 
eth a  chaine  of  pearle,  very  faire  and  great,  and  another 
chaine  of  emeralds  and  ballace  rubies.  Hee  hath  another 
Jewell  that  commeth  round  about  his  turbant,  full  of  faire 
diamants  and  rubies.  It  is  not  much  to  bee  wondered  that 
he  is  so  rich  in  jewels  and  in  gold  and  silver,  when  he  hath 
heaped  together  the  treasure  and  jewels  of  so  many  kings  as 
his  forefathers  have  conquered,  who  likewise  were  a  long- 
time in  gathering  them  together,  and  all  came  to  his  hands. 
Againe,  all  the  money  and  jewels  which  his  nobles  heape  to- 
gether, when  they  die  come  all  unto  him,  who  giveth  what 
he  listeth  to  the  noblemens  wives  and  children  ;  and  this  is 
done  to  all  them  that  receive  pay  or  living  from  the  King, 
India  is  rich  in  silver,  for  all  nations  bring  coyne  and  carry 
away  commodities  for  the  same  ;  and  this  coyne  is  buried 
in  India  and  goeth  not  out  ;  so  it  is  thought  that  once  in 
twentie  yeeres  it  commeth  into  the  Kings  power.  All  the  lands 
in  his  monarchic  are  at  his  disposing,  who  giveth  and  taketh 
at  his  pleasure. 2     If  I  have  lands  at  Labor,  being  sent  unto 

1  Jourdain  (p.  164)  says  the  same,  but  adds  that  dealings  took  place 
secretly. 

^  'Those  lands  which  are  let  pay  to  the  king  two  thirds  of  the  profit; 
and  of  those  which  he  giveth  in  fee,  one  third  remaineth  to  the  King. 
In  all  the  world  is  not  more  fertUe  land  then  in  some  great  parts  of  his 
dominions.'     {Marginal  note.) 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  113 

the  warres  at  Decan,  another  hath  the  lands,  and  I  am  to 
receive  mine  in  Decan,  or  thereabouts,  neere  the  place  where 
I  am,  whether  it  be  in  the  warres,  or  that  I  be  sent  about  any 
other  businesse  for  any  other  countrey.  And  men  are  to  looke 
well  unto  their  doings  ;  for  if  they  be  found  tardie  in  never 
so  little  a  matter,  they  are  in  danger  of  loosing  their  lands  ; 
and  if  complaints  of  injustice  which  they  doe  be  made  unto 
the  King,  it  is  well  if  they  escape  with  losse  of  their  lands. 
p  He  is  very  severe  in  such  causes,  and  with  all  severitie 
punisheth  those  captaines  who  suffer  out-lawes  to  give  as- 
saidt  unto  their  citie,  without  resisting.  In  my  time  there 
were  some  eight  captaines  who  had  their  living  upon  the 
borders  of  Bengala,  in  a  chiefe  citie  called  Pattana  [Patna], 
which  was  suffered  to  be  taken  by  out-lawes,  and  they  all 
fled  ;  but  tliat  citie  was  againe  restored  by  a  great  captaine, 
who  was  commander  of  a  countrey  neere  thereabouts,  who 
tooke  all  those  captaines  that  fled  and  sent  them  to  the  King 
to  use  punishment  upon  them  at  his  pleasure.  So  they  were 
brought  before  the  King  in  chaines  and  were  presently  com- 
manded to  be  shaven,  both  head  and  beard,  and  to  weare 
womens  apparell,  riding  upon  asses  with  their  faces  back- 
wards, and  so  carried  about  the  citie.  This  being  done,  they 
were  brought  before  the  King  againe  and  there  whipped, 
and  sent  to  perpetuall  prison  ;  and  this  punishment  was  in- 
flicted upon  them  in  my  sight.^  He  is  severe  enough,  but 
all  helpeth  not,  for  his  poore  riats  [raiyat,  a  cultivator]  or 
clownes  complaine  of  injustice  done  them  and  cry  for  justice 
at  the  Kings  hands.  They  come  to  a  certaine  place  where 
a  long  rope  is  fastened  unto  two  pillars,  neere  imto  the  place 
where  the  King  sitteth  in  justice.^  This  rope  is  hanged  full  of 
bels,  plated  with  gold,  so  that  the  rope  beeing  shaken  the  bels 
are  heard  by  the  King ;  who  sendeth  to  know  the  cause 
and  doth  his  justice  accordingly.  At  his  first  comming  to 
the  crowne  he  was  more  severe  than  now  he  is  ;  which  is 
the  cause  that  the  country  is  so  full  of  outlawes  and  theeves 
that  almost  a  man  cannot   stirre  out  of  doores  throughout 

>  For  this  outbreak,  and  the  punishment  of  the  officials  who  failed  in 
their  duty,  see  the  Tuzvk,  vol.  i,  p.  173. 

^  See  Jahanglr's  own  account  of  this  chain  in  the  Tvznk,  vol.  i,  p.  7. 

I 


114  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

all  his  dominions  without  great  forces,  for  they  arc  all  booome 
rebels. 

There  is  one  great  Ragane  [see  p.  100]  betwixt  Agra  and 
Amadavar,  who  comniandeth  as  miieh  land  as  a  good  king- 
dome,  and  all  the  forces  the  Mogol  hath  cannot  bring  him  in, 
for  his  forces  are  upon  the  mountaines.  He  is  twentie  tliousand 
strong  in  horse,  and  fiftie  thousand  strong  in  foote.  And  many 
of  these  rebels  are  in  all  his  dominions  ;  but  this  is  one  of  the 
greatest.  There  are  many  risen  at  Candahar,  Cabul,  Moldun 
[Multan],  and  Sinde,  and  in  the  kingdome  of  Boloch  [Balkh]  : 
Bengala  likewise,  Decan,  and  Guzerat  are  full,  so  that  a  man 
can  travell  no  way  for  out-lawes.  Their  government  is  in 
such  a  barbarous  kind,  and  cruell  exacting  upon  the  clownes, 
which  causeth  them  to  be  so  headstrong.  The  fault  is  in  the 
chiefe,  for  a  man  cannot  continue  halfe  a  yeere  in  his  living 
but  it  is  taken  from  him  and  given  imto  another  ;  or  else  the 
King  taketh  it  for  himselfe  (if  it  be  rich  ground  and  likely  to 
yeeld  much),  making  exchange  for  a  worse  place  ;  or  as  he  is 
befriended  of  the  Vizir.  By  this  meanes  he  rackcth  the  poore 
to  get  from  them  what  he  can,  who  still  thinketh  every  houre 
to  he  put  out  of  his  place.  But  there  are  many  who  continue 
a  long  time  in  one  place,  and  if  they  remaine  but  sixe  yeeres 
their  wealth  which  they  gaine  is  infinite,  if  it  be  a  thing  of 
any  sort.  The  custome  is,  they  are  allowed  so  much  living  to 
maintaine  that  port  which  the  King  hath  given  them  ;  that 
is  to  say,  they  are  allowed  twentie  rupias  of  everie  horse 
by  the  moneth,  and  two  rupias  by  the  moneth  for  every  horse 
fame,  for  the  maintenance  of  their  table.  As  thus  :  a  cap- 
taine  that  hath  five  thousand  horse  to  maintaine  in  the  warres 
hath  likewise  of  fame  other  five  thousand,  which  he  is  not  to 
maintaine  in  the  warres,  but  onely  for  his  table,  allowed  upon 
every  horse  by  the  moneth  two  rupias,  and  the  other  five 
thousand,  twenty  rupias  by  the  moneth  ;  and  this  is  the  pay 
which  the  greater  part  of  them  are  allowed  .'^ 

Now  here  I  meane  to  speake  a  little  of  his  manners  and  cus- 
tomes  in  the  court.  First,  in  the  morning  about  the  breake  of 
day  he  is  at  his  beades,  with  his  face  turned  to  the  west-ward. 
The  manner  of  his  praying,  when  he  is  in  Agra,  is  in  a  private 

'  Roe  {Embassy,  p.  110)  gives  tlie  rate  as  £25  per  annum  per  horse. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,   1008-13  115 

faire  roome,  upon  a  goodly  jet  stone/  having  onely  a  Persian 
lamb-skinne  under  liim  ;  having  also  some  eight  ehaines  of 
beads,  every  one  of  them  containing  foure  hundred.  The 
beads  are  of  rich  pearle,  ballace  rubyes,  diamonds,  rubyes, 
emeralds,  lignum  aloes,  eshem,  and  corall.  At  the  upper  end  of 
this  jet  stone  the  pictures  of  Our  Lady  and  Christ  are  placed, 
graven  in  stone  ;  so  he  txirneth  over  his  beads,  and  saith 
three  thousand  two  hundred  words,  according  to  the  number 
of  his  beads,  and  then  his  prayer  is  ended.  After  he  hath 
done,  he  sheweth  himselfe  to  the  people,  receiving  their 
salames"^  or  good  morrowes  ;  unto  whom  multitudes  resort 
every  morning  for  this  purpose.  This  done,  hee  sleepeth  two 
houres  more,  and  then  dineth  and  passeth  his  time  with  his 
women,  and  at  noone  hee  sheweth  himselfe  to  the  people  againe, 
sitting  till  three  of  the  clocke,  viewing  and  seeing  his  pastimes 
and  sports  made  by  men,  and  fighting  of  many  sorts  of  beasts, 
every  day  sundry  kinds  of  pastimes.  Then  at  three  of  the 
clocke,  all  the  nobles  in  generall  (that  be  in  Agra  and  are  well) 
resort  unto  the  court,  the  King  commingforth  in  open  audience, 
sitting  in  his  seat-royall,  and  every  man  standing  in  his  degree 
before  him,  his  chiefest  sort  of  the  nobles  standing  within  a 
red  rayle,  and  the  rest  without.  They  are  all  placed  by  his 
Lieutenant-Generall.  This  red  rayle  is  tliree  steppes  higher 
then  the  place  where  the  rest  stand  ;  and  within  this  red 
rayle  I  was  placed,  amongst  the  chiefest  of  all.  The  rest  are 
placed  by  officers,  and  they  likewise  be  within  another  very 
spacious  place  rayled  ;  and  without  that  rayle  stand  all  sorts 
of  horsemen  and  souldiers  that  belong  unto  his  captaines, 
and  all  other  commers.  At  these  rayles  there  are  many  doores 
kept  by  many  porters,  who  have  white  rods  to  keepe  men  in 
order.  In  the  middest  of  the  place,  right  before  the  King, 
standeth  one  of  his  sheriffes,  together  Avith  his  master  hang- 
man, who  is  accompanied  with  forty  hangmen  wearing  on 
their  heads  a  certaine  quilted  cap,  different  from  all  others, 
with  an  hatchet  on  their  shoulders  ;  and  others  with  all  sorts 
of  whips  being  there,  readie  to  doe  what  the  King  commandeth. 

'  The  famous  black  (slate)  throne  still  to  be  seen  at  Agra  on  the  terrace 
of  the  fort.    An  account  of  it  is  given  in  the  Tfizvk,  vol.  i,  p.  177. 
-  Salutations  (Arabic  salam,  '  peace  '). 

I  2 


no  EART.Y  TRAVET.S  TN  INDIA 

The  King  licurcth  all  causes  in  this  place,  and  stayeth  sonic 
two  liouivs  every  day  (these  Kings  of  India  sit  daily  in  jus- 
tice every  day,  and  on  Ihe  Tuesdayes  doe  their  executions). 
Then  lie  departeth  towards  his  private  place  of  i)rayer.  His 
prayer  beeing  ended,  foure  or  five  sorts  of  very  well  dressed 
and  roasted  meats  are  brought  him,  of  which,  as  hee  pleaseth, 
he  cateth  a  bit  to  stay  his  stomacke,  drinking  once  of  his 
strong  drinke.  Then  hee  commeth  forth  into  a  private  roome, 
where  none  can  come  but  such  as  himselfe  nominatelh  (for 
two  yeeres  together  I  was  one  of  his  attendants  here).  In 
this  place  he  drinketh  other  five  cupfuls,  which  is  the 
portion  that  the  physicians  alot  him.  This  done,  he 
eateth  opium,  and  then  he  ariseth  ;  and  being  in  the 
height  of  his  drinke  he  layeth  him  downe  to  sleepe,  every 
man  departing  to  his  owne  home.  And  after  he  hath 
slept  two  houres,  they  awake  him  and  bring  his  supper 
to  him  ;  at  which  time  he  is  not  able  to  feed  himselfe, 
but  it  is  thrust  into  his  mouth  by  others  ;  and  this  is 
about  one  of  the  clocke,  and  then  he  sleepeth  the  rest  of 
the  night. 

Now  in  the  space  of  these  five  cups  he  doth  many  idle 
things  ;  and  whatsoever  he  doth,  either  without  or  within, 
drunken  or  sober,  he  hath  writers  who  by  turnes  set  downe 
everj'thing  in  writing  which  he  doth,  so  that  there  is 
nothing  passeth  in  his  lifetime  which  is  not  noted,  no, 
not  so  much  as  his  going  to  the  necessary,  and  how  often 
he  lieth  with  his  women,  and  with  whom  ;  and  all  this  is 
done  unto  this  end,  that  when  he  dieth  these  writings  of  al 
his  actions  and  speeches  which  are  worthy  to  be  set  downe 
might  be  recorded  in  the  chronicles.  At  my  being  with  him 
he  made  his  brothers  children  Christians  ;  the  doing  whereof 
was  not  for  any  zeale  he  had  to  Christianitie,  as  the  Fathers 
and  all  Christians  thought,  but  upon  the  prophecie  of  certain 
learned  Gentiles,  who  told  him  that  the  sonnes  of  his  body 
should  be  disinherited  and  the  children  of  his  brother  should 
raigne  ;  and  therefore  he  did  it  to  make  these  children  hate- 
full  to  all  Moores,  as  Christians  are  odious  in  their  sight,  and 
that  they  beeing  once  Christians,  when  any  such  matter  should 
happen,  they  should  find  no  subjects.    But  God  is  omnipotent 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  117 

and  can  turne  the  making  o£  these  Christians  unto  a  good 
ende,  if  it  be  His  pleasure. 

This  King  amongst  his  cliildrcn  hath  one  called  Sultan 
Shariar,  of  seven  yeeres  of  age  ;  and  his  father  on  a  day, 
being  to  goe  some  whether  to  solace  himselfe,  demanded  of 
him  whether  hee  would  goe  with  him.  The  child  answered 
that  if  it  pleased  His  Ilighnesse  he  would  either  goe  or  stay, 
as  the  pleasure  of  his  father  was.  But  because  his  answer 
was  not  that  with  all  his  heart  he  would  waite  upon  His 
Majestic,  he  was  very  well  buffeted  by  the  Kirtg,  and  that  in 
such  sort  that  no  child  in  the  world  but  would  have  cryed, 
which  this  child  did  not.  Wherefore  his  father  demanded 
why  he  cryed  not.  He  answered  that  his  nurses  told  him 
that  it  was  the  greatest  shame  in  the  world  for  princes  to 
cry  when  they  were  beaten  ;  and  ever  since  they  nurtured 
me  in  this  kind,  saith  he,  I  never  cryed,  and  nothing  shall 
make  me  cry  to  the  death.  Upon  which  speech  his  father, 
being  more  vexed,  stroke  him  againe,  and  caused  a  bodkin 
to  bee  brought  him,  which  he  thrust  through  his  cheekc  ;  but 
all  this  would  not  make  him  cry,  although  he  bled  very  much  ; 
which  was  admired  of  all  that  the  father  should  doe  this  unto 
his  child,  and  that  he  was  so  stout  that  hee  would  not  eric. 
There  is  great  hope  of  this  child  to  exceed  all  the  rest. 

This  emperour  keepeth  many  feasts  in  the  yeare,  but  two 
feasts  especially  may  be  nominated.  The  one  called  the 
Nourous  [Nauroz],  which  is  in  honour  of  the  New-Yeares 
day.  This  feast  continueth  eighteene  dales,  and  the  wealth 
and  riches  are  wonderfull  that  are  to  be  scene  in  the  decking  and 
setting  forth  of  every  mans  roome  or  place  where  he  lodgeth 
when  it  is  his  turne  to  watch  ;  for  every  nobleman  hath  his 
place  appointed  him  in  the  palace.  In  the  middest  of  that 
spacious  place  I  speake  of,  there  is  a  rich  tent  pitched,  but  so 
rich  that  I  thinke  the  like  cannot  bee  found  in  the  world. 
This  tent  is  curiously  wrought  and  hath  many  seminans 
[Hind,  shamiydna,  an  awning]  joyning  roimd  about  it  of  most 
curious  wrought  velvet,  embroidered  with  gold,  and  many 
of  thcni  arc  of  cloath  of  gold  and  silver.  These  seminans  be 
shaddowes  to  kecpe  the  sumic  from  the  compasse  of  this  tent. 
I  may  say  it  is  at  the  least  two  acres  of  ground,  but  so  richly 


118  EAHLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

bprcad  witli  .silki'  aiul  <;()ld  carpets  jiiul  li:inyin<4s  in  the  prinei- 
pall  places,  ricli  as  rich  velvet  imbroydered  with  gold,  pearle, 
and  precious  stones  can  make  it.  Within  it  five  chains 
of  estate  arc  placed,  most  rich  to  behold,  where  at  his  pleasure 
the  King  sitteth.  There  are  likewise  private  roomes  made 
for  his  Queenes,  most  rich,  where  they  sit  and  see  all,  but 
are  not  scene.  So  roimd  about  this  tent  the  compassc  of  all 
may  bee  some  five  acres  of  ground.  Every  principall  noble- 
man maketh  his  roome  and  decketh  it ;  likewise  every  man, 
according  to  his  ability,  striveth  who  may  adorne  his  roome 
richest.  The  King,  where  he  doth  affect,  commeth  to  his 
noblc-mens  rooms,  and  is  most  sumptuously  feasted  there, 
and  at  his  departure  is  presented  with  the  rarest  jewels  and 
toyes  that  they  can  imd  ;  but  because  he  will  not  receive 
any  thing  at  that  time  as  a  present,  he  conunandeth  his 
Treasurer  to  pay  what  his  praysers  valew  them  to  bee  worth  ; 
which  are  vale  wed  at  halfe  the  price.  Every  one  and  all  of 
his  nobles  provide  toyes  and  rare  things  to  give  him  at  this 
feast  ;  so  connnonly  at  this  feast  every  man  his  estate  is 
augmented.  Two  daies  of  this  feast  the  better  sort  of  the 
women  come  to  take  the  pleasure  thereof ;  and  this  feast 
beginneth  at  the  beginning  of  the  moone  of  March.  The  other 
feast  ^  is  some  foure  moneths  after,  which  is  called  the  feast 
of  his  birth-day.  This  day  every  man  striveth  who  may  be 
the  richest  in  apparell  and  jewels.  After  many  sports  and 
pastimes  performed  in  his  palace,  he  goeth  to  his  mothers  house 
with  all  the  better  sort  of  his  nobles,  where  every  man  pre- 
scnteth  a  Jewell  unto  his  mother,  according  to  his  estate. 
After  the  bancket  is  ended,  the  King  goeth  into  a  very  faire 
roome,  where  a  ballance  of  beaten  gold  is  hanged,  with  one 
scale  eniptie  for  him  to  sit  in,  the  other  scale  being  filled  with 
divers  things,  that  is  to  say,  silver,  gold,  divers  sorts  of 
grains  a  little,  and  so  of  every  kind  of  mettall  a  little, 
and  with  all  sorts  of  precious  stones  some.  In  fine,  he 
weigheth  himselfe  with  these  things,  which  the  next  day 
are  given  to  the  poore,  and  all  may  be  valued  to  be  worth 

*  Both  fcativals  are  fully  described  in  Roe's  juurnal  (see  the  Emhunxi/y 
pp.  252,  411).  Jahangir  kept  both  lunar  and  solar  birthdays,  the  latter 
at  the  beginning  of  September. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  119 

ten  thousand  pounds.  This  day,  before  he  goetli  unto  his 
mothers  house,  every  man  bringeth  him  his  present,  which 
is  thought  to  be  ten  times  more  worth  then  that  which  he 
giveth  to  the  poore.  This  done,  every  man  departeth  unto 
his  home. 

His  custome  is  that  when  you  petition  him  for  any  thing, 
you  must  not  come  empty  handed,  but  give  him  some  toy  or 
otiicr,  whether  you  write  or  no.  By  the  gift  you  give  him 
he  knoweth  that  you  would  demand  some  thing  of  him  ; 
so  after  enquiry  is  made,  if  he  seeth  it  convenient,  he 
granteth  it. 

The  custome  of  the  Indians  is  to  burne  their  dead,  as  you 
have  read  in  other  authors,  and  at  their  burning  many  of 
their  wives  will  burne  with  them,  because  they  will  bee  regis- 
tred  in  their  bookes  for  famous  and  most  modest  and  loving 
wives,  who,  leaving  all  worldly  affaires,  content  themselves 
to  live  no  longer  then  their  husbands.  I  hive  scene  many 
proper  women  brouglit  before  the  King,  whom  (by  his  com- 
mandment) none  may  burne  without  his  leave  and  sight  of 
them  ;  Imeanethose  of  Agra.  Wlien  any  of  these  commeth, 
lice  doth  perswade  them  with  many  promises  of  gifts  and 
living  if  they  will  live,  but  in  my  time  no  perswasion  could 
prevaile,  but  burne  they  would.  The  King,  seeing  that  all 
would  not  serve,  giveth  his  leave  for  her  to  be  carried  to  the 
fire,  where  she  burnetii  herselfe  alive  with  her  dead  hus- 
band. 

Likewise  his  custome  is,  when  any  great  noble-man  hath 
been  absent  from  him  two  or  three  yeares,  if  they  come  in  favour 
and  have  performed  well,  liee  receiveth  them  in  mamier  and 
forme  following.  First,  the  noble-man  stayeth  at  the  gate 
of  the  pallace  till  the  Vizir  and  Lieutenant- Generall  and 
Kjiight  Maitiall  come  to  accompany  him  unto  the  King. 
Then  he  is  brought  to  the  gate  of  the  outermost  rayles, 
whereof  I  have  spoken  before,  where  hee  standeth  in  the 
view  of  the  King,  in  the  middest  betweene  these  two  nobles. 
Then  he  toucheth  the  ground  with  his  hand  and  also  with 
his  head,  very  gravely,  and  doth  thus  three  times.  This 
done,  he  kneeleth  downe  touching  the  ground  with  his  fore- 
head ;  which  being  once  done,  he  is  carried  forward  towards 


120  KAHLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

the  King.  And  in  llic"  luidwuy  1k'  is  iiiudi'  lo  doe  iliis  reverence 
againe.  Then  he  coninieth  lo  the  doore  of  the  red  rayles,  doing 
the  like  reverence  the  third  time  ;  and  having  tluis  done,  he 
commeth  within  the  red  rayles  and  doth  it  once  more  upon  the 
carpets.  Then  the  King  comniandeth  him  to  come  up  the 
staires  or  ladder  of  seaven  steppes  that  he  may  embrace  him  ; 
where  the  King  most  lovingly  embraceth  him  before  all  the 
people,  whereby  they  shall  take  notice  that  he  is  in  the  Kings 
favour.  The  King  having  done  this,  he  then  connneth  downe, 
and  is  placed  by  the  Lieutenaht-Gencrall  according  to  his 
degree.  Now  if  he  come  in  disgrace,  through  exclamations 
made  against  him,  he  hath  none  of  these  honours  from  the 
King,  but  is  placed  in  his  place  till  he  come  to  his  tryall. 
This  King  is  very  much  adored  of  the  heathen  comminalty, 
insomuch  that  they  will  spread  their  bodies  all  upon  the 
ground,  rubbing  the  earth  with  their  faces  on  both  sides. 
They  use  many  other  fopperies  and  superstitions,  which 
I  omit,  leaving  them  for  other  travellers  which  shall  come 
from  thence  hereafter. 

After  I  had  written  this,  there  came  into  my  memory 
another  feast,  solemnized  at  his  fathers  funerall,  which  is 
kept  at  his  sepulchre,^  Avliere  likewise  himselfe,  with  all  his 
posterity,  meane  to  be  buried.  Upon  this  day  there  is  great 
store  of  victuals  dressed,  and  much  money  given  to  the  poore. 
This  sepulchre  may  be  counted  one  of  the  rarest  monuments 
of  the  world.  It  hath  beene  this  foureteene  yeares  a  building, 
and  it  is  thought  it  will  not  be  finished  these  seaven  yeares 
more,^  in  ending  gates  and  walls  and  other  needfull  things 
for  the  beautifying  and  setting  of  it  forth.  The  least  that 
worke  there  daily  are  three  thousand  people  ;  but  thus 
much  I  will  say,  that  one  of  our  worke-men  will  dispatch 
more  then  three  of  them.  The  sepulclvrc  is  some  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  about,  made  square.  It  hath  seaven 
heights  built,  every  height  narrower  then  the  other,  till  you 
come  to  the  top  where  his  herse  is.     At  the  outermost  gate 

»  Akbar's  famous  tomb  at  Sikandra,  about  six  miles  NW.  of  Agra 
(cf.  Finch's  account). 

"  The  mausoleum  and  south  gate  were  finished  a.  u.  1021  (a.  u.  1612- 
13),  but  the  remaining  gates  probably  took  some  years  to  complete. 


WILLIAM  HAWKINS,  1608-13  121 

before  you  come  to  the  sepulchre  there  is  a  most  stately 
palace  building.  Tiie  compasse  of  the  wall  joyning  to  this 
gate  of  the  sepulchre  and  garding,  being  within,  may  be 
at  the  least  three  miles. ^  This  sepulchre  is  some  foure  miles 
distant  from  the  citie  of  Agra. 

*  Hawkins  is  not  very  accurate  in  his  statements.  The  base  of  the 
central  building  measures  about  500  feeb  on  each  of  the  four  sides.  There 
are  five  stories,  not  seven.  Each  side  of  the  garden  is  about  3^  furlongs, 
makmg  If  miles  in  all.  The  'stately  palace '  is  presumably  the  principal 
gateway  of  the  enclosure. 


1608-11 
WILLIAM  FINCH 

Much  of  what  has  been  already  said  concerning  Captain 
Hawkins  and  his  experiences  will  serve  also  as  an  introduction 
to  the  narrative  of  his  colleague,  William  Finch.  Not  that  the 
latter  account  is  in  any  way  a  repetition  of  the  same  story  in 
other  words  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  deals  principally  with 
experiences  in  which  Hawkins  had  no  share,  and  its  chief 
feature  is  the  topographical  information  gleaned  by  the 
writer  either  in  his  own  journeyings  or  by  diligent  incpiiry 
from  others.  Its  interest  in  this  respect  it  would  be  dillicidt 
to  exaggerate.  Purchas  says  of  it  that  it  is  '  supplied  in 
substance  with  more  accurate  observations  of  men,  beasts, 
plants,  cities,  deserts,  castles,  buildings,  regions,  religions, 
then  almost  any  other;  as  also  of  waies,  wares,  warres'. 
Based  upon  a  carefully  kept  journal  and  giving  a  detailed 
description  of  a  large  extent  of  the  country,  it  is  a  most 
valuable  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  the  dominions  of 
the  Great  Mogul  in  the  early  years  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
It  has,  however,  to  a  large  extent  been  lost  sight  of  in  the  mass 
of  Purchas's  iniwieldy  collection,  and  much  of  the  information 
it  contains  is  known  chiefly  at  secondhand  from  the  works  of 
two  slightly  later  authors,  viz.  Johannes  de  Laet,  who,  in  his 
Dc  Imperio  Magni  Mogolis  (1631),  availed  himself  freely  of 
the  materials  provided  by  Finch,  and  Thomas  Herbert,  who 
copied  De  Laet  in  the  second  edition  (1638)  of  his  accoinit  of 
his  own  travels.  The  fact  that  Herbert  had  actually  made 
a  voyage  to  India  and  Persia  has  perhaps  assisted  to  give  the 
impression  that  his  descriptions  of  the  former  country  were 
from  his  own  observation  ;  but  in  reality  he  saw  scarcely 
anything  of  India  outside  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Surat,  and 
the  bulk  of  his  work  is  a  medley  of  information  gathered  from 
pi'cvious  writers. 

Of  Finch  himself,  previous  to  our  finding  him  among  the 
merchants  on  board  the  Hector  in  the  outward  voyage,  we 
know  only  that  he  had  been  '  servant  to  Master  Johnson  in 
Cheapside  ' — a  detail  we  owe  to  Robert  Covert,  the  author 
of  A  True  and  Almost  Incredible  Report  ;  but  of  the  rest  of  his 
short  career  we  have  a  fairly  full  account,  mainly  from  his  own 
pen.  He  landed  with  Hawkins  at  Surat  in  August  1608,  and 
remained  there  in  charge  of  a  small  stock  of  goods  when  the 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  123 

Captain  himself  proceeded  to  Agra.  Finch's  experiences  while 
at  the  port  are  fully  related  in  his  Journal,  supplemented  by 
a  letter  from  him  to  Hawkins  in  July  1609,  printed  at  p.  23  of 
vol.  i  of  Letters  Received  by  the  East  India  Company.^  In 
January  1610,  in  obedience  to  a  summons  from  Hawkins,  he 
left  Surat  for  Agra,  where  he  arrived  early  in  April.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  year  he  was  dispatched  on  a  short  expedition 
to  Bayana  for  the  purpose  of  buying  a  stock  of  indigo.  Here, 
according  to  Joiirdain  (Jotirnal,  p.  156),  an  incident  happened 
which  gave  some  offence  at  court.  The  Emperor's  mother,  or 
others  acting  under  her  protection,  carried  on  extensive  trading- 
operations,  and  at  this  time  a  vessel  belonging  to  her  was  being 
laden  for  a  voyage  to  Mokha.  A  merchant  had  accordingly 
been  sent  to  Bayana  to  buy  indigo,  and  he  had  nearly  concluded 
his  bargain  when  Finch  arrived.  No  Indian  would  have  dared 
to  compete  in  such  a  case,  but  the  Englishman  did  not  scruple 
to  bid  against  the  Queen-Mother's  agent  and  so  '  had  awaie 
the  indico  ',  with  the  result  that  the  aggrieved  lady  complained 
to  tlie  Emperor,  and  Hawkins's  position  at  court  suffered 
accordingly. 

Finch's  return  to  Agra  was  quickly  followed  by  his  departure 
for  Lahore  to  make  sale  on  the  Company's  behalf  of  the  indigo 
he  had  purchased  at  Bayana.  Travelling  by  way  of  Delhi, 
Ambala,  and  Sultanpur,  he  reached  his  destination  early  in 
February  1611.  Lahore  was  at  that  time  second  only  to  Agra 
in  importance  (it  will  be  remembered  that  Milton  couples  them 
together  as  the  chief  seats  of  the  Great  Mogul)  ;  and  our 
author's  description  of  the  palace,  before  it  was  altered  by 
Shah  Jahan,  is  of  great  interest.  In  this  city  Finch  remained 
until  at  least  August  18  of  the  same  year,  which  is  the  last 
date  given  in  his  narrative.  Its  sudden  breaking  off  suggests 
that  at  this  point  he  found  that  he  had  filled  up  the  last  blank 
sheet  of  his  note-book,  and  was  consequently  obliged  to  make 
his  further  jottings  in  a  second  book  or  on  loose  paper,  unfor- 
tunately lost  or  destroyed  at  the  time  of  his  death.  The  rest 
of  our  text  is  occupied  with  notes  which  F'ineh  had  doubtless 
inserted  from  time  to  time  on  the  back  pages  of  his  journal — 
a  common  practice  among  the  factors.  Purchas  printed  them 
in  the  order  in  which  he  fovmd  them  ;  but  in  all  probability 
they  were  entered  in  the  reverse  order.  Thus  the  account  of 
routes  from  Agra  to  places  lying  to  the  eastwards  (p.  175),  and 
the  descriptions  of  that  city  and  of  Sikandra,  were  doubtless 
written  during  Finch's  stay  in  the  capital.  Next  he  inserted 
the  details  obtained  from  Nicholas  UlHet  of  the  route  from 
Agra  to  Surat  by  way  of  Ajmer  (p.  170).     These  must  have 

•  The  document  printed  at  p.  28  of  the  same  volume,  without  any 
name  attached,  ia  undoubtedly  by  Finch. 


124  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDLV 

been  foiniimnic:iU'(i  wiicn  the.  two  were  toyclhcr  at  Lahore 
in  IGll.  Finally,  while  at  Lahore,  he  gathered  the  inlbrniation 
entered  at  p.  107  concerning  the  routes  from  that  city  to  Kabul 
and  to  Srinagar. 

Hawkins  had  instructed  Finch  to  return  to  Agra  as  soon  as 
he  had  disposed  of  his  goods  ;  but  the  latter  had  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  prospects  of  English  trade  in  India  were 
hopeless  ;  ^  and,  learning  that  a  caravan  was  about  to  set  out 
from  Lahore  for  Aleppo,  he  resolved  to  take  the  opi>ortunity 
to  go  home  by  that  route.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  Hawkins, 
acquainting  him  with  his  intention,  and  asking  either  to  be 
allowx'd  to  go  as  the  Company's  servant,  carrying  with  him 
for  sale  the  indigo  in  his  cliarge,  or  to  be  paid  his  wages  and 
released  from  the  service.  Hawkins  conceived  the  idea  that 
Finch  might  abscond  with  the  indigo,  and  so  he  dispatclsed 
secretly  a  power  of  attorney  to  a  Jesuit  at  Lahore,  authorizing 
him,  in  the  event  of  P'inch  attempting  to  leave  with  tlie 
caravan,  to  seize  him  and  his  goods,  Nicholas  Uiflct  was  then 
sent  to  Lahore  to  take  over  the  indigo.  The  implied  distrust 
of  his  honesty  cut  Finch  to  the  quick,  and  when  the  secret  of 
the  power  of  attorney  leaked  out,  the  breach  between  him  and 
Hawkins  was  complete.  Jourdain  wrote  to  Finch,  telling  him 
that  an  English  fleet  was  on  its  way  to  India,  and  urging  him 
to  come  to  Agra  in  order  that  they  might  journey  down  to 
Surat  in  company  ;  but  Finch  replied  that  '  he  knewe  well  the 
Companie  would  never  send  more  shipps  for  Suratt .  .  .exclaymc- 
inge  very  much  on  Captaine  Hawlans  and  his  disconfidcnce, 
sayinge  that  he  would  not  come  to  Agra  because  he  would  not 
see  the  face  of  him  '  {Journal  of  John  Jourdain,  p.  158). 

The  rest  of  the  story  is  contained  in  a  letter  written  to  the 
East  India  Company  by  Bartholomew  Haggatt,  the  English 
consul  at  Aleppo,  in  August  1613.2  Travelling  in  company 
with  a  Captain  Boys  and  their  respective  servants,  Thomas 
Styles  and  Laurence  Pigot,  Finch  made  his  way  overland  to 
Bagdad.  There  the  whole  party  were  seized  with  sickness, 
due,  it  is  said,  to  their  having  drunk  some  infected  water  ;  and 
all  but  Styles  died  soon  after  their  arrival.  Finch's  goods  were 
at  once  confiscated  by  the  Basha,  who  also  imprisoned  the 
survivor  in  the  hope  of  making  him  disclose  the  hiding  place 
of  further  articles  ;    but  with  the  aid  of  the  Venetian  vice- 

1  Sir  Henry  Middleton  notes  {Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  part  i,  bk.  ix, 
chap,  xi)  that  in  October  1611  he  received  a  letter  written  by  Finch 
at  Lahore,  addressed  to  tlie  commander  of  any  ot  tlic  Company's  ships 
arriving  otf  8urat,  and  announcing  that  he  was  going  home  overland, 
as  there  was  no  hope  of  the  establishment  of  English  trade  in  India. 

-  Printed  in  LcUcrs  Received,  vol.  i  (p.  273).  See  also  Kerridge's 
letter  at  p.  280  of  the  same  volume. 


WILLI  AIM  FINCH,  1608-11  125 

consul,  Styles  effected  his  escape,  and  after  a  dangerous 
journey  succeeded  in  reaching  Aleppo  at  the  beginning  of 
October  1012.  The  friendly  vice-consul  at  Bagdad  did  his 
best  to  induce  the  Bfisha  to  disgorge  his  prey,  and  with  much 
trouble  managed  to  get  from  him  a  portion  of  it,  which  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  scarcely  more  than  sufficient  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  suit  and  the  claims  of  certain  creditors. 
Finch's  apparel  and  the  bulk  at  least  of  his  papers  were  also 
saved  and  delivered  to  Haggatt,  wlio  forwarded  them  to  the 
East  India  Company.  This  explains  how  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Purchas,  when  searching  the  Company's  archives  for  materials, 
came  across  Finch's  '  large  journall '  and,  recognizing  its 
value,  printed  it  almost  in  full,  as  the  fourth  chapter  of  the 
fourth  book  of  part  one  of  the  Pilgrimes.  The  subsequent 
fate  of  the  manuscript  is  unknown. 

Finch's  narrative  is  here  printed  as  given  by  Purchas,  except 
that  the  voluminous  account  of  the  outward  voyage  is  omitted, 
as  having  no  bearing,  upon  India.  It  may  be  added  that  the 
portion  relating  to  the  Pxmjab  has  been  reproduced  by 
Sir  Edward  Maclagan  in  tlie  Journal  of  the  Panjdb  Historical 
Society  (vol.  i,  no.  2),  accompanied  by  some  useful  notes  ; 
while  (as  mentioned  in  the  text)  still  more  recently  Sir  Aurel 
Stein  has  examined  in  the  same  periodical  Finch's  references 
to  Kashmir  and  Central  Asia. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Moreland,  C.S.I.,  CLE.,  has  been  good  enough 

>  read  this 
annotation. 


The  eight  and  twentieth  of  August,  1608,  Captaine  Haw- 
kins with  the  merchants  and  certaine  others  landed  at  Surat, 
where  the  Captaine  was  received  in  a  coach  and  carryed  before 
the  Dawne  [Dlwan].  Wee  had  poore  lodging  alloted  us,  the 
porters  lodge  of  the  custome  house  ;  whither  the  next  morning 
came  the  Customers,  who  searched  and  tumbled  our  trunkes  to 
our  great  dislike,  which  had  yet  brought  ashore  only  necessaries. 
W^e  were  invited  to  dinner  to  a  merchant,  where  wee  had 
great  cheere,  but  in  the  midst  of  our  banquet  sowre  sawce, 
for  hee  was  the  man  that  had  sustayned  almost  all  the  losse 
in  a  ship  that  Sir  Edward  Michelborne  tooke.  The  captaine 
also  of  that  ship  dined  with  us.  Wlaich  when  it  was  there 
told  us,  the  Captaine  [Hawkins]  answered  that  hee  never 
heard  of  such  a  matter,  and  ralher  judged  it  done  by  Flem- 


120  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

niings  ;  but  tliej'  said  that  tlicy  knew  ccrtainely  tliat  they 
were  English,  deploring  their  hard  fortunes  and  afllrniing  that 
there  were  theeves  in  all  countries,  nor  would  they  impute 
that  fault  to  honest  merchants.  This  speech  somewhat 
revived  us.  The  day  after,  Mede  Colee  [Mahdi  Kuli],  the 
captaine  of  that  ship  aforesaid,  invited  us  to  supper. 

The  second  of  October  wee  imbarqued  our  goods  and  pro- 
visions, gave  Shek  Abdelreheime  [see  p.  72]  a  present,  and 
got  dispatch  to  depart  ;  the  Customers  denying  leave,  till 
they  had  searched  the  ship  whether  she  had  discharged  all 
her  goods,  to  ship  any  new  ;  but  meeting  with  frigats,  they, 
supposing  them  Malabars,^  durst  not  adventure  their  own 
river.  These  frigats  were  Portugals,  which  desired  one  to 
come  talke  with  them,  and  Master  Bucke  raslily  doing  it,  they 
detayned  him,  and  after  (I  and  Nicholas  Ufflet  being  ashoarc) 
Master  Marlow  and  the  rest  beganne  to  flee.  The  coekson 
would  have  fought,  which  he  would  not  permit  ;  but  running 
agroimd  through  ignorance  of  the  channell,  they  were  taken 
going  on  the  sandie  iland  by  Portugall  treacherie,  and  the 
fault  of  some  of  themselves,  nineteene  with  Master  Bucke. 
But  the  ginne  [i.e.  ging  or  crew]  put  off  the  pinnace 
and,  notwithstanding  the  Portugall  bullets,  rowed  her  to 
Surat.  Foure  escaped  by  swimming  and  got  that  night  to 
Surat,  besides  Nicholas  Ufflet  and  my  selfe,  neere  twentie 
miles  from  the  place.  Yet  had  we  resisted  we  wanted  shot, 
and  in  number  and  armour  they  very  much  exceeded  us.  The 
fourth,  the  captaine  of  the  frigats  sent  a  reviling  letter  to 
the  Governour  of  the  towne,  calling  us  Lutherans  and  theeves, 
and  said  we  were  Flemmings  and  not  English  ;  charging  him 
(on  continuance  of  their  friendship)  to  send  aboord  the  Cap- 
taine with  the  rest  of  us  ;  which  Abdelreheime  not  only 
denied,  but  in  the  Mogols  name  commanded  him  to  render 
the  goods  and  men.  The  fifth,  came  a  captaine  of  one  of 
the  frigats,  which  used  peremptorie  words  and  before  the 
Governour  stood  upon  it  that  the  King  of  Spaine  was  lord  of 
those  seas,  and  that  they  had  in  commission  from  him  to 
take  all  that  came  in  those  parts  without  his  passe. 

1  The  pirates  of  the  Malabar  Coast,  whose  widespread  depredations  were 
a  trouble  to  commerce  down  to  the  middle  of  the  eigiiteenth  century. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  127 

The  thirteenth,  the  Governour  called  all  the  ehiefe  mer- 
chants of  the  towne  upon  their  conscience  to  value  our  cloth 
(before  carryed  to  his  house),  which  they  did  at  a  farre  under 
rate  ;  the  Governour  aflQrming  that  hee  must  and  would  have 
it,  the  Captaine  [Hawkins]  denying  his  consent.  On  the 
sixteenth,  we  were  forced  to  accept,  for  some  of  our  cloth 
in  their  hands,  promise  of  a  little  more,  and  were  permitted 
to  Carrie  away  the  rest,  causing  us  to  leave  fiftie  pieces  and 
fourteene  Devonshire  kersies  for  the  King,  with  nine  and 
twentie  other  kersies,  and  fifteene  clothes  for  Shek  Ferred 
[ShaiMi  Farld],  keeping  also  the  foure  clothes  which  wee  re- 
served for  presents  for  the  King.  We  were  otherwise  molested 
by  a  contention  betwixt  Shek  Ferred  and  Moerow  Bowean 
(or  Mocreb  Can)  about  the  custome-house,  that  wee  could 
not  get  our  goods  from  thence.  Wee  heard  that  the  Portu- 
gals  sold  our  goods  for  halfe  that  they  cost.  Our  men  were 
sent  to  Goa. 

The  fifteenth  of  December,  came  Mo.  Bowean  with  a 
Jesuite,  Padre  Peniero.  To  this  our  captaine  shewed  kindnesse, 
for  hope  of  his  men  ;  to  the  other  he  gave  presents.  Both 
dealt  treacherously  in  requitall,  the  Jesuite  (as  it  was  reported 
by  Mo.  Bowean  himselfe)  offering  a  Jewell,  which  he  said  was 
worth  two  hundred  thousand  rials,  to  betray  us.  This  day 
came  to  us  R.  Carelesse,  an  Englishman,  who  had  long  lived 
amongst  the  Portugals,  from  whom  hee  now  fiedde  for  fear  of 
punishment  for  earring  necessaries  to  the  Dutch  at  Muselpatan ; 
desiring  to  bee  entertayned,  which  we  did  with  much  circimi- 
spection.^ 

The  seven  and  twentieth,  Mo.  Bowean  desired  great  abate- 
ments upon  our  cloth,  or  else  hee  would  returne  it,  and  (will 
wee  nill  wee)  abated  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fiftie 
mamudies  before  hee  would  give  us  licence  to  fetch  up  the 
rest  of  our  goods  to  make  sales.  My  selfe  was  very  ill  of 
the  bloudy  fluxe  (whereof  Master  Dorchester  ^  dyed),  of 
which  that  Englishman  Carelesse  (next  under  God)  recovered 
me.     I  learned  of  him  many  matters,  as  namely  of  the  great 

^  Jourdain  mentions  this  man  and  says  that  '  there  was  greate  doubt 
of  his  honestie  '. 
"  John  Dorchester,  a  merchant  who  had  come  out  in  the  Hector. 


128  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDL\ 

spoilc  (lone  the  las!  yeore^  to  tlio  Porlugals  by  the  Hollanders, 
Avho  lyin<i  before  INIalacea  with  sixteene  ships,  iMelosinf>  the 
towiie  Avidi  helpe  of  other  kin<»s  by  sea  and  land,  newes  was 
earryed  to  the  Viee-Roy,-  then  before  Achen,  accompanied 
with  all  the  gallants  of  India,  having  with  him  a  very  great 
fleet  of  ships,  gallies  and  frigats,  and  foiirc  thousand  soul- 
diers,  being  commanded  by  the  King  to  take  Achen,  and  there 
to  build  a  castle  and  a])point  an  Alphandira.^  and  thence  to 
goe  and  spoile  Jor  [Johor]  and  chastise  the  Moluccas  for 
giving  the  Hollanders  traffique,  being  minded  to  roole  out  the 
Holland  name  in  those  parts,  for  which  purpose  came  two 
thousand  Castilians  from  the  Manillas.  Andrew  Hurtado  * 
then  governed  within  Malacca,  and  sent  word  of  their  present 
distresse  ;  upon  which  the  Vice-Roy  weighed  from  Achen 
(which  otherwise  had  beene  spoyled)  ;  whereof  the  Dutch 
Generall  advertised,  got  his  men  and  artillery  aboord,  and 
went  forth  to  meete  him  ;  where  after  a  long  and  bloudie  fight, 
with  much  losse  on  both  sides,  the  Dutch  departed,  enforced 
to  stop  the  leakes  of  their  admirall,  likely  otherwise  to  perish. 
The  Portugals  let  slip  this  opportunitie,  and  fell  to  merriments 
and  bragges  of  their  victorie,  not  looking  any  more  for  the 
Hollanders,  who,  having  stopped  their  leakes  at  Jor,  new 
rigged  and  returned  upon  the  Portugals,  whom  they  found 
disordered  and  feasting  ashoare  ;  where  they  sunke  and 
burned  the  whole  fleet,  making  a  cruell  execution  ;  and  had 
not  the  Vice-Roy  before  sent  sixe  shippes  on  some  other 
service,  they  had  beene  all  heere  utterly  extinguished.  After 
this  fell  such  sicknesse  in  the  city  that  most  of  them  dyed, 
amongst  which  the  Vice-Roy  was  one,  and  shortly  after  the 
Governour  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Moluccas  ;  so  that  their 
strength  was  laid  in  the  dust,  and  the  Archbishoppe  [Aleixo 
de  Menezes]  made  and  yet  remayneth  Vice-Roy. 

This  last  yeere  the  Malabarres  vexed  the  Portugals  and  tooke 
or  sunke  of  them  at  times  sixtie  saile^  or  more.     This  yeere 

*  Most  of  the  events  here  related  took  place  in  1606. 

-  Dom  Martina  Affonso  de  Castro. 

^  '  Alphandica  '  is  meant,  i.  e.  '  a  customhouse  '  (Port,  alfavdega). 

"  Andre  Furtado  de  Mendon^a. 

^  'Jhese  w(  re,  of  course,  small  vessels  (see  note  on  p.  03). 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  129 

also  was  expected  a  Vice-Roy  to  come  with  a  strong  fleet  to 
drive  the  Hollanders  out  of  India.  This  fleet  consisted  of  nine 
shippes  of  warre,  and  sixe  for  the  voyage  ;  they  were  separated 
in  the  calme  of  Guinea,  and  never  met  together  after.  Two 
of  them  came  to  Mosambique,  where  they  were  fired  of  the 
Hollanders,  who  also  much  distressed  the  castle  but  could  not 
take  it,  and  the  time  of  the  yeere  requiring  their  departure, 
they  set  sayle  for  Goa,  to  the  number  of  fifteene  shippes  and  one 
pinnasse,  where  they  rode  at  the  barre  challenging  the  great 
captaine  Andrew  Hurtado,  who  durst  not  visit  them.  Another 
of  that  voyage  having  advise  that  the  Hollanders  rode  at  the 
barre,  put  to  the  northward,  where  they  presently  landed  their 
money  and  goods  and  set  fire  of  their  shippe  to  save  the  Dutch 
a  labour  ;  and  lastly,  the  souldiers  fell  together  by  the  eares 
for  the  sharing  of  the  money.  This  fleet  departing  from  Goa 
sailed  alongst  the  coast  of  Malabar,  spoyling  and  burning  all 
they  could  meet  with.  There  was  report  of  leave  given  them 
by  the  Samorine  [see  p.  45],  to  build  a  castle  at  Chaul  [sic]. 

This  moneth  here  was  also  newes  of  an  Ormus  ship  taken  by 
the  Malabarres,  and  three  frigats  ;  and  shortly  after  of  a  fleet 
of  twentie  five  frigots  from  Coehen,  whereof  sixteene  were 
taken  and  burnt  by  the  Malabars,  which  the  rest  escaped,  if 
miserable  spoile  be  an  escape  ;  also  of  fiftie  frigats  and  galiots 
of  the  Malabars  spoiling  on  their  coast.  In  January  [1609] 
came  other  newes  of  thirtie  frigats,  which  put  for  Diu  richly 
laden,  taken  by  the  Malabars,  bceing  at  this  time  masters  of 
these  seas.  They  are  good  souldiers  and  carry  in  each  frigat 
one  hundred  souldiers,  and  in  their  galiots  two  hundred. 

The  first  of  February,  the  Captaine  [Hawkins]  departed  with 
fiftie  peons  ^  and  certaine  horsemen.  About  this  time  was 
great  stirre  toucliing  the  Queene  Mothers  ship,  which  was  to 
be  laden  for  Mocha.  The  Portugals  then  riding  at  the  barre, 
with  two  and  twentie  frigats,  threatned  to  carry  her  to  Diu. 
At  length  they  fell  to  compounding,  the  Portugals  demanding 
an  hundred  thousand  mamudies  for  her  cartas  [Port,  cartaz  ; 
cf.  p.  135]  or  passe,  and  after  twentie  thousand  ;  at  last  taking 
one  thousand  rialls  and  odde  money,  with  divers  presents 

'  Foot-men  (Port.  peao).  As  Hawkins  tells  us  (p.  78),  these  were 
foot-soldiers  hired  for  purposes  of  defence. 

K 


mo  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

wliioh  the  MojToUs  were  fixinc  to  give  them.  Mo.  Bowean  gave 
nic  faire  words,  but  the  divell  was  in  liis  heart  ;  he  minded 
notliing  Icsse  indeed  then  paiment  of  his  debts,  seeking  also 
to  deduct  some,  others  imbescllcd,  striking  off  by  new  aeeounts 
seventeene  thousand  of  one  and  fortie  tliousand.  I  thought 
he  meant  to  shift  if  hee  could  and  pay  nothing,  secretly 
departing  the  towne,  owing  much  to  certaine  Banians,  who 
must  get  it  when  they  can.  At  last  I  got  his  cheet  [order  : 
Hind,  chitthi]  for  some,  though  with  great  abatements  ; 
esteeming  halfe  better  secured  then  to  endanger  all. 

The  six  and  twentieth  of  March,  1609,  it  was  here  reported 
that  Malacca  was  besieged  with  thirtie  ships  of  Holland  ;  in 
succour  of  which  the  Vice-Roy  assembled  all  these  his  northerne 
Indian  forces,  appointing  Andrew  Hurtado  generall,  being  the 
more  cranke  by  newes  of  a  new  Vice-Roy  [see  p.  131]  with 
fourteene  saile  to  winter  at  Mosambique.  Meane  while  a  ship 
of  Cambaya,  which  had  been  at  Queda,  came  for  Goga,  which 
the  Portugalls  finding  without  cartas  made  prize  of.  The 
Customers  at  that  time  by  new  prices  and  reckonings  sought 
to  make  prize  in  great  part  of  us.  I  was  also  in  the  beginning 
of  Aprill  taken  with  a  burning  fever,  which  drew  from  me 
much  blood,  besides  ten  dayes  fasting  with  a  little  rice  ;  and 
after  my  fever  miserable  stitches  tormented  me.  The  next 
moneth  I  was  visited  againe  with  a  burning  fever. 

The  twelfth  of  May  came  newes  that  Mclik  Amber,  King  of 
Decan,  had  besieged  the  citie  of  Aurdanagar  ^  (which  had  been 
the  metropolitan  of  that  kingdome,  conquered  by  the  Acabar) 
with  two  and  twentie  thousand  horse,  and  that  after  divers 
assaults  the  Mogolls  made  shew  to  deliver  up  the  citie,  upon 
condition  that  hee  woidd  withdraw  his  armie  some  foure  or 
five  cose  [kos  :  see  p.  18]  from  thence,  that  they  might  passe 
with  more  assurance  with  bagge  and  baggage  ;  which  being 
done,  they  suddenly  issued  forth  with  all  their  forces  upon  the 
unprovided  enemie  and  made  a  great  slaughter  ;    but  feared 

»  Finch  no  doubt  wrote  '  Amedanagar ',  i.  e.  Ahmadnagar.  Malik 
Ambar  (an  Abyssinian  by  birth)  was  not  the  King  but  the  chief  minister 
and  generalissimo.  Akbar  had  subdued  Ahmadnagar  in  the  year  1600. 
For  an  account  of  the  capitulation  mentioned  in  the  text  see  the  Tuzuk, 
vol.  i,  p.  181. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  131 

hee  would  bee  revenged  on  those  parts  which  were  lesse  able  to 
resist.  The  Canchanna  gathered  great  forces,  and  demanded  of 
Surat  three  hundred  thousand  ni[ahmudis]  towards  the  charge, 
sending  also  for  the  Governour,  an  expert  Decan  souldier. 

The  twentieth  of  June  came  newes  of  the  arrivall  of  five 
shippes  at  Goa,  and  of  the  Vice-Royes  death  ;  ^  whereupon 
Andrew  Hurtado  was  chosen  Vice-Roy,  being  the  only  stay 
left  of  all  those  parts,  and  reported  a  brave  souldier.  He 
presently  gave  order  for  shipping  to  be  built,  intending  after 
the  breaking  up  of  winter  to  make  a  bolt  or  shaft  with  the 
Hollanders,  which  were  now  reported  to  lye  before  Malacca 
with  eighteene  ships.  The  Portugall  ships  in  the  way  had 
met  with  one  of  this  towne  and,  finding  her  without  cartas, 
brought  her  with  them  as  prize  for  Goa,  where  on  the  barre 
shee  was  cast  away  ;  whereupon  the  Governour  for  Can- 
Channa,  and  the  Customer  for  Mo.  Bowcan,  seised  on  Tappidas 
the  owner,  a  Banian,  for  money  owing  to  them  ;  whereby  also 
we  lost  his  debt  to  us,  for  which  we  may  thanke  the  Portugall. 

The  twentieth  of  July,  Sha  Selim  commanded  Can  Channa 
and  Manisengo,^  two  great  commanders  of  his,  to  invade  all 
the  kingdomes  from  hence  to  the  south,  even  to  Cape  Comori  ; 
for  which  a  huge  armie  was  assembling.  In  resistance  of  whom, 
three  great  kings  were  combined,  the  King  of  Decan  [Ahmad- 
nagar]  (whose  chiefe  citie  is  Genefro  *),  the  King  of  Visapor 
[Bijapur],  and  the  King  of  Golcunda  (whose  chiefe  citie  is 
Braganadar  ^),  who  also  gathered  great  forces,  making  head 
neare  Bramport  [Burhanpur],  upon  the  Mogolls  frontiers, 
expecting  the  breaking  up  of  winter  [i.  e.  the  rainy  season], 
both  armies  lying  abroad  in  tents. 

In  August  I  received  flying  newes  of  an  English  pinnasse 
at    Gandove,''   which,    departing   thence,    was   againe   forced 

'  The  Conde  de  Feyra,  who  was  coming  out  as  Viceroy,  died  on  his  way. 

^  See  Finch's  letter  to  Hawkins  mentioned  on  p.  123. 

'  Raja  Man  Singh.     Prince  Parwiz  was  nominally  in  command. 

*  This  seems  to  be  intended  either  for  Junnar  (in  Poona  District)  or 
for  Jalnapur  (see  p.  137). 

^  Bhagnagar,  the  original  name  of  the  city  of  Hyderabad,  the  present 
capital  of  the  Nizam's  dominions. 

°  Gandevi,  about  twelve  miles  up  the  Ambika  Rivcr/and  twenty-eight 
milea  south-east  of  Surat. 


132  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

tliither  by  tliroo  Portupfall  frigats.  I  supposed  tliat  it  might 
boloiin;  to  sonic  of  our  sliipping  whidi,  stiindinj^'  for  .S(tf;it<»r;i, 
might  not  be  able  to  fclch  in,  und  so  be  fore((l  (o  fjill  on  lliis 
eoast  ;  whieh  proved  uceordingly,  it  being  the  Asce^isioiis 
pinnasse,  wanting  water,  wood,  and  victuall,  the  master 
John  Elmer,  with  five  men  and  two  boyes.  Tlie  master  and 
foure  of  the  company  came  hither  on  the  eight  and  twentietii, 
but  I  had  no  small  adoe  with  the  townsmen  of  Sural  for 
bringing  them  into  the  towne,  they  taking  them  from  me, 
pretending  we  were  but  allowed  trade  (indeed  fearing  the 
Portugalls),  till  I  should  send  to  the  Nobob  *  foure  course 
[kos  :  see  p.  18]  off,  fearing  force.  To  whieh  evill  was  added 
a  worse  of  the  Portugalls  comming  into  the  river  with  five 
frigats  and  carrying  away  the  pinnasse,  weighing  also  the  two 
falcons  2  which  they  had  cast  by  the  boord.  And  yet  a  worse 
report  came  the  fifth  of  September,  of  the  casting  away  of  the 
Ascension,  the  company  (about  seventie  persons)  being  saved  ; 
which  the  next  day  came  to  Surat,  but  were  forced  by  the 
towne  to  lye  without  amongst  the  trees  and  tombes,  I  being 
not  able  to  procure  leave  for  the  Generall  ^  himselfe  (notwith- 
standing divers  letters  of  recommendation  which  liee  brought 
from  Mocha,  besides  letters  from  the  King  himselfe)  into  the 
towne  ;  such  is  their  slavish  awe  of  the  Portugalls,  two  Jesuits 
threatning  fire,  faggot,  and  utter  desolation,  if  they  received 
any  more  Phiglish  thither.  That  which  I  could  doe  was  to 
send  them  refreshing  and  carry  them  to  the  Tanke,*  where 
they  were  conveniently  lodged,  yet  amongst  tombes,  till  the 
Governor  appointed  them  a  more  convenient  place  at  a  small 
aldea  ^  two  course  off  ;  and  with  much  adoe  got  leave  for 
Master  Rivet, ^  Master  Jordan  [Jourdain]  and  the  surgion  to 
come  hither  to  provide  necessaries  for  the  rest.  I  had  oilier 
trouble  by  the  disorder  and  riot  committed  by  some  of  them, 

»  The  Nawab,  i.  e.  Mukarrab  Khan. 
^  A  small  cannon. 

^  Alexander  Sharpeigh.    For  all  this  see  the  Jovrnol  of  John  Jourdain, 
pp.  127  et  seq. 

*  The  Gopi  Talao,  near  the  Nausari  gate  of  Surat.    '  Tank  '  is  commonly 
applied  in  India  to  a  pool  or  reservoir. 

^  Portuguese  for  a  village. 

*  William  Revctt,  one  of  the  merchants  of  the  Af^cen.'>inv. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  133 

especially  one  Thomas  Tucker,  which  in  drinke  had  killed  a 
calfe  (a  slaughter  more  then  murther  in  India),  which 
made  mee  glad  of  their  departure,  fifteene  staying  behind 
sicke,  or  unwilling  to  goe  for  Agra  ;  and  some  returned 
againe. 

The  sixt  of  October,  came  letters  from  Captaine  Hawkins, 
importing  his  mariage  with  the  daughter  of  an  Armenian  ; 
and  others  in  the  latter  end  of  the  next  moneth,  for  my 
comming  to  Agra.  In  December  we  stood  much  in  feare  of 
Badur  [see  p.  100]  liis  comming  upon  Surat,  he  lying  within 
two  dayes  journey  Avith  sixe  hundred  horse  and  many  foote  ; 
for  which  cause  the  Governour  cessed  all  men  with  the  enter- 
tainment of  souldiers,  setting  upon  my  head  ten  men.  I  went 
to  him  and  told  him  that  I  had  twentie  English  at  his  com- 
mand ;  for  which  lice  thanked  mee,  and  freed  mee  of  further 
charge.  During  tin's  time  the  Banians  were  forced  to  labour 
to  barricado  all  the  streets  of  the  citie,  great  watches  were 
appointed  at  the  gates,  certaine  peeecs  drawne  from  the  castle, 
and  from  Carode  [see  p.  136]  garrison  fiftie  horse  ;  which  had 
not  suHiced,  had  not  tlie  Governour  of  Amadavar  [Ahmadabad] 
sent  one  thousand  horse  and  two  thousand  foot  to  our  succour  ; 
upon  newes  of  which  forces  Badur  withdrew  to  his  holds.  Two 
yeeres  before  our  comming  had  this  man  sacked  Cambaya, 
whereof  his  grandfather  had  been  king. 

The  eighteenth  of  January  [1610],  I  departed  out  of  Surat 
towards  Agra,  willing  yet  to  leave  some  notice  thereof  before 
I  leave  it.  The  citie  is  of  good  quantitie,  with  many  faire 
merchants  houses  therein,  standing  twentie  miles  within  the 
land  up  a  faire  river.  Some  three  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  river  (where  on  the  soutli  side  lyeth  a  small  low  island 
over-flowed  in  time  of  raine)  is  the  barre,  where  ships  trade 
and  unlade,  whereon  at  a  spring  tide  is  three  fathome  water. 
Over  this  the  channcll  is  faire  to  the  citie  side,  able  to  beare 
vessels  of  fiftie  tunnes  laden.  This  river  runneth  to  Bramport, 
and  from  thence,  as  some  say,  to  Musseljjatan.^  As  you  come  ^ 
uj>  the  river,  on  the  right  hand  stands  the  castle,  well  walled, 
ditched,  reasonable  great  and  faire,  with  a  mnnber  of  faire 
peeces  [pieces  of  ordnance],  whereof  some  of  exceeding  great- 
*  Masulipatam.    The  statement  was  of  course  absurd. 


13t  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

nessc.  It  hath  one  gate  to  the  green-ward,  with  a  draw-bridge 
and  a  small  port  [i.  e.  gate]  on  the  river  side.  The  Captaine 
hath  in  command  two  hundred  horse.  Before  this  lyeth  the 
mcdon  [Hind,  maiddn,  an  open  space],  which  is  a  pleasant 
greene,  in  the  middcst  whereof  is  a  may-pole  to  hang  a  light 
on,  and  for  other  pastimes  on  great  festivalls.  On  this  side 
the  citic  lyeth  open  to  the  greene,  but  on  all  other  parts  is 
ditched  and  fenced  with  thieke  hedges,  having  three  gates, 
of  Avhich  one  Icadeth  to  Variaw,^  a  small  village,  where  is  the 
ford  to  passe  over  for  Cambaya  way.  Neare  this  village  on 
the  left  hand  lieth  a  small  aldea  on  the  rivers  banke  very 
pleasant,  where  stands  a  great  pagod,  much  resorted  to  by  the 
Indians.  Another  gate  leadeth  to  Bramport  ;  the  third  to 
Nonsary,^  a  towne  ten  cose  off,  where  is  made  great  store  of 
calico,  having  a  faire  river  comming  to  it.  Some  ten  cose 
further  lyeth  Gondoree  [Gandcvi  :  see  p.  131],  and  a  little 
further  Belsaca,^  the  front're  towne  xipon  Daman.  Hard 
without  Nonsary  gate  is  a  fair  tanke  sixtecne  square,*  inclosed 
on  all  sides  with  stone  steppes,  three  quarters  of  an  English 
mile  in  compasse,  with  a  small  house  in  the  middcst.  On  the 
further  side  are  divers  faire  tombes,  with  a  goodly  paved  court 
pleasant  to  behold,  behind  which  groweth  a  small  grove  of 
manga  [mango]  trees,  Mdiither  the  citizens  goe  forth  to  banquet. 
Some  lialfe  cose  behind  this  place  is  a  great  tree  much  wor- 
shipped by  the  Banians,  where  they  afTn-me  a  dew  [Hind,  deo, 
a  si^irit]  to  keepe  [i.  e.  dwell],  and  that  it  hath  bccne  oftentimes 
cut  downe  and  stocked  up  by  the  rootes  at  the  Moores 
command,  and  yet  hath  sprung  up  againe.^  Neare  to  the 
castle  is  the  alphandica  [see  p.  128],  where  is  a  paire  of  staires 
for  lading  and  unlading  of  goods  ;  within  are  roomes  for 
keeping  goods  till  they  be  cleared,  the  custome  being  two  and 
an  halfe  for  goods,  three  for  victualls,  and  two  for  money. 

*  Variao,  on  the  Tapti,  two  miles  iiorLli  of  Surat. 

^  Nausari,  on  the  Puma,  about  twenty  miles  south  of  Surat. 

^  Here,  as  elsewhere,  Purchas  has  mistaken  Finch's  '  r '  for  a  '  c  '. 
Biilsar,  forty  miles  south  of  Surat,  is  meant. 

^  The  Gopi  Talao  (see  p.  132).  Mundy  (vol.  ii,  p.  31)  describes  it  as 
'  made  into  sixteen  squares  '. 

*  See  The  Travels  of  Peter  Mtmdy,  vol.  ii,  p.  34,  for  an  account  of  this 
tree  ;  also  Fryer's  New  Account,  p.  105. 


P.134 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  135 

Williout  this  gate  is  the  great  gondoree  ^  or  bazar.  Right 
before  this  gate  stands  a  tree  with  an  arbour,  whereon  the 
fokeers  [fakirs]  (which  are  Indian  holy  men)  sit  in  state. 
Betwixt  this  and  the  castle,  on  the  entrance  of  the  grcene,  is 
the  market  for  horse  and  cattell.  A  little  lower  on  the  right 
hand  over  the  river  is  a  little  pleasant  towne,  Ranele,'^  inhabited 
by  a  people  called  Naites,  speaking  another  language,  and  for 
tlie  most  part  sea-men.  The  houses  are  faire  therein,  with 
high  steps  to  each  mans  doore,  the  streets  narrow.  They  are 
very  friendly  to  the  English.  Heere  are  many  pleasant 
gardens,  which  attract  many  to  passe  there  their  time  ;  and 
on  the  trees  are  infinite  number  of  those  great  bats  which  wee 
saw  at  Saint  Augustines  [in  Madagascar],  hanging  by  the 
clawes  on  the  boughes,  making  a  shrill  noise.  This  fowle,  the 
people  say,  ingendreth  in  the  care  ;  on  each  wing  it  hath  a 
hooke  and  giveth  the  yong  sucke. 

The  winter  heere  bcginneth  about  the  first  of  June  and 
dureth  till  the  twentieth  of  September  ;  but  not  with  continuall 
raines,  as  at  Goa,  but  for  some  sixe  or  seven  dayes  every 
change  and  full,  with  much  wind,  thunder,  and  raine.  But  at 
the  breaking  up  commeth  alway  a  cruell  storme,  which  they 
call  the  tuffon,''  fearefull  even  to  men  on  land  ;  which  is  not 
alike  extreame  every  yeare,  but  in  two  or  three  at  the  most. 
Monsons  [i.e.  monsoon  winds]  heere  for  the  south  serve  in 
Aprill  and  September,  and  for  Mocha  in  February  and  March. 
From  the  south  ships  come  hither  in  December,  January,  and 
February,  and  from  Mocha  about  the  fifth  of  September,  after 
the  raines  ;  from  Ormus  for  the  coast  of  India  in  Novem- 
ber. But  none  may  passe  without  the  Portugalls  passe,  for 
what,  how  much,  and  whither  they  please  to  give  licence, 
erecting  a  customc  on  the  sea,  with  confiscation  of  shippe  and 

1  Mr.  Motiram  Advani  explains  this  as  gojri,  the  Gujarati  word  for 
a  bazar.    It  is  possible  that  Finch  wrote  '  goudoree  '. 

2  Rander,  two  miles  above  Surat,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  For 
an  account  of  the  Nayatas,  a  body  of  Arab  merchants  and  sailors  who 
settled  there  early  in  the  twelfth  century,  sec  the  Bombay  Gazetteer  : 
Surat,  p.  299. 

="  Our  '  typhoon  ',  which  comes  (through  the  Portuguese)  from  the 
Arabic  tujdn.  For  the  periodic  storm  mentioned  in  the  text  and  known 
locally  as  '  the  Elephant ',  see  Roe's  Journal  (vol.  i,  p.  247). 


13G  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

goods  not  shewing  it  in  tlie  full  quantitie  to  the  taker  and 
examiner. 

Tlie  seeond  ^  of  January  [1610]  I  departed  from  Comvariaw 
[Kluimbaria]  (a  small  village  three  cose  from  Surat)  to  Mutta 
[Mota],  a  great  aldea,  seven  c[os].     [January]  21,  eight  c.  to 
Carodc  [Karod],  a  great  countrey  towne,  by  which  on  the 
north  rimneth  Surat  river  ;  it  hath  a  castle  with  two  hundred 
horse,  Patans,  good  souldiers.   [January]  twentie  two,  to  Curka  ^ 
12  c.  ;    it  is  a  great  village,  with  a  river  on  the  south  side. 
In  the  way  (7  c.)  is  Beca  [Viara],  a  castle  with  a  great  tanke 
and  a  pleasant  grove.     [January]  23,  ten  c.  to  Nacampore 
[Narayanpur],  a  great  towne  under  the  Pectopshaw.^    In  this 
way  on  the  right  hand  beginneth  a  great  ridge  of  mountaincs 
which    come    from    Amadavar-wards,    neare    which    Badur 
keepeth,  holding  divers  strong  holds  thereon,  that  the  King 
with  all  his  force  cannot  hurt  him.    These  mountaines  runne 
to    Bramport  ;     on   them   are    bred    many   wilde    elephants. 
[January]  24,  to  Dayta  [Dhaita],  8  c,  a  great  towne  ;   in  the 
mid-way  you  passe  a  stony  troublesome  river.     This  towne 
hath  a  castle,  and  is  almost  encompassed  with  a  river,  seated  in 
a  fertile  soyle.     [January]  25,  to  Badur  [Bhadwar],  10  c,  a 
fdthy  towne  and  full  of  theeves  ;    heere  is  made  much  wine 
of  a  sweete  fruit  called  mewa,*  but  I  found  it  not  wholesome 
except  it  be  burnt.    This  towne  is  the  last  of  note  in  Pectop- 
shaws  land,  who  is  a  small  king  or  rajaw,  a  Gentile,  keeping  on 
the  top  of  inaccessible  mountaines,  which  bcginne  at   Curka 
and  extend  many  courses.    He  holdeth  two  faire  cities,  Salere, 
and  the  other  Muliere,^  where  the  mamudees  are  coyned  ;  each 
having  two  mightie  castles,  which  have  way  to  them  but  for 

1  This  date  is  clearly  wrong.    Perhaps  the  20th  is  intended. 

The  route  from  Surat  to  Burhanpur  is  described  by  Roe,  Jourdain, 
Mundy,  Tavernier,  and  other  travellers,  to  whose  narratives  the  reader 
is  referred  for  details. 

^  On  this  place  see  a  note  in  The  Journal  of  John  Jourdain,  p.  142. 

^  Partab  Shah,  ruler  of  Baglan  (see  p.  78). 

*  The  Mhowa  or  Mahua  tree  (Bassia  lati folia),  from  the  flowers  of 
which  a  sjiirit  is  distilled. 

*  Mulher  (already  mentioned  on  p.  79  n.)  and  Salher  are  both  hill  forts 
in  the  Baglan  district.  The  latter  is  about  15  miles  NNW.  of  Kalvan  ; 
and  Mulher  is  about  twelve  miles  east  of  Salher,  for  a  description  of 
which  see  the  Bombay  Gazetteer,  vol.  vii,  p.  585. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  137 

two  men  abrest,  or  for  an  elephant  at  most  to  get  up  ;  having 

also   in   the   way  eightie   small   fortresses   dispersed   on   the 

mountaines  to  guard  the  way.    Upon  the  top  of  these  moun- 

taines  is  good  pasture  and  abvmdance  of  graine,  fountaines 

running  thence  into  the  plaines.     The  Acabar  besieged  him 

seven  yeeres,  and  in  the  end  was  forced  to  compound  with 

him,  giving  him  Narampore,  Dayta,  and  Badur,  with  divers 

other  aldcas,  for  the  safe  conducting  of  his  merchants  alongst 

this   pUiine  ;    so  that  he   now  remaineth   this   kings  friend, 

sends  presents  yeerely,  leaves  one  of  his  sonnes  at  Bramport, 

for  pledge  of  his  fealtie.    He  is  said  to  have  alway  in  rcadincsee 

foure  thousand  mares  of  a  strange  breed  and  excellent,  and 

one  hundred  elepliants.    [January]  26,  seven  c.  to  Nonderbar 

[Nandurbai*],  a  eitie,  short  of  which  are  many  tombes  and 

houses  of  pleasure,  with  a  castle  and  a  faire  tanke.    [January] 

seven  and  twentie,  to  Lingull  [Nimgul],  10  c,  a  beastly  towne, 

with  theevish  inhabitants  and  a  dirtie  castle  ;   a  deepe  sandie 

way  neare  the  towne.    [January]  28,  ten  c.  to  Sindkerry  [Sind- 

khera],  a  great  dirtie  towne.     In  the  way  the  Governour  of 

Lingull  (with  others  as  honest  as  himselfe)  would  have  borrowed 

some  money  of  me  ;    but,  seeing  it  prove  powder  and  shot, 

gave  over,  and  wee  drew  on  our  carts  without  trouble.     On 

the  further  side  of  Sindkerry  runneth  a  river  of  brackish  water 

[the  Buray],  with  drinking   whereof  I  got  the  bloody  fluxe, 

which  accompanied  me  to  Bramport.    [January]  29,  ten  c.  to 

Taulneere  ([Thalner],  a  theevish  way,  the  towne  faire,  with 

a  castle  and  a  river,  in  time  of  raine  not  passable  without 

boat.     [January]  80,  fifteen  c.  to  Chupra  [Chopra],  a  great 

towne.    I  rested  two  dayes  by  reason  of  raine  ;  in  which  time 

came  the  Governour  of  Nonderbar  with  foure  hundred  horse, 

without  whose  company  I  could  not  have  proceeded  without 

danger,  Can-Canna  having  been  beaten  and  retired  to  Bramport, 

after  the  losse  of  the  strong  and  rich  towne  of  Joulnapoure  ;  ^ 

whereupon  the  Decanes  grew  so  insolent  that  they  made  roades 

[i.  e.  raids]  into  this  way  and  spoyled  many  passengers.    The 

second  of  February,  6  c.  to  Rawd  [Aravad],  a  countrey  village. 

•  Probably  the  Jalna  of  to-day,  about  thirty-live  miles  east  of  Aurang- 
abad.  It  appears  to  be  the  '  Jenaport '  of  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  psbxt  i, 
bk.  iii,  chap.  ix. 


138  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Tlie  unseasonable  thunder,  wind,  and  raine,  with  my  disease, 
ahnost  made  an  end  of  nic  ;  wliieh  made  us  make  mukoni 
[makdni,  a  halt]  the  third  and  fourth.  The  fifth,  to  lieawlc 
[Byaval],  10  c,  a  great  towne  with  a  faire  castle.  [February]  6  : 
stayed  by  foule  weather.  [February]  7,  sixteen  c.  to  Ravere 
[Raver],  a  great  towne.  [February]  8,  ten  c.  to  Braniport 
[Burhanpur],  where  I  pitched  my  tent  in  the  Armenians  yard, 
not  being  able  for  money  to  get  an  house,  the  towne  was  so 
full  of  souldicrs.  Some  2  c.  short  of  this  citie  lyeth  Badurpore 
[Bahadurpur],  a  faire  citie,  and  betwixt  these  two  cities  the 
campe  of  Can-Canna  under  tents,  2  c.  in  length  (liaving  some 
fifteene  thousand  horse,  two  hundred  faire  ekj)!iants,  an 
hundred  pecccs  of  ordnance  of  all  sizes)  on  the  norlh  side.  On 
the  other  side,  within  twentie  or  thirtie  course,  lay  Amber- 
chapon,  an  Abashed  [Arabic  Habashi,  an  Abyssinian :  see  p.  130] 
and  generall  of  the  King  of  Decans  forces,  with  some  ten 
thousand  of  his  owne  cost,^  all  brave  souldicrs,  and  som  forty 
thousand  Decanees  ;  in  so  much  that  the  citie  of  Bramport 
had  certainly  been  lost,  had  not  the  Prince  Sultan  Pervis  and 
Rajaw  Manisengo  come  instantly  downe  with  great  forces. 
For  at  this  time  he  had  sent  to  the  Can-Canna  to  yeeld  up  the 
citie  upon  composition,  deeming  him  not  able  to  hold  it  against 
him.  This  citie  is  very  great,  but  beastly,  situate  in  a  low, 
unholsome  aire,  a  very  sickly  place,  caused  especially  by  the 
bad  water.  On  the  north-east  is  the  castle  on  the  rivers  bank 
(comming  from  Surat),  large  and  well  fortified.  By  the  castles 
side  in  the  river  lyeth  an  elephant  of  stone,  so  lively  [i.  e. 
lifelike]  that  a  living  elephant,  comming  one  day  to  drinke, 
ranne  against  it  with  all  his  force  and  brake  both  his  teeth. 
The  head  is  painted  red  in  the  fore-head,  and  many  simple 
Indians  worship  it.-  Some  two  cose  forth  of  the  citie  is  Can 
Cannas  garden,  called  Loll  bage,^  the  whole  way  thereto  being 
under  shadie  trees,  very  pleasant.  Within  it  are  divers  faire 
walkcs,  with  a  stately  small  tanke  standing  square  betweene 

•  Probably  '  cast '  in  the  manuscript.  This  word  was  often  used  in 
the  sense  of  '  race  '. 

'  Several  travellers  have  described  this  figure  :  see  Mundy,  vol.  ii, 
p.  51,  and  the  works  there  cited. 

^  The  Ldl  Bag,  now  a  public  garden. 


p.  138 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  139 

lourc  trees,  all  shaded  and  inclosed  with  a  wall  ;  at  the 
entrance  without,  a  faire  banketting  house  built  aloft  betwcene 
foure  trees. 

I  rested  to  the  twelfth  [February]  for  recovery  (which  God 
sent)  under  my  tent.  Two  dayes  after  my  comming  came 
newcs  of  the  sacking  of  Ravere  by  fifteenc  hundred  Decan 
horse,  with  other  places  neere  thereto,  we  blessing  God  for 
our  safe  arrivall,  the  way  now  not  passable  with  one  thousand 
horse.  I  was  here  certified  also  by  an  Armenians  letters  of  a 
great  overthrow  given  to  the  Portugall  armada  upon  the 
Mallabar  coast,  consisting  of  fiftie  frigats  and  two  gallics, 
which  being  dispersed  with  foule  weather  were  sudainly  out 
of  divers  creekes  assailed  by  the  Malabars ;  which  was  attended 
with  spoilc,  fire,  taking,  the  rest  fleeing.  On  the  twelfth  I  rode 
to  visit  the  Prince  [Parwiz]  ;  and  on  the  thirteenth  gave  him 
a  present,  found  him  courteous,  promising  what  I  desired. 
The  Prince  had  with  him  twentic  thousand  horse  and  three 
hundred  faire  elephants,  and  with  him  Asaph  Can  ^  with  some 
three  thousand,  and  Emcrsec  Rastein,-  late  King  of  Candhar, 
with  some  thousand  old  souldiers.  And  during  my  abode  in 
the  campe  came  also  Raja  Manisengo  with  ten  thousand  horse, 
all  Resboots  [Rajputs],  and  neere  a  thousand  elephants  ;  so 
that  all  the  plaines  for  a  great  distance  were  covered  with 
tents  very  brave  to  behold.  With  the  armie  came  divers  great 
boats  for  the  transportation  of  forces  over  waters.  The 
Prince  removing,  I  returned  to  Bramport,  and  on  the  sixe 
and  twentieth,  hee  being  advanced  3  c.  towards  the  encmie, 
I  went  to  him  to  take  my  leave  ;  where  newes  came  of  the 
overthrow  of  certaine  of  Manisengos  forces. 

The  first  of  March,  the  Governour  of  Bramport  departed  for 
Agra,  and  I  with  him  12  c.  to  Barre,''  a  great  village,  stonie 
and  steepe  way,  being  the  passage  over  the  great  ridge  of 

1  Asaf  Khan  (Jafar  Beg). 

^  Mirza  llustam,  a  Persian  prince  who  with  his  brother  at  one  time 
controlled  Kandahar  and  the  neighbouring  districts.  Finding  tlieir 
position  precarious,  they  made  over  their  territory  to  Akbar  and  entered 
his  service. 

^  Borgaon,  about  twenty  miles  north-west  of  Burhanpur.  For  the  rest 
of  the  journey  to  Agra  the  notes  on  Jourdaiu's  and  Mundy'a  routes  will 
be  found  useful. 


140  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

mountaines  which  come  from  Amadavarwards.  About  some 
4  c.  of  this  way  lyeth  the  strong  and  invincible  castle  of 
Hassere,^  seated  on  the  top  of  a  high  niountainc,  large  and 
strong,  able  to  receive  (as  is  reported)  fortic  or  fiftie  thousand 
horse  ;  and  on  the  top  are  many  faire  tankts  and  good  pasture 
grounds.  It  hath  had  in  the  dayes  of  Badur  Sha,  late  king 
thereof,  some  sixe  hundred  pccccs  of  ordnance.  Tl-.e  Acabar 
besieged  it  a  long  time,  circling  it  on  all  sides,  and  at  length 
tooke  it  by  composition  ;  for  it  is  said  that  there  bred  such  an 
innumerable  sort  of  emmets  [i.e.  ants]  or  other  small  worms 
in  all  the  waters  that  the  people  swelled  and  burst  with  drinking 
thereof ;  which  mortalitie  caused  him  to  compound  and 
deliver  it,  being  by  meere  humane  force  invincible.  The 
third  [March],  11  c.  to  Camla,  a  small  aldea  ;  stonie,  trouble- 
some way.  The  fourth,  to  Magergom  [Mogargaon]  4  c,  a  great 
aldea  ;  bad  way.  The  fifth,  10  c.  to  Kergom  [Khargon],  a  great 
village  ;  steepe  way.  The  sixth,  13  c.  to  Berkul  [Balkliar],  u 
small  village.  The  seventh,  8  c.  to  Taxapore  [Tarapur], 
a  small  towne.  At  2  c.  on  the  way  you  passe  a  faire  river 
called  Nervor  [Narbada],  which  comes  from  Baroche  [Broach]  ; 
upon  tl'.e  banke  is  a  prettie  towne  [Akbarpur]  and  faire  castle, 
and  under  it  the  ferric  place.  To  passe  over  with  camels  is 
a  way  a  c.  lower  on  the  left  hand,  where  is  an  overfall  and  not 
above  three  foot  in  the  passage,  but  neere  a  mile  over.  The 
eight,  5  c.  to  Mandow  [Mandu  ;  see  p.  17],  3  c.  whereof  is  up 
a  steepe,  stonie  mountaine,  having  way  but  for  a  coach  at  most. 
This  ridge  of  mountaines  extendcth  north-east  and  south-west. 
On  the  top  at  the  edge  of  the  mountaine  standeth  the  gate  or 
entrance  of  the  citie,  over  which  is  built  a  faire  fort  and  house 
of  pleasure,  the  walls  extending  all  along  the  moimtaines  side 
for  many  coses.  On  the  left  hand  at  the  entrance,  some  two 
or  three  miles  distant,  on  the  toppe  of  a  picked  [peaked] 
mountaine  standeth  a  strong  fort,  and  in  other  places  dispersed 
some  ten  or  twelve  more.  For  2  c.  or  better  within  this  gate 
the  citie  is  ruined  all  save  only  tombes  and  meskites  [mosques], 

'  Asir  (Asirgarh),  the  famous  fortress  which  was  taken  by  Akbar  in 
1600  from  Bahadur  Khan,  the  last  of  the  Faruki  kings  of  Khandesh. 
For  accounts  of  the  siege  see  Du  Jarric,  vol.  iii,  p.  43,  and  the  Nimdr 
District  Gazetteer,  p.  202. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  141 

which  remayne  in  great  numbers  to  this  day,  with  some 
tottered  walls  of  great  houses.  The  olde  citie  is  from  gate  to 
gate  4  c.  long  north  and  south,  but  east  and  west  ten  or  twelve 
coses  ;  ^  and  yet  to  the  east-ward  of  all  Ij^eth  good  pasture 
ground  for  many  courses.  Aloft  on  this  mountaine  are  some 
sixteene  faire  tankes  here  and  there  dispersed  about  the  citie. 
That  which  is  now  standing  is  very  faire,  but  small  in  com- 
parison of  the  former,  with  divers  goodly  buildings  all  of  firme 
stone,  and  faire  high  gates,  that  I  suppose  the  like  not  to  be 
in  all  Christendome.  At  tlie  entrance  on  the  south  within  the 
gate  of  the  city  now  inhabited,  as  you  passe  along  on  the  left 
hand,  stands  a  goodly  meskite,  and  over  against  it  a  faire 
palace,  wherein  are  interred  the  bodies  of  foure  kings,  with 
exceeding  rich  tombes.^  By  the  side  thereof  standeth  a  high 
turret  ^  of  one  hundred  and  seventie  steps  liigh,  built  round 
with  galleries  and  windowes  to  every  roome,  all  exceeding  for 
goodly  ports  [i.  e.  gates],  arclies,  pillars  ;  the  walls  also  all 
interlayed  with  a  greene  stone  much  beautifying.  On  the 
north  side  where  I  came  forth  lyeth  a  piece  [of  ordnance],  of 
a  foot  and  an  halfe  bore  in  the  mouth,  but  the  breech  was  in 
the  ground.  The  gate  is  very  strong,  with  a  steepe  descent  ; 
and  without  this  sixe  other,  all  very  strong,  with  great  walled 
places  for  courts  of  guard  betweene  gate  and  gate.  On  this 
side  is  also  a  small  port,  but  the  way  thereto  is  exceeding 
steepe.  All  alongst  on  the  side  also  runneth  the  wall,  with 
flankers  ever  here  and  tliere  among  ;  and  yet  is  the  hill  so 
steepe  of  it  selfe,  that  it  is  not  almost  possible  for  a  man  to 
climbe  up  on  all  foure  to  any  part  of  it.  So  that  to  mans 
judgement  it  is  altogether  invincible  ;  and  yet  was  taken, 
partly  by  force,  partly  by  treason,  by  Hamawne,  this  mans 
grandfather,  forcing  Seic  Sha  Selim,  whose  ancestors  had 
conquered  it  from  the  Indians  some  foure  hundred  yeeres  agoe.* 

*  These  figures  are  exaggerated.  The  ruins  are  3|  miles  from  north 
to  south  and  5^  from  east  to  west. 

^  The  mosque  is  the  Jama  Masjid,  built  by  Hoshang  Shfih.  The 
tombs  are  those  of  the  Khalji  kings.  See  the  rejports  of  the  Archaeological 
Survey  for  1902-3  and  subsequent  years. 

^  The  Tower  of  Victory,  erected  by  Sultan  Mahmud  I  in  1443  to 
commemorate  his  defeat  of  the  Rana  of  Chitor. 

■*  '  The  first  of  name  that  took  it  was  Can  John,  a  Potan,  who  built  the 


142  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

This  Sha  Sclim  was  a  very  powcrfull  king  of  Dely,  and  once 
forced  Ilanuuvne  to  flye  into  Persia  for  aydc  ;  from  whence 
returning;-  with  Persian  forces,  he  put  liini  againc  to  the  worst  ; 
wlio  yet  lield  out  against  him  all  his  life  time,  as  also  a  long 
time  of  Eeabars  raigne,  flying  from  one  mountaine  to  another. 
Without  the  wals  of  the  city  on  this  side  the  suburbs  entred 
[extend  ?]  4  c.  long,  but  all  ruinate,  save  ccrtaine  tombes, 
meskits,  and  goodly  seraies,^  no  man  remayning  in  them. 

The  way  exceeding  stony  and  bad.  At  4  c.  end  lyeth  Lune- 
heira  [Lunera],  a  small  saray,  where  wee  pitched  [March]  the 
ninth.  Betweene  this  and  the  mines,  about  3  c.  of  the  way,  is 
a  goodly  tanke  inclosed  with  stone,  and  a  banketting  house  in 
the  middest  ;  on  the  south  whereof  are  faire  houses  of  pleasure, 
now  ruinated,  from  whence  goeth  an  arched  bridge  to  the 
banketting  house  in  the  tanke.  Some  halfe  a  cose  beyond 
Luneheira,  on  the  right  hand  are  foure  or  five  faire  tankes  with 
a  great  pagode,  a  very  pleasant  place.  The  tenth,  to  Dupal- 
pore  [Dipalpur],  14  e.  good  way  ;  a  small  towne.  The  eleventh, 
to  Ouglue  [Ujjain],  a  faire  city,  twelve  long  coses.  Tliis 
count rey  is  called  Malva  [Malwa],  a  fertile  soile,  aboimding 
with  opium.  Here  the  cose  or  course  is  two  miles  English. 
Tlie  twelfth,  wee  made  mukom  [see  p.  138].  The  thirteenth, 
to  Conoscia  [Kanasia],  lie.  good  way  ;  a  little  village.  I 
enquired  the  price  of  opium.  They  give  the  head  three 
scratches,  from  whence  issue  small  teares,  at  the  first  white, 
which  with  the  cold  of  the  night  turneth  reddish  ;  which  they 
daily  scrape,  not  without  infinite  trouble,  the  head  beeing 
very  small  and  yeelding  little.  The  fourteenth,  to  Sunenarra 
[Suncra],  8  c.  way  much  stony  and  theevish,  a  people  called 

turret,  and  lyeth  buried  in  the  palace  adjoyning,  with  three  of  his 
successors.  This  eitie  was  built  by  an  Indian  some  thousand  yeeres  agoe  ' 
{margined  nole).  The  Mogul  Emperor  Humayun  took  Mandu  in  1534 
from  Bahadur  Shah  of  Gujarat,  who  had  captured  it  eight  years  before 
from  the  last  of  the  Khalji  kings.  When  the  revolt  of  She  Shah  forced 
Humayun  to  flee  to  Persia,  Mandu  passed  under  the  rule  of  the  rebel  ; 
but  the  latter  had  no  personal  connexion  with  tlie  city.  Fincli  has 
mixed  up  Sher  Shah  and  his  son  Sallm  Shah  ;  also  Khan  Jahan  and  his 
father,  Mahmud  I. 

'  A  shortened  form  of  karwansarai,  a  building  for  the  reception  of 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  143 

'  Graciae^  inliabiting  the  hils  on  the  left  hand,  which  often 
ungraciously  entertayn  caravans.  A  hundred  of  tliem  had 
done  the  like  to  a  catTila  [kdfila,  a  caravan]  now,  had  not  our 
comming  prevented.  It  is  a  small  towne,  short  of  which  is 
a  great  tanke  full  of  wilde  fowle.  The  fifteenth,  10  c.  to 
Pimpelgom  [Pipliagiion],  a  ragged  aldea.  At  4  c.  end  of  this 
way  lyeth  Sarampore  [Sarangpur],  a  great  towne  with  a  castle 
on  the  south-west  side,  with  a  faire  towne-house.  Here  are 
made  faire  turbants  and  good  linnen.  Short  of  this  towne  we 
met  Caun  John,'^  a  great  minion  [i.  e.  favourite]  of  the  Kings, 
with  ten  thousand  horse,  many  elephants,  and  boats  carryed 
on  carts,  going  for  Bramport.  On  the  way  also  we  passed 
divers  of  Manisengos  men,  hee  having  in  all  some  twenty 
thousand  ;  so  that  it  was  deemed  there  were  one  hundred 
thousand  horse  assembled. 

Th.e  sixteenth,  7  c.  to  Cuckra,^  a  great  coimtrey  towne 
abounding  with  all  sorts  of  graine,  victuall,  and  Mewa  wine  ; 
at  4  c.  lyeth  Berroul  [Bora],  a  great  aldea.  The  seventeenth, 
12  c.  to  Delout,  a  great  aldea  ;  the  way  for  the  five  last  coses 
theevish,  hilly,  stony  ;  the  other  pleasant  plaines.  The 
eighteenth,  7  c.  to  Burrow  [Barrai],  a  small  towne,  but  plenti- 
full  of  victuall,  except  flesh,  which  is  scarse  all  this  way;  the 
way  dangerous.  The  nineteenth,  7  c.  to  Sukesera,  a  small 
ragged  towne.  The  twentieth,  to  Syrange  [Sironj]  9  c.,  a  very 
great  towne,  where  are  many  betele  *  gardens.  The  one  and 
twentieth  and  two  and  twentieth,  wee  make  mukom.  The 
three  and  twentieth,  to  Cuchenary  Saray  [Kachner  Sarfu]  8  e. 
The  foure  and  twentieth,  to  Sadura  [Shahdaura]  5  c.  The 
five  and  twentieth,  to  CoUebage  [Kalabag]  7  c.  The  sixe  and 
twentieth,  12  c.  to  Qualeres  [Kulharas],  a  pretty  small  towne 

'  Grds  was  a  kind  of  blackmail  levied  by  Rajputs  and  Kolis,  and 
(jrassia  was  the  terra  given  to  the  person  who  received  this  toll.  It 
thus  came  to  mean  a  robber. 

^  The  dispatch  of  Khan  Jahan  to  the  Deccan  is  described  at  p.  IGl  of 
the  Tuzuk  (vol.  i). 

^  Apparently  Kakarwar,  on  the  Dudi  River.  Finch  seems  to  have 
turned  east  at  Pipliagaon,  until  he  struck  a  main  road  again  at  Barrai, 
twelve  miles  north-east  of  Bersia  and  thirty  miles  south-west  of  Sironj. 

*  The  pan  or  piper  betel,  the  leaf  of  which  is  used  for  chewing  with 
the  betel-nut. 


144  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

encompassed  with  tamarind  and  manga  trees.  The  seven 
and  twentieth,  to  Cipry  [Sipri],  seven  of  Surat  coiises  (a  mile 
and  an  halfe)  ;  way  theevish,  stony,  full  of  trees,  a  desart 
passage  ;  a  walled  towne,  faire  houses  covered  with  slate. 
Two  nights  before,  some  sixtie  or  seventie  theeves  (mistaking 
for  a  late  passed  caravan)  assayled  in  a  darke  night  one  hundred 
and  fiftie  Potan  souldiers,  and  fell  into  the  pit  they  digged  for 
others,  ten  being  slaine  and  as  many  taken,  the  rest  fled.  The 
eight  and  twentieth,  to  Norwar  [Nai-war]  12  c,  a  desart  rascally 
way  full  of  theeves.  In  the  woods  sate  divers  chuckees  ^  to 
prevent  robbing,  but  the  foxe  is  often  made  the  goose-heard. 
One  pretty  neat  meskite,  and  in  one  place  at  the  foot  of  the 
gate  a  few  poore  inhabitants,  wee  saw  in  this  dayes  journey, 
and  nineteene  faire  saraies  ruinated.  The  towne  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  hath  a  castle  on  the  top  of  a  stony  steepe  mountaine, 
with  a  narrow  stone  causey  leading  to  the  top,  some  mile  or 
better  in  ascent.  In  the  way  stand  three  gates  very  strong, 
with  places  for  corps  du  guard.  At  the  top  of  all  is  the  fourth 
gate,  which  leads  into  the  castle,  where  stands  a  guard,  not 
permitting  any  stranger  to  enter  without  order  from  the  King. 
The  towne  within  is  faire  and  great,  with  a  descent  thereto, 
being  situate  in  a  valley  on  the  top  of  a  mountaine  very 
strangely.  As  it  is  reported,  this  cliffe  is  in  circle  some  5  or  6  c, 
and  walled  round  with  towers  and  flankers  here  and  there 
dispersed,  without  treason  invincible.  This  hath  been  the 
gate  or  border  of  the  kingdome  of  Mandow,  and  hath  been 
beautifull,  and  stored  with  ordnance,  but  now  is  much  gone 
to  ruine.  The  twenty  ninth  to  Palacha  [Paraich]  7  c.  The 
thirtieth,  to  Antro  [Antri],  a  great  towne,  12  c.  The  thirty  one, 
to  Gualere  [Gwalior]  6  c,  a  pleasant  citie  with  a  castle.  On 
the  east  side  is  on  the  top  of  a  steepe  piked  hill  a  ruinous 
building,  where  divers  great  men  have  been  interred.  On  the 
west  side  is  the  castle,  which  is  a  steep  craggy  cliffe  of  6  c. 
compasse  at  least  (divers  say  eleven),  all  inclosed  with  a  strong 
wall.  At  the  going  up  to  the  castle,  adjoyning  to  the  citie  is 
a  faire  court  enclosed  with  high  walls  and  shut  in  with  strong 
gates,  where  keeps  a  strong  guard,  not  permitting  any  to  enter 
without  publike  order.  From  hence  to  the  top  leads  a  stone 
*  Guards  :  Hind,  chaitki. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  145 

narrow  cawscy,  walled  on  both  sides  ;  in  the  way  are  three 
gates  to  be  passed,  all  exceeding  strong,  with  courts  of  guard 
to  each.  At  the  top  of  all,  at  the  entrance  of  the  last  gate, 
standeth  a  mightie  elephant  of  stone  very  curiously  wrought. 
This  gate  is  also  exceeding  stately  to  behold,  with  a  goodly 
house  adjoyning,!  whose  wals  are  all  set  with  greene  and  blue 
stone,  with  divers  gilded  turrets  on  the  top.  This  is  the 
Governours  lodging,  where  is  place  to  keepe  nobles  that 
offend.  He  [i.e.  the  Great  Mogul]  is  said  to  have  three  such 
noble-prisons  or  castles,  this,  and  Rantimore  [see  p.  100],  40  c, 
to  which  are  sent  such  nobles  as  he  intends  to  put  to  death, 
which  commonly  is  some  two  moneths  after  their  arrivall,  the 
Governour  then  bringing  them  to  the  top  of  the  wall  and 
giving  them  a  dishe  of  milke,^  which  having  drunke,  he  is  cast 
downe  thence  on  the  rockes  ;  the  third  is  Rotas  [see  p.  100], 
a  castle  in  the  kingdome  of  Bengala,  whither  are  sent  those 
nobles  which  are  condemned  to  perpetuall  imprisonment, 
from  whence  very  few  returne  againe.  On  the  top  of  this 
mountaine  of  Gualere  is  very  good  ground,  with  three  or  foure 
faire  tankes,  and  many  other  faire  buildings.  On  the  towne 
side  are  many  houses  cut  out  of  the  maine  rocke,  for  habitation 
and  sale  of  goods.  On  the  north-west  side,  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill  is  a  spacious  meadow  inclosed  with  a  stone  wall,  within 
which  are  divers  gardens  and  places  of  pleasure,  fit  also  to 
keepe  horses  in  time  of  warre.  This  castle  was  the  gate  or 
frontier  of  the  kingdome  of  Dely,  bordering  on  Mandow,  and 
is  neere  a  mile  of  ascent. 

The  first  of  Aprill  1610,  to  Mendaker  [perhaps  Mundiakhera], 
9  c.  The  second,  10  c.  to  Doulpore  [Dholpur].  Within  2  c. 
of  the  towne,  you  passe  a  faire  river  called  Cambere  [the 
Chambal],  as  broad  as  the  Thames,  short  of  which  is  a  narrow 
passage  with  hills  on  both  sides,  very  dangerous.  The  castle 
is  strong,  ditched  round,  and  hath  foure  walls  and  gates  one 
within  an  other,  all  very  strong,  with  steep  ascents  to  each, 
paved  with  stone  ;  the  citie  is  inhabited  most-what  with 
Gentiles.     The  castle  is  three  quarters  of  a  mile  through,  and 

»  The  palace  of  Man  Singh.  The  gate  is  the  Hathlya  Pol;  or  Elephant 
Gate. 

-  Rather,  a  decoction  of  the  milky  juice  of  the  poppy. 

L 


14G  J5ARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

on  the  rurllirr  side  liutli  like  gates  to  be  passed  againe.  The 
third,  to  Jajow  [Jaju],  9  e.  The  fourtli,  to  Agra,  9  c.  In  the 
afternoone,  the  Captainc  [i.e.  Hawkins]  carried  me  before 
the  King.  I  here  found  at  my  comming  Captainc  Thomas 
Boys/  with  three  French  souldiours,  a  Dutch  inginer,  and  a 
Venetian  merchant  with  his  sonne  and  a  servant,  newly  come 
by  land  out  of  Christendome. 

In  May  and  part  of  June,  the  towne  was  much  vexed  with 
fires  night  and  day,  flaming  in  one  part  or  other,  whereby 
many  thousands  of  houses  were  consumed,  besides  men, 
women,  children  and  cattell,  that  we  feared  the  judgement  of 
Sodome  and  Gomorrha  upon  the  place.  I  was  long  dangerously 
sicke  of  a  fever  ;  and  in  June  the  heat  so  exceeded  that  we 
were  halfe  rosted  alive.  June  the  twenty  eighth  arrived 
Padre  Peniero,  an  arch-knave  (a  Jesuite,  I  should  say),  who 
brought  letters  from  the  Viceroy,  with  many  rich  presents, 
tending  only  to  thwart  our  affaires.  In  this  time  Mo.  Bowcan 
was  complained  of  by  the  Captaine  to  the  King,  who  com- 
maunded  Abdel  Hassan,  the  Chiefe  Vizier,  to  doe  justice  ;  but 
birds  of  a  feather  will  flie  together,  and  Mo.  Bowcan  partly 
mis-reckoned,  partly  turned  us  over  to  a  bankrupt  Bannian, 
so  that  of  thirty  two  thousand  five  hundred  one  m[ahmudis] 
and  an  halfe  due,  he  would  pay  but  eleven  thousand  ;  neither 
would  he  pay  that  present  [i.  e.  at  once]. 

In  July  came  newes  of  the  ill  successe  of  the  Kings  forces 
in  Decan,  who,  beeing  within  some  foure  dayes  journey  of 
Amdananager  [Ahmadnagar],  hoping  to  raise  the  siege  thereof, 
were  forced  through  famine  and  drought  to  make  their  rctrait 
for  Bramport  ;  whereupon  the  citie,  after  much  miserie 
indured,  was  lost.  This  armie  consisted  of  one  hundred 
thousand  horse  at  the  least,  with  infinite  numbers  of  cammels 
and  elephants  ;  so  that  with  the  whole  baggage  there  could 
not  bee  lesse  then  five  or  sixe  hundred  thousand  persons, 
insomuch  that  the  waters  were  not  sufficient  for  them  ;    a 

'  A  soldier  of  fortune  who  had  come  out  by  way  of  Turkey  and  Persia. 
Two  letters  from  him  at  Ispahan  to  Lord  Salisbury  are  noted  in  the 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  East  Indies,  s.  d.  June  10,  1609.  As  already 
mentioned,  he  started  for  England  witii  Finch  and  died,  like  him,  at 
Bagdad. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  147 

mussocke  [Hind,  mashak,  a  goatskin  walcr-bag]  of  water  being 
sold  for  a  rupia,  and  yet  not  enongh  to  be  had,  and  all  victualls 
at  an  excessive  rate.  For  the  Decan  army  still  spoyled  the 
countrey  before  them,  and  cut  betwixt  them  and  supplies  for 
victualing  them  out  of  Guzerate  and  Bramport,  daily  making- 
light  skirmishes  upon  them  to  their  great  disadvantage,  that 
without  retiring  the  whole  army  had  been  endangered.  At 
their  returne  to  Bramport  there  were  not  to  bee  found  thirty 
thousand  horse,  with  infinite  number  of  elephants,  cammels, 
and  other  cattell  dead.  This  moneth  also  came  newes  of  the 
sacking  of  Potana  [see  p.  113],  a  great  citie  in  Purrop[see  p.  107], 
and  surprising  of  the  castle  where  the  Kings  treasure  lay,  the 
citizens  flying  without  making  resistance.  But  upon  this 
Cavalero  '^  presently  came  a  great  Ombra  ^  adjoyning,  and 
tooke  him  in  the  castle.  The  citizens  returning,  he  sent  twelve 
of  the  chiefe  of  them  to  the  King,  who  caused  them  to  be 
shaven,  and  in  womens  attire  to  bee  carried  on  asses  through 
all  the  streets  of  Agra,  and  on  the  next  day  (as  it  is  said)  cut 
off  their  heads.  All  this  moneth  also  w^as  much  stirre  with  the 
King  about  Christianitie,  hee  affirming  before  his  nobles  that 
it  was  the  soundest  faith,  and  that  of  Mahomet  lies  and  fables. 
He  commanded  also  three  princes,  his  deceassed  brothers 
sonnes,^  to  be  instructed  by  the  Jesuites,  and  Christian  apparell 
to  be  made  for  them,  the  whole  city  admiring.  And  yet  at 
the  same  time  Abdel  Hassans  judgement  was  that  it  was  not 
justice  to  pay  debts  to  Christians,  in  Mo.  Bowcans  case,  wherof 
againe  we  had  reference  from  the  King  to  him.  Perhaps  on 
like  ground  as  some  Europaeans  thinke  it  lawfull  to  make  price 
[i.  e.  prize]  of  the  goods  and  ships  of  Ethnikes  [heathen], 
eo  nomine  ;  therefore  setting  out  men  of  warre,  so  to  make 
the  Christian  name,  not  as  an  ointment  powred  out,  that  the 
virgin  soules  may  be  converted  and  love  Christ,  but  as  filthy 

'  Properly  a  knight,  but  used  in  the  sense  of  a  dashing  adventurer. 

^  Umara,  a  noble  (really  the  plural  of  amir). 

^  Tahmuras,  Bayasanghar,  and  Hoshang,  the  three  sons  of  the  late 
Prince  Daniyal.  Their  conversion  is  referred  to  by  Hawkins  (see  pp.  Sii, 
110),  Roe,  Terry,  and  Bernier,  but  the  last  three  say  that  only  two  of 
them  were  made  Christians.  They  soon  renounced  their  new  jirofession, 
on  the  ground  that  the  Jesuits  had  refused  to  provide  them  with  Portu- 
guese wives  (Roe,  p.  316  ;  Terry,  p.  425).  • 

l2 


148  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

matter  rimninp-  out  of  rotten  hearts  and  poisoned  lips,  yea, 
with  force  and  amies  to  exoceupate  tlic  kingdonie  of  Clirist 
in  those  ])arts.  At  least  let  reformed  professors  refornie  Uiis 
man-of-'iVarrc-profession  against  innocents,  that  Ihe  name  of 
God  through  them  be  not  blasphemed  among  the  Gentiles.  But  to 
returne  to  this  dissimulation  (as  since  it  hath  to  the  world 
appeared),  those  three  princes  were  christened  solemnly, 
conducted  to  church  by  all  the  Christians  of  the  citie  to  the 
number  of  some  sixtie  horse,  Captaine  Hawkins  being  in  the 
head  of  them,  with  St.  Georges  colours  carried  before  him,  to 
the  honour  of  the  English  nation,  letting  them  flie  in  the  court 
before  Sha  Selim  himselfe.  The  eldest  was  named  Don  Philippo,i 
the  second  Don  Carlo,  the  third  Don  Henrico  ;  and  on  the 
ninth  of  September  was  christened  another  young  prince,  the 
Acabars  brothers  ^  sonnes  sonne,  by  the  name  Don  Diiarte  ; 
the  King  giving  daily  cliarge  to  the  Fathers  for  their  instruction, 
that  they  might  become  good  Christians. 

October  the  twelfth  we  were  certified  by  letters  of  M.  Jour- 
daine  from  Surat  that  thirtie  frigats  of  the  Portugals  were 
cast  away  on  the  barre  of  Surat,  hasting  before  the  winter 
was  broken  up  to  catch  more  English  ;  many  of  the  men 
escaped  and  were  glad  to  beg  releefe  at  the  English  doore. 

The  first  of  November  I  was  sent  to  buy  nill  [see  p.  40]  or 
indigo  at  Byana  [see  p.  151].  I  lodged  that  night  at  Menha- 
poore,^  a  great  saray,  7  c.,  by  which  is  a  garden  and  moholl 
[mahal,  palace]  or  summer  house  of  the  Queene  Mothers,  very 
curiously  contrived.  The  second  at  Cannowa  [Klianwa], 
11  c.  ;  at  4  c.  end  is  a  moholl  of  the  Kings.  And  at  every  cose 
end  from  Agra  is  erected  a  stone  pillar  for  130  c.  to  Asmere, 
where  lieth  interred  the  body  of  a  great  Moorish  saint  called 
Hoghee  Mondee,*  whereto  the  Acabar,  wanting  children,  made 

*  No  doubt  after  the  King  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  ceremony 
of  baptism  was  performed  by  Father  Xavier  and  the  task  of  instruction 
was  committed  to  Father  Corsi.  Biiyasanghar  was  thu  one  christened 
Don  Carlos  (see  the  Journal  of  the  Panjah  Historical  Society,  vol.  iv,  part  i, 
p.  15). 

^  MIrza  Muhammad  Hakim  (see  p.  101). 

'  Probably  Mundiapura,  near  Kiraoli.  Traces  of  the  garden  still 
exist  (see  the  TvzvJc,  vol.  ii,  p.  64 w.). 

^  The  celebrated  shrine  of  Khwaja  Muinuddin  Chishti  at  Ajmer. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  149 

a  loot-pilgrimage  to  beg  lor  issue,  and  eaused  a  pillar  at  eaeh 
course  to  be  set  up,  and  a  moholl  with  lodgings  for  sixteene 
great  women  at  every  eighth  course  alongst,  and  after  his 
returne  obtained  three  sonnes.  At  7  c.  on  this  way,  and  12  c. 
from  Agra,  is  seated  the  famous  citie  of  Fetipore  [Fatehpur 
Sikri],  built  by  the  Acubar,  and  inclosed  with  a  faire  stone 
wall,  which  yet  standeth  fresh,  having  foure  faire  and  strong 
gates,  it  being  some  three  English  miles  betwixt  gate  and  gate. 
In  the  middest  it  is  all  ruinate,  lying  like  a  waste  desart,  and 
very  dangerous  to  passe  through  in  the  night,  the  buildings 
lying  wast  without  inhabitants  ;  much  of  the  ground  beeing 
now  converted  to  gardens,  and  much  sowed  with  nill  and  other 
graine,  that  a  man  standing  there  would  little  thinke  he  were 
in  the  middest  of  a  citie.  To  the  entrance  of  the  gate  from 
Agra,  sortie  course  in  length  upon  a  stony  ascent,  lie  the  mines 
of  the  suburbs  ;  as  also  without  the  southwcc  t  gate  for  two 
English  miles  in  length,  many  faire  buildings  being  fallen  to 
the  ground  ;  and  on  the  left  hand  are  many  faire  enclosed 
gardens,  three  miles  alongst  from  the  citie.  At  the  entrance 
of  the  northeast  gate  is  a  goodly  bazar  (market  place)  of 
stone,  halfe  a  mile  long,  being  a  spacious,  straight-paved 
street,  with  faire  buildings  on  either  side.  Close  within  the 
gate  is  the  Kings  saray,  with  large  stone  lodgings,  but  much 
ruined.  At  the  head  of  this  street  stands  the  Kings  house  and 
moholl,  with  much  curious  building  ;  and  on  the  further  side 
hereof,  upon  an  ascent,  stands  the  goodliest  meskite  of  the 
East  [the  Jama  Masjid].  It  hath  some  twentie  foure  or  thirty 
steps  of  ascent  to  the  gate  [the  Baland  Darwaza],  which  is 
one  of  the  highest  and  fairest  (I  suppose)  in  the  whole  world  ; 
on  the  top  are  a  number  of  clustering  pinnacles,  curiously 
disposed.  The  top  of  this  gate  may  be  plainely  scene  eight 
or  tenne  miles  distance.  Within  is  a  goodly  spacious  court, 
very  curiously  paved  with  free  stone,  about  sixe  times  the 
largenesse  of  Londons  Exchange,  with  faire  large  walkes 
alongst  the  side  more  then  twice  as  broad  and  double  the 
height  of  those  about  the  Burse  of  London  [the  Royal  Exchange], 
the  pillars  upholding  them  beeing  of  one  intire  stone  ;  and 
round  about  are  entrances  into  many  goodly  roomes,  neatly 
contrived.    Opj)osite  to  the  gate  toward  the  further  side  stands 


150  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

a  laiie  and  sumpluous  tombe,  artificially  inluied  with  niolhei" 
of  pcarlc  and  inclosed  with  a  grating  of  stone  curiously  carved. 
Over  head  is  rich  i)argetting  and  paynting.  Herein  lyeth  the 
body  of  a  great  Kalcnder,i  at  whose  cost  the  whole  nieskite 
was  builded.  Under  the  court  yard  is  a  goodly  tunke  of 
excellent  water  ;  none  other  being  to  be  had  through  the 
citie,  but  brackish  and  fretting  [corrosive],  by  drinking 
whereof  was  caused  such  mortality  that  the  Acubar,  before  it 
was  quite  finished,  left  it,  and  remooved  his  seat  to  Agra  ; 
so  that  this  goodly  citie  was  short  lived,  in  fiftj'  or  sixty  ycarcs 
space  beeing  built  and  ruinate.  It  was  at  the  first  called 
Sykary,  which  signifieth  seeking  or  hunting  ;  but  after  the 
Acabar  was  returned  from  his  Asmere  pilgrimage  and  was 
father  of  this  Sha  Selim,  hee  named  it  Fetipore,  that  is,  a 
toivnc  of  content,  or  jJlacc  of  hearts  desire  obtained." 

The  north  north-west  side  of  the  citie,  without  the  walles, 
is  a  goodly  lough  for  2  or  3  c.  in  length,  abounding  with  good 
fish  and  wilde  fowle  ;  all  over  which  groweth  the  herbe  which 
beareth  the  hermodactyle,  and  another  bearing  a  fruit  like 
a  goblet,  called  camolachachery,^  both  very  cooling  fruits. 
The  herbe  which  beareth  the  hermodactyle  *  is  a  weed  abound- 
ing in  most  tankes  neare  Agra,  spreading  over  all  the  water  ; 
the  leafe  I  observed  not,  but  the  fruit  is  inclosed  with  a  three 
cornered  shell  of  a  hard  woodie  substance,  having  at  each 
angle  a  sharpe  picked  pricking  point  and  is  a  little  indented 
on  both  the  flat  sides  like  two  posterncs.  The  fruit,  being 
greene,  is  soft  and  tender,  white,  and  of  a  mealish  taste,  much 
eaten  in  India,  being  exceeding  cold  in  my  judgement,  for 
alwayes  after  it  I  desired  aqua-vitae.  It  is  called  by  the  people 
Singarra.^    The  other  beareth  a  fruit  in  maner  of  a  goblet,  flat 

*  Shaikh  Salim  Chishti  (see  p.  102  n. ).  A  kalandar  is  strictly  a  wandering 
mendicant.    On  p.  164  it  is  used  as  equivalent  tofaktr. 

'  Finch's  etymology  is  at  fault.  Fatehpur  signifies 'the  city  of  victory'  ; 
while  Sikri  is  the  name  of  the  original  village  and  has  nothing  to  do  with 
shikar,  '  hunting '. 

^  Kanwal  kakri,  a  name  given  in  the  Punjab  to  the  sacred  Lotus 
{Nelumbium  speciosum). 

■*  This  is  a  mistake  ;  the  hermodactyle  is  usually  identified  as  the 
root  of  some  species  of  colchicum. 

^  Hind,  shujhdra,  the  caltrop  or  water-chestnut  (Trapa  hinpiaofia). 
Both  the  kernels  and  the  flour  made  from  them  are  largely  used  as  food 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1G08-11  151 

on  the  toppe  and  of  a  soft  greenish  substance,  within  which  a 
little  eminent  stand  sixe  or  eight  small  fruits  like  akornes, 
divided  from  each  other  and  inclosed  with  a  whitish  filme, 
t-t  the  first  of  a  russettish  greenc,  tasting  like-  a  nut  or 
akornc  ;  in  the  middest  is  a  small  greene  sprigge  naught  to  be 
eaten. 

Cannowa  is  a  small  countrey  towne,  roimd  about  which  is 
made  very  good  nill,  by  reason  of  the  fastnesse  [denseness]  of 
the  soile  and  brackishnesse  of  the  water  ;  it  maketh  yeerely 
fome  five  hundred  m[aunds].  Ouchen  [Uchen],  3  c.  distant, 
makes  very  good  ;  besides  which  no  towne  but  Byana  itselfc 
:;ompares  with  this.  I  remained  heere  to  the  two  and  twentieth  ; 
and  three  and  twentieth,  6  c.  to  Candere,  a  roguish,  dirtic  aldea. 
At  2  c.  on  this  way  is  one  of  those  moholls  before  mentioned. 
It  is  a  square  stone  building  ;  within  the  first  gate  is  a  small 
court  with  a  place  for  the  King  to  keepe  his  dirsany,i  and  two 
or  three  other  retiring  roomes,  but  none  of  note.  Within  the 
second  court  is  the  moholl,  being  a  foure-square  thing,  about 
twice  as  bigge  or  better  then  the  Exchange,  having  at  each 
corner  a  faire  open  devoncan  [diwdnkhdna,  hall],  and  in  the 
middest  of  each  side  another,  which  are  to  bee  spread  with 
rich  carpets  and  to  sit  in  to  passe  the  time  ;  and  betAvixt  each 
corner  and  this  middle-most  are  two  faire  large  chambers  for 
his  women  (so  that  each  moholl  receiveth  sixteene)  in  severall 
lodgings,  without  doores  to  any  of  them,  all  keeping  open 
house  to  the  kings  pleasure.  Round  by  the  side  goeth  a  faire 
paved  walke,  some  eight  foote  broad  ;  and  in  the  middest 
of  all  the  court  stands  the  Kings  chamber,  where  he,  like  a 
cocke  of  the  game,  may  crow  over  all.  At  Candere  I  remained 
till  the  eight  and  twentieth,  and  returned  to  Bachuna  [Pichuna], 
-1  c.  backe  in  the  way. 

The  twentieth  of  December  I  went  to  Byana, ^  8  c,  a  backe 
way  thorow  the  fields.  This  citie  hath  beene  great  and  faire, 
but  is  now  ruinate,  save  two  saraycs  and  a  long  bazar,  with  a 

and  medicine.  On  the  cultivation  of  this  plant  see  felceman's  Ramhlcs 
(ed.  1915,  p.  76). 

^  Darshani,  '  appearing  '.  The  reference  is  to  the  Emperor  showing 
himKclf  in  public. 

'  Bayana  or  Biana,  in  Bhartpur  State,  iifty  miles  south-west  of  Agra. 


152  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

few  stragling  houses  ;  many  faire  ones  being  feUen  and  many 
others  not  inhabited  (exeept  by  rogues  or  theeves),  so  that 
many  streets  are  quite  desolate.  On  the  north-west,  some 
three  or  four  cose  off,  are  the  ruines  of  a  kings  house,  with 
many  otlier  faire  buildings.  Tlie  like  ruines  are  to  bee  seene  on 
the  south-west  side,  over  against  a  towne  called  Scanderbadc,^ 
in  like  distance  upon  the  height  of  the  rocky  mountaines.  The 
way  leading  up  is  a  narrow  steepe  stony  cawsey,  not  to  be 
passed  oil  horse-baeke,  some  quarter  of  a  mile  the  ascent; 
the  entrance  is  thorow  a  small  wicket,  passing  the  lips  of  the 
mountaines  in  a  narrow  gutte.  On  the  right  hand,  upon  the 
very  edge,  stands  a  pleasant  building  where  are  divers  tombes  ; 
from  each  side  the  way  may  be  made  good  with  stones  against 
millions  of  men.  Passing  a  mile  hence  on  a  faire  cawsey,  you 
come  to  the  kings  house,  sometimes  faire,  now  ruinate,  where 
a  few  poore  Googers  ^  remaine  in  the  ruines.  Many  tombes 
and  monuments  yet  remaine.  At  the  foote  of  the  hill  toward 
Scanderbade  is  a  pleasant  valley  inclosed  with  a  wall,  and 
therein  many  gardens  of  pleasure.  This  city  hath  been  in 
ancient  times  the  seate  of  a  great  Potane  king,^  and  hath  had 
the  walles  extending  on  the  cliffes  8  c.  in  length,  in  those  places 
where  is  any  possibilitie  of  getting  up,  the  rockes  otherwhere 
over-hanging  ;  the  fortifications  on  the  other  side  I  saw  not. 
It  hath  beene  a  goodly  city,  inhabited  now  only  with  Googers, 
which  are  keepers  of  cattell  and  makers  of  butter  and  cheese. 
From  hence,  notwithstanding  all  this  strength,  did  the  Acabar 
force  Sha  Selim  [see  p.  142  w.]  the  Tyrant,  and  then  laid  it 
waste,  as  he  hath  done  Mandow  and  most  of  the  strongholds 
which  he  tooke.  The  countrey  which  affordeth  that  rich  nill 
which  takes  name  of  Byana  is  not  above  twenty  or  thirtie 
cose  long. 

The  herbe  Nill  groweth  in  forme  not  much  unlike  cives  [tlie 
chive  or  Allium]  or  cich-pease  [chickpea],  having  a  small  leafe 
like  that  of  Sena,  but  shorter  and  broader  and  set  on  a  very 

*  Sikandarabad,  now  called  Sikandra,  three  miles  to  the  south  of 
Bayana. 

-  Hind.  Gujar,  a  pastoral  caste,  formerly  notorious  for  cattle-stealing. 

^  Sikandar  Shah  Lodi,  according  to  Mundy,  who  also  describes  the 
fort  (Bijagarh  or  Sfintii^ur). 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  153 

short  I'oot-stalke,  the  branches  hard  and  of  a  woodie  substance 
like  unto  broome.  It  usually  groweth  not  above  a  yard  high 
and  with  a  stalke  at  the  biggest  (which  is  at  the  third  yeare) 
not  nauch  exceeding  a  mans  thumbe.  The  seede  is  included 
in  a  small  round  codde  about  an  inch  long,  resembling  Foeni- 
graccum,  save  that  it  is  more  blunt  at  both  ends,  as  if  it  had 
been  cut  off  with  a  knife.  It  carryeth  a  small  flower  like  that 
of  Hearts-ease  ;  the  seed  is  ripe  in  November,  and  then 
gathered.  The  herbe  once  sowne  dureth  three  yccres,  being 
cut  every  yeere  in  August  and  September  after  the  raines. 
That  of  one  yeere  is  tender  and  thereof  is  made  Notee,i  which 
is  a  weighty  reddish  nill,  sinking  in  water,  not  come  to  his 
perfection  ;  that  of  the  second  yeere  is  rich,  and  called  Cyerce,^ 
very  light  and  of  a  perfect  violet  colour,  swimming  on  the 
water  ;  in  the  third  yeere  the  herbe  is  declining,  and  this  nill 
is  called  Catteld,^  being  a  weightie  blackis.h  nill,  the  worst 
of  the  three.  This  herbe,  being  cut  the  moneth  aforesaid,  is 
cast  into  a  long  cisterne,  where  it  is  pressed  downe  with  many 
stones,  and  then  filled  with  water  till  it  be  covered  ;  which 
so  remaineth  for  certaine  dayes,  till  the  substance  of  the  herbe 
be  gone  into  the  water.  Then  they  let  the  water  forth  into 
another  round  cisterne,  in  the  middest  of  which  is  another 
small  cisterne  or  center  ;  this  water  being  thus  drawne  forth, 
they  labour  with  great  staves,  like  batter  or  white  starch,  and 
then  let  it  settle,  scumming  off  the  cleare  water  on  the  toppe  ; 
then  labouring  it  afresh,  and  let  it  settle  againe,  drawing  forth 
the  cleare  water  ;  doing  this  oft,  till  nothing  but  a  thicke 
substance  rcmaine,  which  they  take  foorth  and  spread  on  cloth 
to  dry  in  the  sunne  ;  and  being  a  little  hardened,  they  take  it 
in  their  hands  and,  making  small  balls,  lay  them  on  the  sand 
to  dry  (for  any  other  thing  would  drinke  up  the  colour)  ;  this 
is  the  cause  of  the  sandy  foot.  So  if  raine  fall,  it  looseth  his 
colour  and  glosse,  and  is  called  Aliad.*    Some  deceitfully  will 

1  Sir  George  Watt  concludes  that  this  term  is  derived  from  uuudha, 
the  young  plant. 

"  Jari,  '  sproutmg  from  the  root '. 

^  Klmtiyal  or  khunti.  With  this  account  of  the  various  crops  cf.  that 
in  Letters  Received,  vol.  vi,  p.  241. 

^  This  seems  to  be  connected  with  the  Hind,  dla,  '  moist '. 


154  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

take  of  the  herbe  of  all  three  crops  and  steepe  them  all  together, 
hard  to  be  discerned,  very  knavishly.  Fowre  things  are 
required  in  nill  :  a  pure  graine,  a  violet  colour,  his  glosse  in 
the  sunne,  and  that  it  be  dry  and  light,  so  that  swimming  in 
the  water  or  burning  in  the  fire  it  cast  forth  a  pure  light  violet 
vapour,  leaving  a  few  ashes. 

About  the  sixt  of  January  [1611]  the  King,  being  on  hunting, 
was  assailed  by  a  lyon,  which  hee  had  wounded  with  his  peece, 
with  such  fiercenesse  that,  had  not  a  captaine  of  his,  a  Rcsboot, 
tutor  of  the  late  baptized  princes,  interposed  himselfe,  thrusting 
his  arme  into  the  lions  mouth  as  hee  ramped  against  His 
Majestic,  he  had  in  all  likelihood  been  destroyed.  In  this 
strugling  Sultan  Corom,  Rajaw  Ranidas,^  and  others  came  in 
and  amongst  them  slew  the  lyon,  that  captaine  having  first 
received  thirty  two  wounds  ;  whome  therfore  the  King  tooke 
up  into  his  owne  palanke,  with  his  owne  hands  also  wiped  and 
bound  up  his  wounds,  and  made  him  a  captaine  of  five  thousand 
horse,  in  recompence  of  that  his  valourous  loyaltie. 

The  Kings  manner  of  hunting  is  this  :  about  the  beginning 
of  November,  accompanied  with  many  thousands,  he  goeth 
forth  of  his  castle  of  Agra  and  hunteth  some  thirty  or  forty 
course  round  about  the  citie  ;  so  continuing  till  the  ende  of 
March,  when  the  heat  drives  him  home  againe.  He  causeth, 
with  choise  men,  a  certain  wood  or  desart  place  to  bee  incircled, 
so  contracting  themselves  to  a  neerer  compasse  till  they  meet 
againe  ;  and  whatsoever  is  taken  in  this  inclosure  is  called  the 
Kings  sikar  [Hind,  shikar]  or  game,  whether  men  or  beasts  ; 
and  whosoever  lets  ought  escape  without  the  Kings  mercy 
must  loose  his  life.  The  beasts  taken,  if  mans  meat,  are  sold 
and  the  money  given  to  the  poore  ;  if  men,  they  remaine  the 
Kings  slaves,  which  he  yearely  sends  to  Cabull  to  barter  for 
horse  and  dogs  ;  these  beeing  poore,  miserable,  theevish  people 
that  live  in  woods  and  desarts,  little  differing  from  beasts. 

This  moneth  the  King  was  providing  more  forces  for  Decan, 

*  A  mistake  for  Raja  Ram  Das  :   see  Jahangir's  own  account  of  the 

incident  in  the  Tuziilc  (vol.  i,  p.  185),  where  the  animal  is  described  as 
a  tiger.  The  Rajput  cajitain  was  named  Anup  Rai.  Jourdain  says  that 
he  was  rewarded  with  '  lUUO  horse  per  yeare,  which  is  as  good  as  lOOOL 
sterlinge '  (p.  161). 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  155 

notwithstanding  the  Decanees  required  his  peace,  offering  to 
restore  what  they  had  taken.  Caun  Asom  [see  p.  98]  was  sent 
General],  and  with  him  twentie  thousand  horse,  accompanied 
with  Matrobet  Caun  [Mahabat  Khan],  anotlier  great  captaine, 
togetlier  witli  infinite  treasure.  Witli  tliese  forces  went  John 
Frenchman  ^  and  Cliarles  Cliarke,-  entertained  in  liis  service 
for  the  warres. 

January  the  ninth,  I  departed  from  Agra  for  Labor  to  recover 
debts,  and  carried  twelve  carts  laden  with  nil  [indigo]  in  hope 
of  a  good  price.  The  places  I  passed  were  Rownocta  [Rankata], 
twelve  courses  :    Badeg  Sara,^  10  :    Acabarpore   [Akbarpur], 

12  c,  formerly  a  great  city,  still  famous  for  the  antiquities  of 
Indian  gobins  *  or  saints.  A  little  short  of  this  place  is  a  faire 
deury  [dcura,  temple]  inclosed  with  a  stone  wall,  in  which  is 
a  devoncan,  and  round  about  a  little  distance  in  vaults  (or 
cloisters  )are  to  be  seen  many  pagods  [see  p  15  w.],  which  are 
stone  images  of  monstrous  men  feareful  to  behold,  but  adored 
by  the  Indians  with  flowers  and  offerings.     Houdle  [Hodal], 

13  c. ;  at  the  entrance  of  the  saray  is  a  faire  fountaine  [i.e.  well], 
three  stories  and  one  hundred  steps.  Pulwooll  [Palwal],  12  c. 
Ferreedabade  [Farldabad],  12  c.  Dely,  10  c.  On  the  left  hand 
is  scene  the  carkasse  of  old  Dely,^  called  the  nine  castles  and 

1  Jourdain  and  Covert  call  him  '  Fienchain '.  He  was  one  of  the 
survivors  from  the  Ascension,  and  later  proceeded  to  Agra  with  Covert. 
At  Burhanpur  they  were  asked  by  the  Khankhanan  to  serve  him  in  the 
Deccan  war.  On  their  declaring  that  they  were  only  merchants,  he 
replied  (according  to  Covert)  that  '  there  was  no  Englishman,  merchant 
nor  other,  but  he  was  a  souldier  '.  Frencham  left  Agra  with  Covert,  but 
fell  ill  and  had  to  remain  behind  at  Bukkur,  whence  no  doubt  he  returned 
to  Agra  on  recovery. 

-  '  This  Ch.  Charke  I  have  sjioken  with  since  in  London  after  divers 
yeares  service  '  {marginal  note  by  Purchas). 

^  Bad-ki-sarai.  It  is  suggested  in  Growse's,  Mathura  (p.  28)  that  the 
sardi  intended  is  the  one  at  Jamalpur,  about  three  kos  from  Bad. 

*  '  Gosains  '  is  probably  intended. 

^  Tughlakabad,  which  according  to  tradition  had  fifty-two  gates 
(Carr  Stephen's  Archaeology  of  Delhi,  p.  91).  The  following  marginal 
note  is  appended  to  the  passage  in  the  text :  '  There  are  said  to  bee  f  oure 
Delyes  within  5  c.  ;  the  eldest  built  by  Rase  [i.  e.  Raja  Anang  Pal], 
who  by  his  ponde  [pundit]  or  magicians  counscU  tried  the  earth  by  an 
iron  stake,  which  he  pulled  out  bloody  with  the  blood  of  a  snake,  which 
his  ponde  said  was  signe  of  good  fortune.    [This  is  a  well-known  story 


156  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

fiftie  two  gates,  now  inhabited  onely  by  Googers.  A  little 
short  is  a  stone  bridge  of  eleven  arches/  over  a  branch  of 
Gemini  [the  Jumna]  ;  from  hence  a  broad  way  shaded  with 
great  trees  leading  to  the  sepulchre  of  Hamaron  [Ilumayun], 
this  kings  grandfatiier,  in  a  large  roome  spread  with  ricli 
carpets,  the  tombe  itselfe  covered  with  a  pure  white  sheet, 
a  rich  semiane  [see  p.  117]  over  head,  and  a  front  certaine 
bookes  on  small  tressels,  by  which  stand  his  sword,  tucke 
[turban]  and  shooes.^  At  the  entrance  are  other  tombes  of 
his  wives  and  daughters.  Beyond  this,  imder  like  shaded  way, 
you  come  to  the  Kings  house  and  moholl,  now  ruinous.  The 
city  is  2  c.  betweene  gate  and  gate,  begirt  with  a  strong  wall, 
but  much  ruinate,  as  are  many  goodly  houses.  Within  and 
about  this  citie  are  the  tombes  of  twenty  Potan  kings,  all 
very  faire  and  stately.  The  kings  of  India  are  here  to 
be  crowned,  or  else  they  are  held  usurpers.  It  is  seated  in 
a  goodly  plaine,  environed  with  goodly  pleasant  gardens  and 
monuments. 

Nalero  [Narela]  is  hence  14  c.  About  2  c.  without  Dely  is 
the  remainder  of  an  auncient  mole  [mahal  ?]  or  hunting  house, 
built  by  Sultan  Bcrusa,'  a  great  Indian  monarch,  with  much 
curiositie  of  stoneworke.     With  and  above  the  rest  is  to  be 

relating  to  the  iron  pillar  near  the  Kutb  Minar  (op.  ciL,  p.  17).]  The 
last  of  his  race  was  Rase  Pethory  [Rai  Pithora  or  Prithwi  Raj],  who, 
after  seven  times  taking  a  Potan  king,  was  at  last  by  him  taken  and 
slaine.  He  began  the  Potan  kingdome.  They  came  from  the  moun- 
taines  between  Candahar  and  Catiill  [Kabul].  The  second  built  by 
Togall  Sha  [Tughlak  Shah],  a  Potan  king.  The  third  little  of  note.  The 
fourth  by  Shershaselim  [Sher  Shah],  where  is  that  tomb  of  Hamaron  ' 
[Humayun]. 

The  last  named  was  the  Delhi  of  Finch's  day.  It  lay  to  the  south  of 
the  modem  city,  and  occupied  part  of  the  site  of  Firoziibad. 

*  The  Bara  Pala  bridge,  near  the  shrine  of  Nizam-uddin. 

^  Of.  Peter  Mundy's  description  [Travels,  vol.  ii,  pp.  100,  181)  of  the 
tomb  of  Prince  Khusrau. 

^  Sultan  Firoz  Shah,  who  laid  out  a  limiting  park  on  the  Ridge  and 
built  therein  a  palace.  The  pillar  referred  to  by  Finch  is  the  Asoka  Idt 
brought  by  Firoz  Shah  from  Meerut  and  erected  on  the  same  spot,  where 
it  still  stands.  The  earhest  European  account  of  it  seems  to  be  that  given 
by  Monserrate.  Some  writers  have  supposed  that  Finch  meant  to  de- 
scribe the  other  Asoka  pillar  at  Delhi— that  in  the  Kotila  of  Firozabad, 
but  this  ia  evidently  wrong. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  157 

seen  a  stone  pillar,'^  which,  passing  through  three  stories,  is 
higher  then  all  twenty  foure  foot,  having  at  the  top  a  globe 
and  a  halfe  moone  over  it.  This  stone,  they  say,  stands  as 
much  under  the  earth,  and  is  placed  in  the  water,  being  all 
one  entire  stone  ;  some  say  Naserdengady,"  a  Potan  king, 
wovdd  have  taken  it  up  and  was  prohibited  by  multitude  of 
scorpions,  and  that  it  hath  inscriptions.  In  divers  parts  of 
India  the  like  are  to  be  scene,  and  of  late  was  found  buried  in 
the  ground  about  Fettipore  a  stone  piller  of  an  hundred  cubits 
length,  which  the  King  commanded  to  bring  to  Agra,  but  was 
broken  in  the  way,  to  his  great  griefe.^  It  is  remarkcable  that 
the  quarries  of  India,  specially  neere  Fettipore  (whence  they 
are  carryed  farre)  are  of  such  nature  that  they  may  be  cleft 
like  logges  and  sawne  like  plancks  to  seele  chambers  and  cover 
houses  of  a  great  length  and  breadth.  From  this  monument 
is  said  to  bee  a  way  under  ground  to  Dely  eistle.*  Now  here 
remaine  onely  Googers,  and  there  are  store  of  deere.  We  saw 
in  the  way  the  mines  of  divers  places  [palaces  ?],  and  neere  the 
same  the  mines  of  a  wall  20  c.  in  circuit,  being  a  parke  for 
game.  Some  part  of  this  way  was  theevish,  and,  some  report 
being  given  out  of  the  Kings  death,  many  rogues  with  that 
false  alarme  were  abroad.  We  met  the  Fosder  [fanjddr, 
military  commandant]  of  Dely  with  some  two  thousand  horse 
and  foot  in  their  pursuit,  who  burnt  their  townes  and  tooke 
them  and  theirs,  whatsoever  he  could  get  ;  and  the  next  day 
at  breakfast  we  were  like  to  be  surprized  by  theeves. 

Gonowre  [Ganaur],  14  c.  Panneput  [Panipat],  14  c. ;  at  the 
entry  whereof  was  placed  a  manora  ^  with  the  heads  of  some 

1  'A  stately  obeliske  with  Greeke  or  Hebrew  inscriptions  (as  some 
affirme),  supposed  to  be  set  there  by  Alexander '  {marginal  note,  prob- 
ably by  Purcha.s,  based  on  Coryat). 

-  Sir  Edward  Maclagan  thinks  this  Nasiruddin  Ghazi  may  have  been 
Nasiruddin  Tughlak,  son  of  Firoz  Shah. 

^  Nothing  seems  to  be  known  concerning  this  pillar. 

*  For  references  to  this  and  other  subterranean  passages  see  Mon 
serrate  (p.  590),  Jarrett's  Aln  (vol.  ii,  p.  279),  and  Father  Hosten's 
articles  in  the  Journal  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic  Society,  1911  (p.  102)  and 
1912  (p.  279). 

^  Minar,  or  pillar.  For  the  practice  of  cementing  the  heads  of 
criminals  or  rebels  in  pillars  erected  for  the  purpose,  see  Mundy,  pp.  72, 
90,  &c. 


158  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

hundred  theeves  newly  taken,  their  bodies  set  on  stakes  a  mile 
in  length.  Cnrmall  [Karnal],  14  c.  ;  tlie  way  theevish,  where 
but  for  our  peeee  lauj^uage  we  had  been  assaulted,  (^n  the 
north-west  extend  niountaines  neere  to  Labor  from  hence, 
with  snow  on  the  tops.  Tanassar  [Thanesar],  14  c.  ;  liere  is 
a  castle,  a  goodly  tanke,  and  by  it  pagods,  much  reverenced  by 
all  the  Gentiles  throughout  India.  Neere  it  also  are  the  sal- 
armoniake  pits.  Shabad  [Shahabad]  or  Goobade,  10  c. 
Amballa  [Ambala],  12  c.  Hollowa  Saray  [Aluwa  sarai],  14  c. 
Syrinam  [Sirhind],  7  c.;  it  hath  a  faire  tanke  with  a  summer- 
house  in  the  middest,  to  which  leads  a  bridge  of  fifleene  stone 
arches,  very  pleasant.  From  hence  is  a  small  river  cut  to  the 
Kings  garden,!  a  corse  distant,  with  a  cawsey  of  forty  foot 
broad,  planted  with  trees  on  both  sides  to  it.  The  garden  is 
fowre  square,  each  square  a  cose  in  length  or  better,  inclosed 
with  a  bricke-wall,  richly  planted  with  all  sorts  of  fruits  and 
flowers,  rented  yeerely  (as  I  was  told)  for  fifty  thousand  rupias  ; 
crossed  with  two  maine  walkes,  forty  foot  broad  and  eiglit  high, 
with  water  running  alongst  stone  channells  in  the  middest,  and 
planted  on  both  sides  thicke  with  faire  cypresses  ;  one  of  these 
cawseys  is  also  paved  with  peble,  curiously  inter-wrought.  At 
the  crossing  stands  an  eight  square  mohol  with  eight  chambers 
for  women,  in  the  midst  thereof  a  faire  tank  ;  over  these, 
eight  other  roomes,  with  faire  galleries  roimd  about  ;  on  the 
top  of  all  a  faire  jounter  ;  ^  the  whole  building  curiously 
wrought  in  stone,  with  faire  painting,  rich  carving,  and  par- 
getting ;  and  on  two  sides  two  faire  tankes  in  the  midst  of  a 
faire  stone  chounter,  planted  round  with  cypresse  trees  ;  a 
little  distant  is  another  mohol,  but  not  so  curious. 

From  hence  we  passed  to  Dorapy  [Doraha],  15  c.  Pulloeeque 
Saray  [Phillaur-ki-sarai],  13  c.  Nicoder  [Nakodar],  12  c. 
Sultanpoore  [Sultanpur],  11  c.  Fetipore,^  7  c.  ;  a  saray  built 
(if  it  were  finished)  by  Sha  Selim  in  memoriall  of  the  overthrow 
given  Sultan  Cusseroom  [Khusrau],  his  eldest  sonnc,  the  ocea- 

'  '  Some  say  it  was  made  An.  Dom.  1580  '  {marginal  note). 

^  '  Jounter  '  or  '  chounter  '  is  the  Hind,  chautri  or  chahutara,  a  terrace 
for  recreation. 

*  Vairowal,  on  the  Beas,  named  Fatehpur  ('  town  of  victory  ')  in 
memory  of  Khusrau's  defeat. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  159 

sion  whereof  was  this.^  Sha  Sclim,  upon  some  disgust,  tooke 
amies  in  his  fatliers  lifetime  and  fled  into  Puirop,  where  he 
kept  the  strong  castle  of  Alobasse  [Allahabad]  (but  came  in 
some  three  moneths  before  his  fathers  deeeasse)  ;  whereupon 
Acubar  gave  the  crowne  to  Sultan  Cusseroom  his  sonne.  But 
after  Acabars  death,  Selim,  by  his  friends,  seized  on  the  castle 
and  treasure,  and  his  sonne  fled  for  Labor,  where  hee  gathered 
some  twelve  thousand  horse,  all  good  souldiours  and  Mogols, 
possessing  the  suburbs  twelve  daies,  and  proclaimed  king  in 
the  kasse,2  and  his  father  in  the  castle.  In  this  place 
he  gave  battell  to  Strek  Fereed  [Shaikh  Farld],  and  dis- 
ordered his  three  hundred  horse  and  put  them  to  the  sword. 
To  the  second  [i.  e.  assistance]  of  him  came  Melee  Ale 
Cutwall  [Khwaja  Malik  Ali,  the  kohvdl]  (the  King  being 
some  20  c.  behind)  with  some  two  hundred  horse,  beating 
up  the  Kings  drummes,  and  giving  a  brave  ossault,  shouting 
God  save  King  Selim  ;  upon  which  the  Princes  souldiours 
fainted  and  fled,  the  Prince  himselfe  fleeing  only  with  five 
horse,  and  got  30  c.  beyond  Labor  for  Cabull  ;  which  if  he  had 
gotten,  he  would  have  put  his  father  to  further  trouble  ;  but 
beeing  to  passe  a  river  where  hee  gave  mohors  of  gold,  the 
boate-man  grew  in  distrust,  and  in  the  middest  of  the  channell 
leapt  overboord  and  swamme  to  the  shoare,  where  hee  gave 
notice  to  the  governour  of  the  towne  adjoyning,  who  presently 
with  fiftie  horse  came  downe  to  the  river,  where  the  boat  was 
still  floting,  imbarqued  himselfe  in  another,  and  saluted  him 
by  the  name  of  king,  dissemblingly  offering  his  aide  and  inviting 
him  to  his  house  ;  which  the  Prince  accepting,  was  locked  up 
with  his  company  and  guarded  till  hee  had  sent  the  King- 
word  ;  who  sent  Germau'nabeg  ^  to  fetch  him  fettered  on  an 
elephant.  From  hence  his  father  proceeded  to  Cabul,  punishing 
such  as  he  found  tardie  in  this  revolt  ;  carrying  his  sonne  with 

*  See  Hawkins's  account  (p.  107). 

"  Perhaps  he  means  the  dm-khds,  a  term  sometimes  used  for  the 
diwdn-i-am.  The  city  and  the  castle  would  have  separate  governors, 
and  it  would  seem  that  one  declared  for  Jahanglr  and  the  other  for 
Khusrau. 

^  Zamana  Beg,  i.  e.  Mahabat  Khan.  For  other  accounts  of  Khusrau's 
capture  see  the  Tuzuk  {vol.  i,  p.  06),  the  Airi  (vol.  i,  p.  414),  and  Du  Jarric 
(vol.  ill,  p.  141). 


IfiO  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

him  prisoner  ;  and  returning  by  this  place  whore  tlie  battel! 
was  fought  (as  some  say)  caused  his  eyes  to  be  burned  (tiit 
with  a  glasse  ;  others  say  onely  blind-folded  him  with  a  napkin, 
tying  it  behind  and  sealing  it  with  his  owne  scale,  which  yet 
remainetli,  and  himselfe  prisoner  in  the  castle  of  Agra.^  All 
alongst  on  both  sides  the  way  from  Cabul  to  Agra,  a  reason- 
able distance,  the  King  caused  trees  to  be  planted  to  shade 
the  way  in  remembrance  of  this  exploit,  and  called  this  place 
Fetipoore,  that  is.  Hearts  content,  as  ye  before  heard  of  the  citie 
[see  p.  150],  which  for  his  birth  was  named  so  by  his  father 
Accubar  ;  these,  as  any  decay,  must  by  the  peoples  toyle 
be  supplied. 

From  hence  to  Hoghe  Moheede,^  10  c.  Cancanna  saray,  12  c. 
Labor,  7  c.  ;    where  I  arrived  February  the  fourth.     On  the 

*  That  Khiisrau  was  blinded  by  his  father  was  evidently  very  generally 
believed  at  the  time  (see  supra,  p.  lOS,  and  Du  Jarric,  vol.  iii,  p.  169). 
The  question  is  discussed  by  Mr.  Beve ridge  in  a  note  on  p.  174  of  vol.  i 
of  the  Tuzuk  and  in  an  article  in  the  Jourrial  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic 
Society,  vol.  39  (p.  597).  He  inclines  to  accept  the  story,  mainly  because 
the  impostor  who  afterwards  personated  the  Prince  pretended  that  he 
had  marks  of  the  blinding.  This,  however,  was  a  very  natural  artifice, 
given  the  prevailing  impression  ;  and  against  sucli  an  argument  may 
be  set  the  fact  that  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  who  both  saw  and  talked  with  the 
Prince  in  1617,  makes  no  mention  of  any  injury  to  his  sight,  and  more- 
over speaks  of  him  as  destined  to  succeed  to  the  throne-^an  event 
hardly  to  be  contemplated  in  the  case  of  a  blind  man.  Terry,  who  also 
saw  Khusrau  more  than  once,  says  exjilicitly  that  '  his  eyes  were 
sealed  np  (by  something  put  before  them  which  might  not  be  taken  off) 
for  the  space  of  three  years  ;  after  which  time  that  seal  was  taken 
away '  ;  and  this  agrees  with  one  of  the  rumours  noted  by  Finch. 
Delia  Valle's  version  is  that  the  eyes  were  sewn  up  for  a  time,  without 
injuring  the  sight.  The  story  given  in  Elliot's  History  of  India,  vol.  vi 
(p.  448),  that  the  Prince  was  deprived  of  his  sight  by  having  a  wire 
thrust  into  his  eyes,  but  that  his  vision  was  afterwards  restored  by  the 
skill  of  a  surgeon,  is  not  only  improbable  in  itself  but  is  obviously  an 
attempt  to  reconcile  the  current  belief  in  the  blinding  with  the  fact  that 
Khusrau  could  see  quite  well  in  later  years.  Mundy,  it  may  be  noted, 
has  a  tale  (p.  104)  that  one  eye  was  '  eaten  out  with  applyeinge  to  it  a 
certaine  venemous  hearbe ',  but  fixes  the  date  of  this  as  a  little  before 
the  Prince's  murder  in  1622. 

*  The  position  given  seems  to  answer  toTarnTaran;  but  Finch's 
distances  are  not  to  be  trusted.  Klmnkhanan-sarai  has  not  been 
identified. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  161 

twcntie  eighth  arrived  here  a  Persian  embassadour  ^  allied  to 
Sha  Abash,  with  a  great  caravan  accompanying  him.  I  by 
tliem  learned  that  the  way  to  Candahar  was  now  cleere,  the 
warres  being  ended  which  the  Turkish  Gelole  ^  had  caused,  who 
the  former  j'eai'e  had  fled  to  the  Persian  with  some  ten  thousand 
Turkcs  and  had  obtained  some  jaggere  [jdgir,  an  assignment  of 
land]  neere  thereto  ;  whereof  he  purposing  to  make  himselfe 
Icing,  was  overthrowne,  and  being  sent  for  by  the  Persian  re- 
fused to  come  ;  till,  deluded  by  promise  of  a  mariage,  he  was 
got  to  the  court,  and  there  lost  his  head.  We  heard  also  of  the 
Persians  taking  from  the  Turke  the  strong  castle  of  Curdes  after 
a  yeeres  siege,  with  other  Asian  and  Europaean  newes. 

Labor  is  one  of  the  greatest  cities  of  the  East,  containing  , 
some  24  c.  in  circuit  by  the  ditch  which  is  now  casting  up  . 
about  it,  and  by  the  Kings  command  now  to  be  inclosed  with 
a  strong  wall.  In  the  time  of  the  Potans  it  was  but  a  village, 
Multan  then  flourishing,  till  Hamawn  [Humayun]  enlarged 
this.  The  towne  and  suburb  is  some  6  c.  thorow.  The  castle 
or  towne  is  inclosed  with  a  strong  bricke  wall,  having  thereto 
twelve  faire  gates,  nine  by  land  and  three  openings  to  the 
river  ;  the  streets  faire  and  well  paved  ;  the  inhabitants  most 
Baneans  and  handicrafts  men,  all  white  men  of  note  lying  in 
the  suburbs.  The  buildings  are  faire  and  high,  with  bricke 
and  much  curiositie  of  carved  windowes  and  doores  ;  most  of 
the  Gentiles  doores  of  sixe  or  seven  steps  ascent  and  very 
troublesome  to  get  up,  so  built  for  more  securitie  and  that 
passengers  should  not  see  into  their  houses.  The  castle  is 
seated  on  Ravee,  a  goodly  river  which  falleth  into  Indus, 
downe  which  go  many  boats,  of  sixtie  tunne  or  upwards,  for 
Tatta  in  Sind,  after  the  fall  of  the  raine,  being  a  journey  of 
some  fortie  dayes  alongst  by  Multan,  Seetpore,^  Buchur 
[Bukkur],  Raurce  [Rohri]  etc. 

>  Yadgar  Ali  Sultan.  For  this  embassy,  see  the  Tuzuk,  vol.  i. 
pp.  193,  237,  &c. 

^  A  letter  from  Persia  of  June,  1609,  refers  to  the  defeat  of  '  Jouile, 
the  great  Geloly  '  {Cal.  State  Papers,  E.  Indies,  1513-1616,  no.  446), 
but  who  he  was  is  not  evident,  unless  he  is  to  be  identified  with  the 
Turkish  general  Jaghal-aghli  mentioned  by  Malcolm  (History  of  Persia, 
vol.  i,  p.  538).    In  that  case,  however,  Malcolm's  dates  must  be  wrong. 

^  Sitpur,  an  ancient  town  on  the  Indus,  in  the  Muzaffargarh  district. 


162  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

This  river  commeth  from  the  east  and  runneth  westerly  l)y 
the  north  side  of  the  citie  ;  upon  which,  witliin  the  easlle,  is 
the  Kings  house/  passing  in  at  the  middle  gate  to  tlie  river- 
ward.  Witliin  the  citie  on  the  left-hand  you  enter  tliorow  a 
strong  gate,  and  a  musket  shot  further  another  smaller,  into 
a  faire  great  square  court,  with  atescanna  ^  for  the  Kings  guard 
to  watch  in.  On  the  left-hand  thorow  another  gate  you  enter 
into  an  inner  court,  where  the  King  keepes  his  darbar,  and 
round  about  which  court  are  atescanna's  also  for  great  men 
to  watch  in.  In  the  middest  there  stands  a  high  pole  to  hang 
a  light  on.  From  hence  you  go  up  to  a  faire  stone  jounter  or 
small  court,  in  the  middest  whereof  stands  a  faire  devoncan, 
with  two  or  three  other  retiring  rooms  wherein  the  King  sits 
out  all  the  first  part  of  the  night,  commonly  from  eight  to 
eleven.  On  the  walles  is  the  Kings  picture,  sitting  crosse- 
legged  on  a  chaire  of  state  ;  on  his  right  hand  Sultan  Pervese, 
Sultan  Caroone,  and  Sultan  Timoret,^  his  sonnes  ;  next  these 
Sha  Morat  [Shah  Murad]  and  Don  Sha  [Daniyal  Shah],  two 
of  his  brothers  (the  three  baptized  before  spoken  were  sonnes 
of  this  later)  :  next  them  Emersee  Sheriff  [MIrza  Sharif], 
eldest  brother  to  Caim  Asom  (of  whom  it  is  reported  his  estate 
to  be  such  that,  of  one  hundred  chiefe  women  which  he  kept, 
he  never  suffred  any  of  their  clothing  after  their  first  wearing 
to  be  ever  touched  by  any  stranger,  but  caused  them  to  bee 
buried  in  the  ground,  there  to  rot  ;  as  also  that  he  alway  had 
in  service  five  hundred  massalgees  [torchbearers  :  mashnlchi], 
in  so  much  that  whensoever  he  went  from  court  to  his  house 
in  Agra,  which  was  at  least  a  corse,  no  man  removed  foote 
with  his  torch  but  stood  all  alongst  to  his  house)  :  next  this 
man,  Emersee  Rostene  [MIrza  Rustam],  late  King  of  Candhar  ; 
then  Can  Canna  [see  p.  71]  (which  signifieth  prince  of  the 
Cannes)  :  then  Cuttiip  Caun  [Kutbuddin  Klian  Koka],  Rajaw 
Manisengo    [Raja    Man    Singh],    Caun    Asom    [Khan   Azam], 

*  The  palace  was  altered  and  enlarged  by  Shah  Jahiln,  and  in  later 
times  suffered  much  at  the  hands  of  the  Sikhs  and  the  British.  See  the 
Archaeological  Survey  Report  for  1902-1903  and  an  article  by  Dr.  Vogel 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Panjdb  Historical  Society,  vol.  i,  no.  1. 

*  Yatish-kMna,  a  guard-room  (see  Monserrate,  p.  645). 

*  Parwiz,  Khurram,  and  Tahmuras.  The  last  was  a  nephew,  not 
a  son. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  163 

Asoph  Caun  [Asaf  Klian  (Jafar  Beg)],  Sheck  Fcreed  [Shaikh 
Farld],  Kelish  Caun  [Killj  Klian],  and  Rajaw  Juggonat  [Raja 
Jagannath]  (who  at  his  death  had  seven  of  his  friends  that 
burned  themselves  with  him,  besides  one  of  his  sisters,  and  a 
brothers  childe).    On  the  left  hand  of  the  King  stands  Rajaw 
Bowsing  [Bhao   Singh],   who  beats  away  flyes,  then  Rajaw 
Ramdas  [Ram  Das],  who  holds  his  sword,  Cleriff  Caun,  Caun 
John,  Jemana  Lege  or  Mawbet  Caun,  Moerow  Bowcan,  Rajaw 
Bossow,    Rajaw   Ransing,    Majo   Kesso,   and    Lala   Bersing.i 
Note  also  that  in  this  gallery,  as  you  enter,  on  the  right-hand 
of  the  King  over  the  doore  is  the  picture  of  our  Saviour  ; 
opposite  on  this  left-hand,  of  the  Virgin  Mary.    This  devoncan 
is   very  pleasantly   seated,   over-looking  the   Ravee.     From 
hence  passing  thorow  a  small  entrie  to  the  west,  you  enter 
another  small  court,  where  is  another  open  chounter  of  stone 
to  sit  in,  covered  with  rich  semianes  [see  p.  117].    From  hence 
you  enter  into  a  small  gallery,  at  the  end  of  which,  next  the 
river,  thorow  a  small  window  the   King  looks  forth  at  his 
dersanee  [see  p.  151]  to  behold  the  fights  of  wilde  beasts  on 
the  medow  by  the  river.    On  the  wall  of  this  gallery  is  drawne 
the  pictxire  of  the  Acabar  sitting  in  his  state,  and  before  him 
Sha  Selim  his  sonne  standing  with  a  hawke  on  his  fist,  and  by 
him  Sultan  Cusseroom,   Sultan  Pervis,   Sultan  Coroome,  his 
three  sonnes.    At  the  end  is  a  small  devoncan  where  the  King 
useth  to  sit  ;   behind  which  is  his  lodging  chamber,  and  before 
it  all  open  into  a  paved  court,  alongst  the  right-hand  whereof 
runneth  a  small  moholl  of  two  stories,  each  containing  eight 
faire  lodgings  for  severall  women,  with  galleries  and  windowes 
looking  to  the  river  and  to  the  court.    All  the  doores  of  these 
chambers  are  to  bee  fastened  on  the  out-side,  and  none  within. 
In  the  gallery  where  the  King  useth  to  sit  are  drawne  over- 
head many  pictures  of  angels,  with  pictures  of  Banian  dews 
[see  p.  134],  or  rather  divels,  intcrmixt  in  most  ugly  shape 
with   long  homes,    staring  eyes,    shagge   haire,   great   fangs, 
ugly  pawes,   long  tailes,   with   such   horrible  difformity  and 
deformity  that  I  wonder  the  poore  women  are  not  frighted 

^  These  are  Sharif  Khan,  Khan  Jahan,  Zamana  Beg  or  Mahabat 
Khan,  Mukarrab  Khan,  Raja  Baso,  Raja  Rai  Singh,  Raja  Keshu  Das  (?). 
and  Lala  Bir  Singh. 

m2 


164  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

therewith.  Witliin  lliis  court  is  a  pleasant  dcvonean  and 
lodtjiiijis.  and  the  way  to  another  nioholl  for  the  Kiii'f  to  ]>asse, 
but  none  other. 

Now  to  returne  to  the  former  eonrt,  where  the  Adees  [see 
p.  99]  or  guard  keepe  their  watcli,  there  is  also  on  the  left 
hand  tlie  new  Derbar  ;  beyond  it  another  small  court  with 
atescanna,  and  passing  thorow  another  gate  a  faire  large  square 
molujll,  called  the  New  Moholl,  of  that  largenesse  that  it  may 
lodge  two  hundred  women  in  state,  all  severall.  Likewise 
returning  to  the  great  court,  passing  right  on,  you  enter 
another  small  paved  court  on  the  left  hand  and  into  another 
moholl,  the  stateliest  of  the  three,  contrived  into  sixteenc 
several!  great  lodgings,  each  having  faire  lodgings,  a  devoncan 
(or  hall),  a  small  paved  court,  each  her  tanke,  and  enjoying 
a  little  world  of  pleasure  and  state  to  herselfe  ;  all  seated  very 
pleasantly  upon  the  river.  Before  the  moholl  of  Sultan 
Casserooms  mother  ^  is  placed  an  high  pole  to  hang  a  light  on, 
as  before  the  King  ;  for  that  shee  brought  forth  his  first  sonne 
and  heire.  In  the  midst  stands  a  goodly  gallery  for  the  King 
to  sit  in,  with  such  ugly  pictures  over-head  as  before.  At  the 
end  are  drawne  many  portraitures  of  the  King  in  state  sitting 
amongst  his  women,  one  holding  a  flaske  of  wine,  another  a 
napkin,  a  third  presenting  the  peally  [piydli,  a  small  cup]  ; 
behind,  one  punkawing  [fanning  :  pankha],  another  holding 
his  sword,  another  his  bow  and  two  or  three  arrowes  etc. 
Before  this  gallery  is  a  faire  paved  court,  with  stone  gratings 
and  windowes  alongst  the  waters  side  ;  at  the  end  a  faire 
marble  jounter,  convexed  over-head,  looking  over  the  river  ; 
beneath  it  a  garden  of  pleasure  ;  behind,  the  Kings  lodgings, 
very  sumptuous,  the  walles  and  seelings  all  over-laid  with  pure 
gold,  and  round  alongst  the  sides,  about  a  mans  height,  some 
three  foote  distant,  are  placed  faire  Venice  looking-glasses, 
three  and  three,  each  above  other  ;  and  below  these,  alongst 
the  walles,  are  drawne  many  pictures  of  this  mans  ancestors, 
as  of  Acabar  his  father,  Hamowne  his  grand-father,  Babur  his 
great  grand-father,  who  first  set  foote  into  India  with  thirtie 
of  his  nobles,  all  clad  like  kalendars  or  fookeers,  which  so  came 

'  The  Shah  Begam.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Raja  Bhagwan  Daa  and 
sister  of  Raja  Man  Singh. 


WILLIA^I  FINCH,   1608-11  165 

to  Dcly  to  Secanders  [Sikandar  Lodi,  1489-1517]  eoiut  then 
raigning  ;  where  by  his  very  countenance  he  was  discovered, 
yet  found  mercy  and  returned  upon  his  oath  not  to  attempt 
anything  during  the  said  Secanders  raigne,  which  he  performed  ; 
but  after  his  death  he  sent  his  sonne  Hamawne  upon  his  succes- 
sor Abram  [Ibrahim  Lodi,  1517-26],  from  whom  he  tooke  the 
wliole  kingdome.^  Yet  at  length  rose  up  a  great  captainc 
[Sher  Shah]  of  the  blood-royall  in  Bengala,  who  fought  a 
great  battel  with  Hamawne  neare  Ganges,  put  him  to  flight, 
and  so  closely  followed  him  that  he  drave  him  forth  of  the 
kingdome  to  the  Persian  Shaw  ;  of  whom  hee  obtained  new 
forces  (with  whom  came  Byram,  Caun  Canna  his  father  [sec 
p.  71  n.],  for  gcnerall)  and  reconquered  all,  living  after  that  in 
security.  This  king  dying  left  Acabar  very  yong,  appointed 
Byram  Caun  Protector  ;  whom  the  Acabar,  comming  to 
yeares,  cast  off,  and  on  a  roomery  [Spanish  ronteria]  or  pilgrim- 
age to  Mecca,  as  is  said,  made  away  with  him.  His  fjonne 
Can  Canna  (or  Caun  of  the  Caunees)  doth  also  much  curbe 
Sha  Selim  the  King,  with  his  friends  and  allyes  being  able  to 
make  better  then  an  hundred  thousand  horse.  Sha  Selim 
aflirmeth  himselfe  to  be  the  ninth  lawfully  descended  from  the 
loynes  of  Tamerlane  the  Great,  being  the  great -grand-child  of 
Babur,  King  of  Cabull. 

But  to  returnc  to  the  entrance  of  this  moholl  :  passing  forth 
of  that  court  thorow  a  strong  gate,  you  enter  into  the  city 
againe  ;  this  house  and  appurtenances  of  mohols  being  at  the 
least  two  English  miles  in  circuit.  On  the  east-side  of  the 
castle,  hard  without  the  wall,  is  the  garden  of  Asoph  Caun 
[Asaf  Khan  (Jafar  Beg)],  small,  neat,  with  walkes  (planted 
with  cypresse  trees),  divers  tankes  and  jounters  ;  as  you  enter, 
a  faire  devoncan  supported  with  stone  pillars,  with  a  faire 
lanke  in  the  midst,  and  in  the  midst  of  that,  on  foure  stone 
pillars,  a  jountcr  for  coolenesse.  Beyond  are  other  galleries 
and  walkes,  divers  lodgings  for  his  women  neatly  contrived, 
and  behind,  a  small  garden  and  garden-house.  In  the  midst 
of  the  garden  is  a  very  stately  jounter  with  faire  buildings  ovcr- 

'  There  seems  to  be  no  truth  in  tliia  story  of  Babur's  visit  to  India  in 
disoiuise  ;  and  it  was  he,  and  not  Humayun,  who  made  the  invasion 
of  152G. 


166  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

liciid,  uiul  u  tanke  in  tlic  center  with  large  and  goodly  galleries 
alongst  the  foure  sides  thereof,  supported  with  high  stone 
pillars.  Adjoyning  to  this  is  a  garden  of  the  Kings,  in  which  are 
very  good  apples,  but  small,  toot  [tut,  mulberry]  white  and  red, 
almonds,  peaches,  figges,  grapes,  quinces,  orengcs,  limmons, 
pomgranats,  roses,  stock-gellow-flowers,^  marigolds,  wall- 
flowers, ireos,2  pinkes  white  and  red,  with  divers  sorts  of 
Indian  flowers. 

On  the  west  side  of  the  castle  is  the  ferry  to  passe  over  to 
Cabid  (and  so  to  Tartary  or  Cascar  [Kashgar]),  a  very  great 
road-way,  and  the  further  side  of  the  river  is  a  goodly  countrey. 
Infinit  numbers  of  gardens  full  of  rarity  exceeds  [i.e.  project 
beyond],  two  or  three  c.  in  length. 

Passing  the  Sugar  Gonge  ^  is  a  fairc  meskite  built  by  Shecke 
Fereed  ;  *  beyond  it  (without  the  towne,  in  the  way  to  the 
gardens)  is  a  faire  monument  for  Don  Sha  his  mother,  one  of 
the  Acabar  his  wives,  with  whom  it  is  said  Sha  Selim  had  to  do 
(her  name  was  Immacque  Kelle,^  or  Pomgranate  kernell)  ; 
upon  notice  of  which  the  King  [Akbar]  caused  her  to  be 
inclosed  quicke  within  a  wall  in  his  moholl,  where  slice  dyed, 
and  the  King  [Jahanglr],  in  token  of  his  love,  commands  a 
sumptuous  tombe  to  be  built  of  stone  in  the  midst  of  a  foure- 
square  garden  richly  walled,  with  a  gate  and  divers  roomes 
over  it.^  The  convexity  of  the  tombe  he  hath  willed  to  be 
wrought  in  workes  of  gold,  with  a  large  faire  jounter  with 
roomes  over-head.  Note  that  most  of  these  monuments  which 
I  mention  are  of  such  largeness  that,  if  they  Avere  otherwise 
contrived,  would  have  roome  to  entertaine  a  very  good  man 
with  his  whole  houshold.  Without  the  Dely  Droware,^  where 
the  nolat  [tiaiibat]  or  great  drum  beats,  is  a  goodly  streight 

1  The  white  stock  {Mathiola  incana). 

-  The  Florentine  iris. 

^  The  shrine  of  Bawa  Farid  Shakarganj,  to  the  south-west  of  the  city. 

*  Shaikh  Farid  erected  several  buildings  in  Lahore,  but  this  mosque 
does  not  appear  in  the  list. 

^  Amirldkuli  (pomegranate  blossom).  There  is  no  corroboration  of 
Finch's  story  that  she  was  the  mother  of  Daniyal. 

*  The  tomb,  which  is  still  one  of  the  sights  of  Lahore,  was  not  finished 
till  1615. 

'  The  Delhi  Gate  [durwdza). 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  167 

street,  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  long,  all  paved  ;  at  the 
end  of  which  is  the  Bazar  ;  by  it  the  great  saray  ;  besides 
which  are  divers  others,  both  in  the  city  and  suburbs,  wherein 
divers  neate  lodgings  are  to  be  let,  with  doores,  lockes,  and 
keyes  to  each.  Hence  to  the  north-east  lyeth  Ambere,^  the 
place  of  hospitality  ;  from  hence  to  the  south-east  the  habita- 
tion of  divers  loving  etc. 

The  seventeenth  of  May  came  newes  of  the  sacking  of  Cabul 
by  the  Potan  theevcs,  which  kept  in  the  mountains,  being 
eleven  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse  ;  the  Governour 
thereof  being  at  Gelalabade  [Jalalabad]  about  other  affaires, 
and  the  garrison  so  weak  that  they  were  able  only  to  maintaine 
the  castle.  In  six  houres  they  spoiled  the  city  and  retired  with 
great  booty.  The  King,  for  better  awing  of  these  rebels,  hath 
placed  twenty  three  ombraes  betwixt  Labor  and  Cabul  ;  and 
yet  all  will  not  serve,  they  often  sallying  from  the  mountains, 
robbing  caravans,  and  ransacking  townes.  The  eighteenth  of 
August  arrived  a  great  caravan  from  Persia,  by  whom  we  had 
newes  from  an  Armenian,  which  had  served  M.  Boys,  of  the 
French  kings  death,^  and  of  affaires  betwixt  the  Turk  and 
Persian  ;  he  having  destroyed  the  countrey  about  Tauris 
[Tabriz],  raced  the  citie,  and  filled  up  the  wells  to  hinder  the 
Turks  armie  ;  the  merchants  by  this  means  (to  our  griefe)  not 
daring  to  adventure  beyond  Candhar. 


Of  divers  ivaycs  in  the  Mogols  Kingdomc,  to  and  from  Lahor 
and  Agra,  and  places  of  note  in  them.^ 

From  Lahor  to  Cabull,  passing  the  Ravee,  at  10  c.  stands 
Googes  saray  [Kacha  sarai]  ;  beyond  which  8  c.  Emenbade 
[Aminabad],  a  faire  city  ;  thence  to  Chumaguckur  [Chlma 
Gakkhar]  12  c,  a  great  towne.  To  Guzurat  [Gujrat]  14  c,  a 
faire  citie  of  great  trade  ;  at  7  c.  of  this  way  you  passe  the 
river  Chantrow  [Chenab],  neare  a  corse  over.    To  Howaspore 

^  This  may  possibly  refer  to  some  mihhiujh  (mango-garden)  in  which 
there  may  have  been  a  dharmsdla  or  rest-house  ;  but  no  trace  of  such 
a  place  can  be  found  in  modern  maps. 

"  Henri  IV  was  assassinated  in  May,  IB  10. 

^  This  heading  was  doubtless  supplied  by  Purchas. 


1G8  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

[Kli  iwrisspur]  Tic.  To  Lourc  RoLas  [Rohlfis]  i  15  c,  ii  citie 
with  a  strong  castle  on  a  niountaine,  the  frontier  of  the  Pol  an 
kingdonie.  To  Hattea  [Hatya]  15  c.  To  Puekow  [Pakka]  1  c. 
To  Raulepende  [Rawalpindi]  14  c.  To  Collapanne  [Kalapani] 
15  c.  To  Hassanabdall^  4c.,a  pleasant  towne  with  a  small  river 
and  many  faire  tanks  in  which  are  many  fishes  with  gold  rings 
in  their  noses,  hung  by  Acabar  ;  the  water  so  cleare  that  you 
may  see  a  penny  in  the  bottome.  To  Attock  15  c,  a  citie  with 
a  strong  castle,  by  which  Indus  passeth  in  great  beautie.  To 
Pishore  [Peshawar]  36  c.  To  Alleek  Meskite  [Ali  Masjid]  10  c, 
the  way  dangerous  for  rebels,  which  are  able  to  make  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  men.  To  Ducka  [Daka]  12  c.  To  Beshoule 
[Basawal]  6  c.  To  Abareek  [Bariku]  6  c.  To  Aleboga  [Ali 
Boghan]  9  c.;  by  which  runneth  Cow  [the  Kabul  River],  a 
great  river  which  comes  from  Cabul  (way  still  theevish). 
To  Gelalabade  [Jalalabad]  4  c.  To  Lourc-Charebage  4  c.  To 
Budde-Charbag  6  c.  To  Nimla  [NImla]  8  c.  To  Gondoma 
[Gandamak]  4  c.  To  Surcrood  [Surkhab]  4  c.  ;  a  saray  with  a 
small  river  which  lookes  red  and  makes  to  have  a  good  stomack. 
To  Zagdelee  [Jagdalak]  8  c.  To  Abereek  [Ab-i-barik]  8  c. 
To  Dowaba  [Doaba]  8  c.;  a  great  mountain  in  the  way, 
4  c.  ascent.  To  Butta  Cauke  [Butkhak]  8  c.  To  Camree 
[Bikrami]  3  c.  To  Cabul  3  c.  It  is  a  great  and  faire  citie,  the 
first  seate  of  this  kings  great  grand-father,  with  two  castles 
and  many  sarayes.  20  c.  beyond  is  Chare-cullow  [Charikar],  a 
pleasant  faire  citie  ;  and  20  c.  beyond,  Gorebond  [Ghorband], 
a  great  citie  bordering  upon  Usbeke.  150  c.  beyond  Cabul  is 
Taul  Caun  [Talikhan],  a  citie  in  Buddocsha  [Badakhshan]. 

From  CabuU  to  Cascar  [Kashgar]  with  the  caravan  is  some 
two  or  three  monethes  journey.^    It  is  a  great  kingdome  and 

*  From  this  point  the  road  may  be  traced  in  the  Tuzulc  (vol.  i,  p.  96). 

^  Hasan  Abdal.  Jahangir  records  that  he  caught  some  fish  here  and 
released  them  after  fastening  pearls  in  their  noses  {Tuzuk,  vol.  i,  p.  99). 

^  '  Beyond  Cabull  60  c.  runne  momitaines,  at  the  foote  of  which  lyeth 
the  way  to  Cascar  '  (marginal  note). 

Finch's  references  to  Central  Asia  and  Kashmir  in  this  and  the  suc- 
ceeding paragraph  form  the  subject  of  an  interesting  article  contri- 
buted by  Sir  Aurel  Stein,  K.C.I.E.,  to  the  Journal  of  the  Punjab  Historical 
Society,  1917,  to  which  the  reader  may  be  referred  for  details.  Sir  Aurel 
Stein  notes  that  the  time  allowed  by  Finch  for  the  journeys  from  Kabul 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  1G9 

under  tlie  Tartar.  A  chiefe  citie  of  trade  in  his  territorie  is 
Yar  Chaun  [Yarkand],  whence  comes  much  silke,  purslane 
[porcelain],  muskc,  and  rheubarb,  with  other  merchandize  ; 
all  which  come  from  China,  the  gate  or  entrance  whereof  is 
some  two  or  three  monethes  journey  from  hence.  When  they 
come  to  this  entrance,  they  arc  forced  to  remaine  under  their 
tents,  and  by  license  send  some  ten  or  fifteene  merchants  at 
once  to  doe  their  busincsse,  which  being  returned  they  may 
send  as  many  more  ;  but  by  no  means  can  the  whole  caravan 
enter  at  once. 

From  Labor  to  Cassimere  [Kashmir,  i.e.  Srinagar]  the  way 
is  as  in  Cabull  way  to  Guzerat  [Gujrat]  ;  from  thence  north 
or  somewhat  easterly  withall,  16  c.  to  Bimbar  [Bhimbar]  ; 
to  Joagck  Hately  14  c.  ;  to  Chingesque  Hatcly  ^  10  e.  ;  to 
Peckly  ^  10  c.  ;  to  Conowa  12  c.  ;  thence  8  c.  you  ascend  a 
mountaine  called  Hast  Caunk  Gate,^  on  the  top  of  which  is  a 
goodly  plaine,  from  whence  to  Cassimer  is  12  c.  thorew  a 
goodly  countrey.  The  city  is  strong,  seated  on  the  river  Bahat 
[Bihat  or  Jhelum]  ;  the  countrie  is  a  goodly  plaine,  lying  on 
the  mountaines,  some  150  c.  in  length  and  50  c.  in  breadth, 
abounding  with  fruits,  graine,  saffron,  faire  and  white  women. 
Heere  are  made  the  rich  pomberies  [shawls  :  pdniri]  which 
serve  all  the  Indians.  This  countrey  is  cold,  subject  to  frosts 
and  great  snowes  ;  neare  to  Cascar,  but  seperated  with  such 
mountaines  that  there  is  no  passage  for  caravans  ;  yet  there 
commeth  oft-times  musk,  with  silke  and  other  merchandize, 

to  Kashgar,  and  from  thence  to  China,  still  holds  good.  The  '  gate  '  of  the 
latter  country  he  identifies  with  the  present-day  Chia-yii-kuan,  near 
Su-chou.  The  route  described  from  Lahore  to  Kashmir  is,  he  points  out, 
that  regxilarly  used  by  the  Mughal  emperors  and  now  known  as  the 
Plr  Panjal  route  ;  and  the  stages  given  by  Finch,  so  far  as  they  can  be 
traced,  are  roughly  correct. 

1  The  present  Chingas  Sarai. 

^  The  reference  seems  to  be  to  the  hilly  district  known  as  Pakhli ;  but 
as  this  is  a  considerable  distance  from  the  Pir  Panjal  route,  being  in  fact 
on  the  alternative  route  via  tlie  Haji  Pir  pass.  Sir  A.  Stein  suggests  that 
Finch's  informant  really  meant  to  convey  that  from  Chingas  Sarai  there 
was  a  branch  route  to  the  road  coming  through  Pakhli  to  Kashmir. 

^  The  Pir  Panjal  pass.  Sir  A.  Stein  explains  '  Hast  Chaunk  '  as  a 
reference  to  the  mountain  ridge  of  Hastivanj,  overlooking  the  Pir 
Panjal  pass  from  the  south. 


170  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

this  way  by  men,  and  goods  arc  faine  to  be  triced  up,  and  let 
downc  often  by  engines  and  devices.  Upon  these  nioiaitaines 
keepes  a  small  king  called  Tibbot,  who  of  late  sent  one  of  his 
daughters  to  Sha  Selim  to  make  affinitie.^ 

Nicholas  Uphet  [Ufflet]  made  another  way  from  Agra  to 
Surat  2  by  Fetipore  [Fatehpur  Sikri],  Scanderbade  [Sikan- 
darabad],  Hindoine  [Hindaun],  Cheningom  [Chandangaon], 
Mogoll  Saray,  Nonnigong,  at  the  foote  of  a  mountaine,  which 
with  others  adjoyning  are  held  by  two  Rajaws  of  no  note. 
Opposite  to  these  on  the  left  hand  beginne  the  mountaines  of 
Marwa  [Marwar],  which  extend  neare  Amadaver.  L'pon  these 
mountaines  stands  an  impregnable  castle  called  Gur  Chitto,^ 
the  cheefe  seat  of  Rana,  a  very  powerfull  Rajaw,  whom 
neither  Potan  or  the  Acabar  himselfe  could  ever  subdue  ; 
which  comes  to  passe  by  reason  that  all  India  hath  beene 
Gentiles  and  this  prince  hath  bin  and  still  is  esteemed  in  like 
reverence  by  them  as  the  Pope  of  Rome  by  the  Papists.  And 
for  this  cause  the  Rajaws  which  have  been  sent  against  him 
frame  some  excuses  that  they  may  not  indamage  much  his 
territories,  which  extend  hence  alongst  Amadaver  way  an 
hundred  and  fifty  great  corses,  and  in  breadth  toward  Ougcn 
[Ujjain]  200  c,  inclosed  for  the  most  part  with  inaccessible 
mountaines  and  fortified  well  by  art  in  places*accessible.  He 
is  able  to  make  twelve  thousand  good  horse  upon  any  occasion, 
and  holds  many  faire  townes  and  goodly  cities.  The  way 
followeth  by  Gamgra  [Jampda]  ;  Charsoot  [Chatsu]  (chiefe 
seat  of  Rajaw  Manisengo  his  prigonies) :  *  Ladaney  [Ladana] : 
Mousalde  [Mozabad]  :   Banderamde.^    Asmere  [Ajmer],  seated 

1  As  Sir  Edward  Maclagan  points  out,  Jahangir  in  1590-91  married 
a  daughter  of  Ali  Rai,  the  ruler  of  Baltistan  or  Little  Tibet  [Ain,  vol.  i, 
p.  310). 

■^  Tliis  is  the  route  described  also  by  Jourdain,  Mundy,  Tavemier,  &c. 
Ufflet's  journey  seems  to  have  been  made  in  the  autumn  of  1610  (see 
Jourdain,  p.  139) 

^  Chitorgarh,  the  ancient  capital  of  Mewar  until  it  was  captured  by 
Akbar  in  1568,  when  the  Rana  founded  a  new  capital  at  Udaipur. 

■*  '  Prigonies  are  lordships  '  {marginal  note).  The  word  is  really  pur- 
ganas,  the  old-established  territorial  divisions  of  Northern  India,  com- 
monly adopted  as  administrative  imits  by  the  Moguls  and  later  rulers. 

^  Probably  Bandar  Sindri,  which  Mundy  calls  Bandersmider. 


170 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  171 

upon  the  top  of  an  inaccessible  mountaine  of  3  c.  ascent,  being 
a  fort  invincible  ;  the  citie  at  the  foot  not  great,  inclosed  with 
a  stone  wall,  ditched  round,  the  buildings  reasonable  faire  ; 
without  the  wals  are  many  antiquities,  amongst  which,  some 
2  c.  toward  Agra,  is  a  very  faire  tanke.^  This  place  is  only 
famous  for  the  sepulchre  of  Hoghee  Mundee  [see  p.  148],  a 
saint  much  respected  by  the  Mogols,  to  whom  (as  is  said  before) 
the  Acabar  made  a  romery  on  foot  from  Agra  to  obtayne  a 
Sonne.  Before  you  come  to  this  tombe  you  passe  three  faire 
courts,  of  which  the  first  contayneth  neere  an  acre  of  ground, 
paved  all  with  blacke  and  white  marble,  wherein  are  interred 
many  of  Mahomets  cursed  kindred  ;  on  the  left  hand  is  a  faire 
tanke  inclosed  with  stone.  The  second  court  is  paved  like  the 
former,  but  richer,  twice  as  bigge  as  the  Exchange  in  London  ; 
in  the  middest  whereof  hangs  a  curious  candlesticke  M'ith 
many  lights.  Into  the  third  you  passe  by  a  brazen  gate 
curiously  wrought  ;  it  is  the  fairest  of  the  tliree,  especially 
neere  the  doore  of  the  sepulchre,  where  the  pavement  is 
curiously  interlayed  ;  the  doore  is  large  and  inlayed  with 
mother  of  pearle,  and  the  pavement  about  the  tombe  of  inter- 
laid marble  ;  the  sepulchre  very  curiously  wrought  in  worke 
of  mother  of  pearle  and  gold,  with  an  epitaph  in  the  Persian 
tongue.  A  little  distant  stands  his  seate  in  a  darke  obscure 
place,  where  he  sat  to  fore-tell  of  matters,  and  is  much  rever- 
enced. On  the  east-side  stand  three  other  courts,  in  each  a 
faire  tanke  ;  on  the  north  and  west  stand  divers  faire  houses, 
wherein  keepe  their  sides  ^  or  church-men.  Note  that  you 
may  not  enter  any  of  these  places  but  bare-foot. 

From  hence  the  way  lieth  to  Cairo  [Garao]  :  Mearta  [Merta], 
which  hath  a  stone  castle  with  many  faire  turrets,  a  faire  tanke, 
and  three  faire  pagodes  richly  wrought  with  inlayd  workes, 
adorned  richly  with  jewels,  and  maintayned  with  rich  offerings  : 
Pipera  [Pipar]  ;  Jouges  gong  [Jogikagaon]  ;  Settrange  [Sutu- 
lana  ?]  ;  Canderupe  [Khandap]  ;  Jeloure  [Jalor].  This  last 
is  a  castle  seated  on  the  height  of  a  steepe  moinitaine,  3  c.  in 
ascent,  by  a  faire  stone  cawsey,  broad  enough  for  two  men  to 

*  The  lake  called  the  Ana  Sagar. 

^  Arabic  saiyid,  '  a  lord  '  ;  the  designatiou  in  India  of  those  who 
claim  to  be  descendants  of  Muhammad. 


17U  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

passe  abrest.  At  the  first  cose  end  is  u  gate  and  place  ol'  amies  ; 
there  the  eawsey  is  inclosed  with  wals  on  both  sides  ;  and  at 
the  2  e.  end  is  a  double  gate  ;  at  the  3  c.  stands  the  castle, 
where  you  must  enter  three  sevcrall  gates,  the  first  very 
strongly  plated  with  iron  ;  the  second  not  so  strong,  with 
places  over  it  to  throw  downe  scalding  lead  or  oyle  ;  the  third 
strongly  plated  with  pikes  sticking  forth,  like  har})ing  irons. 
Betwixt  each  of  these  gates  are  spacious  courts  for  arnies,  and 
within  the  further  gate  is  a  faire  portcullis.  Being  entred,  on 
the  right  hand  stands  a  faire  meskite,  with  divers  devoneans 
adjoyning,  both  to  doe  justice  and  to  take  the  aire.  On  the 
left  hand  stands  the  Governours  house  on  the  height  of  the 
hils,  over-looking  all.  A  flight-shot  [bow-shot]  within  the 
castle  is  a  faire  pagode  built  by  the  founders  of  the  castle, 
ancestors  of  Gidney  Caun,^  which  were  Indians.  He  turned 
Moore  and  bereaved  his  elder  brother  of  this  hold  by  this 
stratageme.  He  invited  him  and  his  women  to  a  banket  ; 
which  his  brother  requiting  with  like  invitation  of  him  and 
his,  in  steed  of  women  he  sends  choice  souldiers  well  appointed 
and  close  covered,  two  and  two  in  a  dowle  ^  ;  who,  beeing 
entred  after  this  manner,  possest  themselves  of  the  ports  [gates] 
and  held  it  for  the  Great  Mogoll,  to  whom  it  now  appertayneth, 
being  one  of  the  strongest  seated  forts  in  the  world.  Soine 
halfe  cose  within  the  gate  is  a  goodly  tanke  foure  square,  cut 
directly  downe  into  the  rocke,  affirmed  to  bee  fiftie  fathome 
deepe,  of  cleere  and  good  water.  A  little  further  is  a  faire  plaine 
shaded  with  many  goodly  trees,  beyond  which,  on  the  top  of  a 
little  piqued  mountayne,  is  the  sepulchre  of  King  Hassward,^ 
while  he  lived  a  great  souldier,  since  his  death  a  great  saint, 
honoured  in  these  parts.  Here  lye  also  interred  two  sonnes  of 
Gillould,  a  Potan  king  of  Dely  ;  *  neere  to  which  is  a  wall  which 
divides  the  castle  neere  a  cose  in  circuit  (the  whole  castle  beeing 

1  Possibly  Ghazni  or  Ghaznin  Khan  of  Jalor,  for  whom  see  the  Ain 
(vol.  i,  p.  493). 

"  '  A  (lowly  or  dowle  is  a  chaire  or  cage  wherein  they  carry  their  women 
on  mens  sholders  '  (marginal  note).    It  is  of  course  the  familiar  dhooli/. 

^  Can  he  mean  Malik  Shah,  a  noted  Muhammadan  saint,  whose  tomb 
is  still  to  be  seen  in  tlie  castle  ? 

'  Possibly  Jalal-uddin  Firoz  (12'J0-96),  the  first  of  the  Khalji  kings  of 
Delhi. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1008-11  173 

about  8  c.  in  compassc),  nigh  whereto  is  said  to  kccpo  a  huge 
snake  of  five  and  twentie  foot  long  and  as  bigge  as  a  man  in 
tlie  waste,  wliieh  tlic  people  will  by  no  meanes  hurt,  holding  it 
a  good  fortune,  for  it  hurts  no  man,  but  kcepes  amongst  the 
bushes  and  bryars  of  this  piqued  mountaine.  This  eastle  is 
called  the  gate  or  frontire  of  Guzurate.  From  hence  you  come 
to  Mudre  [Modra]  ;  Billmall  [Bhinmal],  the  foundations  of 
whose  ancient  wall  are  yet  scene  (they  have  beene  24  c.  in 
circuit)  ;  many  goodly  tankes  also  going  to  mine,  by  one  of 
which  is  the  founders  sepulchre,  whither  the  Indians  resort  to 
worship.  From  hence  to  Amadabade  is  a  decpe  sandy  desart 
countrey.  Rodeapore  [Radhanpur]  in  this  way  hath  many 
sepulchres  (I  let  passe  it  and  the  rest). 

Amadabade  or  Amadavar  is  a  goodly  city  and  scituate  on 
a  fairc  river,  inclosed  with  strong  wals  and  faire  gates,  with 
many  beautifull  turrets.  The  castle  is  large  and  strong  ; 
where  resideth  Caun  Asom  his  sonne  [Jahanglr  Kuli  Khan], 
the  Vice-Roy  in  these  parts.  The  buildings  comparable  to 
any  citie  in  Asia  or  Africa,  the  streets  large  and  well  paved, 
the  trade  great  (for  almost  every  ten  dayes  goe  from  hence 
two  hundred  coaches  richly  laden  with  merchandise  for  Cam- 
baya),  the  merchants  rich,  the  artificers  excellent  for  carvings, 
paintings,  inlayd  workes,  imbroydery  with  gold  and  silver. 
At  an  houres  warning  it  hath  in  readiness  sixe  thousand  horse  ; 
the  gates  perpetually  strong  guarded  ;  none  suffered  without 
license  to  enter,  nor  to  depart  without  certificate.  The  caufc 
of  this  is  Badurs  [see  p.  100]  neighbourhood  in  his  strong  hold, 
within  50  c.  of  this  citie  to  the  east,  where  nature,  with  son  e 
helpe  of  art  and  industry,  hath  fortified  him  against  all  tl  e 
Mogolls  power  ;  and  whence  some  foure  yeeres  since  (pro- 
claiming liberty  and  lawes  of  good  fellowship)  hee  sacked 
Cambaya  with  a  sudden  power  (combined  by  hope  of  spoile) 
of  one  hundred  thousand  men,  which  for  fourteene  dayes 
continued  possessors  there  and  sharkers.  There  is  also  betwixt 
this  and  Trage  ^  a  certaine  Rajaw  on  the  mountaines  able  to 
make  seventeene  thousand  horse  and  foot,  the  people  called 
CoUees  [Kolis]  or  QuuUees,  keeping  in  a  desart  wildernesse 
which  secures  him  from  conquest  ;  and  on  the  right  hand  is 
*  There  is  a  Traj  about  seven  miles  south-west  of  Kaira. 


174  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

another  al)lc  to  make  tenne  thousand  horse,  holding  in  a  desart 
lilaino  a  easlle  iiii])rc<>nable,  wliose  land  is  subject  to  Gidney 
Cauns  government,  but  these  seven  yeeres  he  hath  denyed  liini 
tribute,  and  stands  on  his  defenee.  This  Rajaw  is  said  to  have 
a  race  of  horses  not  equalled  in  all  the  East,  each  valued  at 
fifteene  thousand  r[upees],  reported  to  bee  much  swifter  then 
the  Arabian,  and  able  to  continue  with  reasonable  speed  a 
whole  day  without  once  drawing  bitte  ;  of  which  he  is  said  to 
have  one  hundred  mares.  From  Geloure  to  this  citie  is  all  a 
sandy,  woody  countrey,  full  of  theevish  beastly  men  and  of 
mankind,  savage  beasts,  lions,  tygres  etc.  Thirty  c.  about 
this  city  is  made  nill  [indigo]  called  Cickell  [Sarkhej],  of  a 
towne  4  c.  from  Amadavar,  not  so  good  as  that  of  Biana. 

Cambaya  is  hence  38  c.  ;  sandy,  wooddie,  theevish  way.  It 
stands  by  the  sea,  encom])assed  with  a  strong  bricke  wall  ;  the 
houses  high  and  faire  ;  the  streets  paved  in  a  direct  line  with 
strong  gates  at  the  end  of  each  ;  the  bazar  large.  About  the 
citie  are  such  infinite  numbers  of  munkeyes,  leaping  from 
house  to  house,  that  they  doe  much  mischiefe  and,  untyling 
the  houses,  are  readie  to  braine  men  as  they  passe  in  the 
streets  with  the  stones  that  fall.  On  the  south  is  a  goodly 
garden  with  a  watch-tower  of  an  exceeding  height  ;  on  the 
north  are  many  faire  tankes.  It  is  the  mart  of  Guzurat,  and  so 
haunted  by  the  Portugals  that  j'ou  shall  often  finde  two 
hundred  frigats  at  once  riding  there.  It  aboundeth  with  all 
sorts  of  cloth  and  rich  drugges.  The  bay  is  8  c.  over,  dangerous 
to  passe  by  reason  of  the  great  bore  which  drownes  many,  and 
therefore  requires  guides  skilfull  of  the  tydes  (in  the  neap  tydes 
is  least  pcrill).  Theeves  also,  when  you  are  over  the  ehannell, 
are  not  a  little  dangerous,  forcing  you  (if  not  the  better  pro- 
vided) to  quit  your  goods,  or  in  long  bickerings  betraying  you 
to  the  tydes  fury,  which  comes  so  swift  that  ten  to  one  you 
escape  not.  Foure  coses  beyond  this  bay  is  Joumbeser 
[Jambusar],  now  much  ruined,  and  from  thence  eighteene  t6 
Boroche  [Broach],  a  woodie,  dangerous  passage,  in  which  are 
many  wilde  peacockes.  Within  4  c.  of  Boroche  is  a  great  mine 
of  agats.i    It  is  a  faire  castle,  seated  on  a  river  twice  as  broad 

*  Doubtless  the  reference  is  to  the  mines  at  Ratanpnr,  in  the  Rajpipla 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  175 

as  the  Thames,  to  the  mouth  of  which  is  hence  12  c.  Here  are 
made  the  rich  baffatas,^  in  flnenesse  surpassing  Holland  cloth, 
for  fiftie  rupias  a  booke,  which  contayneth  fourteene  English 
yards,  and  are  not  three  quarters  broad.  Hence  to  Variaw 
[Variao]  20  c,  a  goodly  countrey  and  fertile,  full  of  villages, 
abounding  with  wild  date  trees,  which  generally  are  plentifull 
by  the  sea-side  in  most  places  ;  whence  they  draw  a  liquor 
called  tarrie  [tdri,  toddy]  or  sure  [Sanskrit  sura],  as  also  from 
another  wild  coco-tree  called  tarrie.    Three  c.  hence  is  Surat. 

In  a  towne  betweene  Boroche  and  Amadavar  lyeth  a  great 
saint  of  the  Moores  called  Polle-Medomy,^  much  resorted  to 
out  of  all  places  of  India  for  wealth,  children,  or  what  else 
they  desire.  Divers  in  the  way  goe  with  great  chaines  on  their 
legges,  and  with  their  hands  chained  together  and  their 
mouthes  locked  up  (only  opening  them  for  food),  and  when 
they  come  before  him  in  this  manner  of  their  humble  devotion, 
they  aflirme  that  presently  their  chaines  anci  lockes  fly  open, 
not  one  returning  in  vaine  ;  if  themselves  bee  not  vaine  in 
their  hopes,  and  in  these  and  other  like  affections,  which 
wayting  on  lying  vanities,  forsake  their  owne  judge. 

From  Agra  to  Cannowes  [Kanauj]  is  130  c.^  east  ;  the  citie 
great  and  unwalled,  seated  on  an  ascent,  and  the  castle  on  the 
height  well  fortified  ;  at  the  foot  whereof  anciently  Ganges 
tooke  his  course,  but  hath  now  broken  a  passage  thorow  the 
valley  some  4  c.  distant,  notwithstanding  as  yet  a  small  branch 
remayneth  there.  Ganges  is  within  his  bounds  three  quarters 
of  a  mile  broad,  but  with  great  raines  swcls  over  his  bankes, 
covering  the  Avhole  vale  neere  10  c.  It  hath  thirtie  rivers  of 
note  which  fall  into  it,  as  doth  he  himselfe  into  the  Gidfe  of 
Bengala.  In  it  are  innumerable  alagaters  or  crocodiles,  there 
called  murgurmach  [magarmachh,  crocodile-fish].  It  hath 
eighteene  faire  branches.     Thence  to  Lacanowes  [Lucknow] 

state,  about  fourteen  miles  east  of  Broach.  They  are  still  the  chief 
source  of  supply  for  agates. 

^  Cotton  clothes  {bCiJta,  '  woven  '). 

^  Probably  some  such  name  as  Pir  All  Madini ;  the  shrine  has  not  been 
traced. 

'  The  distance  is  about  half  this ;  and  Finch's  figures  for  the  other 
distances  are  not  reliable. 


17G  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

is  30  c.  ;  a  townc  of  grcnt  traflique  for  linnon  and  otlior 
merchandize .  To  Oudc  [Ajodhya]  from  thence  arc  50  c.  ;  a 
citie  of  ancient  note,  and  seate  of  a  Potan  king,  now  mucJi 
ruined  ;  the  castle  built  foure  hundred  yeeres  agoc.  Heere  are 
also  the  mines  of  Ranichand[s]  ^  castle  and  houses,  which  the 
Indians  aeknowled[g]e  for  the  great  God,  saying  that  he  tookc 
flesh  upon  him  to  see  the  tamasha  ^  of  the  world.  In  these 
ruines  remayne  certaine  Bramenes,  who  record  the  names  of  all 
such  Indians  as  wash  themselves  in  the  river  running  thereby  ; 
which  custome,  they  say,  hath  continued  foure  lackes  of  yeeres 
(which  is  three  hundred  ninetie  foure  thousand  and  five  hundred 
yeeres  before  the  worlds  creation).  Some  two  miles  on  the 
further  side  of  the  river  is  a  cave  of  his  with  a  narrow  entrance, 
but  so  spacious  and  full  of  turnings  within  that  a  man  may 
well  loose  himselfe  there,  if  he  take  not  better  heed  ;  where 
it  is  thought  his  ashes  were  buried.  Hither  resort  many  from 
all  parts  of  India,  which  carry  from  hence  in  remembrance 
certaine  graines  of  rice  as  blacke  as  gun-powder,  which  they 
say  have  beene  reserved  ever  since.  Out  of  the  ruines  of  this 
castle  is  yet  much  gold  tryed.^  Here  is  great  trade,  and  such 
abundance  of  Indian  asse-horne  *  that  they  make  hereof 
bucklers  and  divers  sorts  of  drinking  cups.  There  are  of  these 
homes,  all  the  Indians  affirme,  some  rare  of  great  price,  no 
Jewell  comparable,  some  esteeming  them  the  right  unicornes 
home. 

From  Oudee  to  Acabarpore  [Akbarpur,  in  Fyzabad  district] 
30  c,  some  30  c.  from  whence  lyeth  Bonarcc  [Benares],  the 
principall  mart  of  Bengala  goods.  From  Acab[arpore]  to 
Jounpore  [Jaunpur]  30  c.  ;  seated  on  a  small  river,  over  which 
is  a  bridge  with  houses  like  London  Bridge,  but  nothing  so 
good.  The  castle  hath  beene  a  seat  of  the  Potan  kings,  there 
yet  remayning  two  faire  meskites,  with  many  other  ancient 
monuments  ;    the  houses  are  like  those  of  Amadavar  ;    the 

•  Rama  Chandra,  the  hero  of  the  Ramdyana.  The  reference  is  to  the 
mound  known  as  the  Ramkot  or  fort  of  Rama. 

-  Hind,  tamasha,  a  show  or  spectacle. 

^  This  practice  is  mentioned  in  the  Ain  (Blochmann  and  Jarrett's 
transln.,  vol.  ii,  p.  171). 

*  Rhinoceros  horn.  The  bucklers  were  made  from  the  hide  of  the 
animal. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1G08-11  177 

circuit  some  8  or  10c.  Hence  come  excellent  sweete  oyles,  car- 
pets, hangings  embrodered  with  silke,  all  sorts  of  fine  linnen,  etc. 
Thus  much  from  Agra  to  Jovmpore  this  way  ;  from  thence 
(returning  that  way  to  Agra)  to  Alabasse  is  110  c.,^  30  c.  all 
[of  ?]  which  are  thorow  a  continuall  forrest.  The  towne  and 
castle  stand  out  on  the  further  side  of  Ganges  pleasantly 
seated,  called  anciently  Praye  [see  p.  19],  and  is  held  one  of 
the  wonders  of  the  east.  Divers  Potan  kings  have  sought  to 
build  here  a  castle,  but  none  could  doe  it  till  Acabar  layd  the 
foundation  and  proceeded  with  the  worke.  It  stands  on  a 
point  or  angle,  having  the  river  Gemini  [Jumna]  on  the  south - 
side  falling  into  Ganges.  It  hath  beene  fortie  yeeres  abuilding, 
and  is  not  yet  finished  ;  neither  is  like  to  bee  in  a  long  time. 
The  Acabar  for  many  yeeres  had  attending  this  worke  by 
report  twentie  thousand  persons,  and  as  yet  there  continue 
working  thereon  some  five  thousand  of  all  sorts.  It  will  be 
one  of  the  most  famous  buildings  of  the  world.  In  this  castle 
Sha  Selim  kept,  when  he  rebelled  against  his  father.  The 
outward  wals  are  of  an  admirable  height,  of  a  red  square  stone, 
like  Agra  Castle  ;  within  which  are  two  other  wals  nothing  so 
high.  You  enter  thorow  two  faire  gates  into  a  faire  court,  in 
which  stands  a  piller  of  stone  ^  fiftie  cubits  above  ground  (so 
deeply  placed  within  ground  that  no  end  can  be  found),  which 
by  circumstances  of  the  Indians  seemeth  to  have  beene  placed 
by  Alexander  or  some  other  great  conquerour,  Avho  could  not 
passe  further  for  Ganges.  Passing  this  court  you  enter  a  lesse  ; 
beyond  that  a  larger,  where  the  King  sits  on  high  at  his  dersane 
to  behold  elephants  and  other  beasts  to  fight.  Right  under  him 
within  a  vault  are  many  pagodes,  being  monuments  of  Baba 
Adam  and  Mama  Havah  [Adam  and  Eve]  (as  they  call  them) 
and  of  their  progenie,  with  pictures  of  Noah  and  his  descent. 
The  Indians  suppose  that  man  was  heere  created,  or  kept  heere 
at  least  for  many  yeeres,  affirming  themselves  to  be  of  that 
religion  whereof  these  fathers  were.    To  this  place  resort  many 

'  He  means  that  the  distance  to  Agra  from  Jaunpur  via  Allahabad  is 
110  kos  (a  gross  mider-estimate),  of  which  the  stage  from  Jaunpur  to 
Allahabad  represents  thirty. 

2  The  Asoka  pillnr  in  Allahabad  fort.  It  is  really  only  tliirty-five  feet 
in  length. 


178  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

thousands  from  all  parts  to  worship  ;  but  before  thoy  approch 
these  reliques,  tliey  wash  their  bodies  in  Ganj^es,  shavinjif  their 
heads  and  beards,  tliereby  deeniino'  themselves  elensed  from 
all  their  former  sins.  Out  of  this  court  is  another  richly  ])aved 
where  the  King  kcepes  his  derbar  ;  beyond  it  another,  whence 
you  enter  into  the  moholl,  large,  divided  into  sixteene  severall 
lodgings  for  sixteene  great  women  with  their  slaves  and  atten- 
dants. In  the  middest  of  all,  the  Kings  lodgings  of  three 
stories,  each  contayning  sixteene  roomes  ;  in  all  eight  and 
fortie  lodgings,  all  wrought  over-head  with  rich  pargetting  and 
curious  painting  in  all  kind  of  colours.  In  the  midst  of  the 
lowest  storie  is  a  curious  tanke. 

In  this  moholl  is  a  tree  which  the  Indians  call  the  tree  of  lift 
(beeing  a  wilde  Indian  figge  tree),  for  that  it  could  never  bee 
destroyed  by  the  Potan  kings  and  this  mans  ancestors,  which 
have  sought  to  doe  it  by  all  meanes,  stocking  it  up  and  sifting 
the  very  earth  imder  it  to  gather  forth  the  sprigs  ;  it  still 
springing  againe,  insomuch  that  this  king  lets  it  alone,  seeking 
t3  cherish  it.^  This  tree  is  of  no  small  esteeme  with  the  Indians. 
In  the  waters  side  within  the  moholl  are  divers  large  devoncans, 
where  the  King  with  his  women  often  passe  their  times  in 
beholding  Gemini  paying  his  tribute  to  Ganges.  Betweene 
them  and  the  waters  side  at  the  foote  of  the  wall  is  a  pleasant 
garden,  shaded  with  cypresse  trees  and  abounding  with  excel- 
lent fruits  and  flowres,  having  in  the  midst  a  faire  banquetting 
house,  with  privie  staires  to  take  boate.  From  hence  in 
October  or  November,  when  the  great  frost  [freshet  ?]  is  past, 
you  may  passe  by  boats  for  Bengala,  but  the  passage  is 
dangerous  ;  4  c.  downe  are  two  castles  opposite  on  the  bankes, 
Harrayle  and  Gussee,^  seated  on  two  hils  raysed  by  industry, 
built  by  the  Potans. 

From  Alabasse  to  Menepore  [Manihpur]  is  20  c.  alongst  the 
river  Ganges.  At  2  c.  on  this  way  is  a  sumptuous  tombe  for 
this  kings  first  wife,^  mother  to  Sultan  Cusseroon  and  sister  to 

*  This  is  the  Akshaivaf,  or  undjang  fig  tree,  for  which  see  the  AUnhahdd 
Gazetteer,  p.  210. 

*  Arail  and  Jhusi,  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Ganges  and  the 
Jumna.    There  are  niins  of  forts  at  both  places. 

*  See  note  on  p.  KU.  She  poisoned  herself  before  Khusrau  actually 
rebelled  ( Tuzul-,  vol.  i,  p.  55). 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1008-11  179 

Raja  Manisengo,  who  upon  the  newes  of  her  sonncs  revolt 
poysoned  her  selfe.  From  hence  passing  Ganges  is  a  more 
direct  way  to  Jounporc.  To  Chappergat  ^  is  12  c.  Here  is 
one  of  the  fairest  saraies  in  India,  liker  a  goodly  castle  then 
a  inne  to  lodge  strangers  ;  the  lodgings  very  faire  of  stone, 
with  lockes  and  keyes,  able  to  lodge  a  thousand  men.  A  man 
can  scarse  shoote  from  side  to  side  with  an  arrow ;  neere  to  it 
is  a  faire  bridge  ;  both  built  by  one  man  ;  the  way  perillous 
for  theeves.  Itay  [Etawa]  is  thence  12  c.  ;  anciently  the  seate 
of  a  Potan  king,  but  now  ruined.  On  the  height  of  the  hill,  cut 
steepe  downe,  is  seated  a  strong  castle  double  walled,  having 
at  the  entrance  the  figure  of  a  mans  face,  which  the  Indians 
much  worship,  powring  abundance  of  oyle  upon  it.  To 
Amedipore  [Itimadpur]  is  43  c.  ;  a  plentifull  countrcy,  full  of 
good  saraies  for  caravans.  Much  indico  called  cole,-  of  a  grosse 
sort,  is  made  in  this  way,  which  is  spent  in  India  or  transported 
for  Samercand  [Samarkand],  Cascat  [Kashgar],  and  those 
parts  ;  none  passing  into  Christendome,  except  mixed  with 
that  of  Biana.  Hence  to  Agra  is  7  c,  passing  Gemini  close  to 
the  citie. 

Lands  lying  Easterly  from  Lahor,  with  their  Lords. 

Alongst  the  Ravee  easterly  lyeth  the  land  of  Rajaw  Bossow 
[Raja  Baso],  whose  chiefe  seate  is  Tem-mery,^  50  c.  from 
Lahor.  He  is  a  mighty  prince,  now  subject  to  the  Mogol,  a 
great  minion  of  Sha  Selim.  Out  of  this  and  the  adjoyning 
regions  come  most  of  the  Indian  drugges,  growing  on  the 
mountaines,  spikenard,  turbith,*  miras  kebals,^  gunlack 
[gumlac],  turpentine,  costus,®  etc.  This  Raja  confines  tlie 
Kings  land  easterly.  Bordering  to  him  is  another  great  Rajaw, 
called  Tidluek-Chand  [Tilok  Chand],  whose  chiefe  city  is 
Negercoat  [Nagarkot,  now  Kangra],  80  c.  from  Lahor  and  as 

'  Chaparghata,  on  the  Sengur.    Mundy  praises  the  sarai  . 

^  Koil  (now  Aligarh)  was  the  centre  for  an  inferior  kind  of  indigo. 

*  Dhameri,  the  old  name  of  Nurpur,  near  Pathankot,  in  Kangra. 

*  Indian  jalap,  the  root  of  Operctdina  turpethum. 
^  Apparently  chebulic  myrobalans. 

"  The  root  of  Saussurea  lappa,  valued  both  for  medicinal  purposes 
and  as  a  perfume. 

n2 


180  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

much  from  Syrinan  [Sirhind]  ;  in  wliicli  city  is  a  famous  paged 
called  Je  or  Durga,^  unto  which  worlds  of  people  resort  out 
of  all  parts  of  India.  It  is  a  small  short  idoU  of  stone,  cut  in 
forme  of  a  man  ;  much  is  consumed  in  offerinj^s  to  him,  in 
which  some  also  arc  reported  to  cut  off  a  piece  of  their  tonffue 
and,  throwing  it  at  the  idols  feet,  have  found  it  whole  the  next 
day  (ahle  to  lye,  I  am  afraid  ;  to  serve  the  father  of  lyes  and 
lyers,  how  ever)  ;  yea,  some  out  of  impious  piety  heere  sacrifice 
themselves,  cutting  their  throats  and  presently  recovering. 
The  holyer  the  man,  the  sooner  forsooth  he  is  healed  ;  some 
(more  grievous  sinners)  remaining  halfe  a  day  in  paine  before 
the  divell  will  attend  their  cure.  Hither  they  resort  to  crave 
children,  to  enquire  of  money  hidden  by  their  parents  or  lost 
by  themselves  ;  which,  having  made  their  offerings,  by  dreames 
in  the  night  receive  answere,  not  one  departing  discontented. 
They  report  this  pagan  deity  to  have  beene  a  woman  (if  a  holy 
virgin  may  have  that  name)  ;  yea,  that  shee  still  lives  (the 
divell  shee  doth)  but  will  not  shew  her  selfe.  Divers  Moores 
also  resort  to  this  peer  [Pers.  pir,  a  saint].  This  Raja  is  power- 
full,  by  his  mountaines  situation  secure,  not  once  vouchsafing 
to  visite  Sha  Selim. 

On  this  Rajaw  easterly  confineth  another,  called  Deccam- 
pergas,2  a  mightie  prince  ;  his  chiefe  seat  Calsery,  about  an 
150  c.  from  Agra  ;  his  countrey  held  500  c.  long  north  and 
south,  300  c.  broad,  populous,  able  to  raise  upon  occasion 
five  hundred  thousand  foot,  but  few  or  no  horse  ;  the  land 
plentifuU  in  it  selfe,  but  sends  forth  little.  To  the  eastward  of 
this  Rajaw,  betwixt  Jemini  and  Ganges  lyeth  the  land  of 
Rajaw  Mansa,^  a  mighty  prince  and  very  rich,  reported  to  be 
served  all  in  vessels  of  massie  gold  ;    his  countrey  300  c.  long 

•  The  temple  of  Bajreswari  Devi :  see  the  Tuzuk,  vol.  ii,  p.  224,  and 
Terry  (infra). 

2  It  has  been  suggested  that  this  is  meant  for  Ude  Chand  Parkash, 
Raja  of  Sirmur ;  but  he  had  not  yet  come  to  the  tlirone,  and,  bearing 
in  mind  that  Finch's  r  is  of  ten.  mistaken  for  a  c,  it  appears  more  likely 
that  the  earlier  Raja,  Dharm  Parkash,  is  intended.  It  is  true  that  the 
latter  had  been  dead  for  over  forty  years  ;  but  Finch's  hearsay  informa- 
tion is  often  inaccurate  in  such  matters.  '  Calsery  '  is  Kalsi,  the  ancient 
capital  of  Sirmiir. 

3  flarhwal.  Here  again  Finch  seems  to  be  referring  to  a  chief  (R.ija 
Man  Sah)  long  dead. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  181 

and  one  hundred  and  fifty  broad  ;  his  chiefe  seat  Serenegar 
[Srinagar]  ;  the  mountaines  called  Dow  Lager  [Dhauldgiri, 
White  Mountain],  upon  which  in  time  of  winter  falls  such 
extrcame  snowcs  that  the  inhabitants  are  forced  to  rcmoove 
into  the  valleyes.  Yet  doe  I  not  thinke  that  any  of  these  lands 
extend  northerly  above  forty  degrees,  but  the  height  of  the 
mountaines  causeth  this  extremity  of  cold.  This  Rajas  Ituid 
extendeth  within  some  200  c.  of  Agra,  part  within  50  c.  of 
Syrinan  ;   very  plentifull. 

On  the  further  side  of  Ganges  lyeth  a  very  niightie  prince, 
called  Rajaw  Rodorow,^  holding  a  mountainous  countrey  ; 
his  chiefe  seat  Camow  ;  his  territories  extend  400  c.  long  and 
not  much  lesse  in  breadth,  abounding  with  graine,  have  many 
goodly  cities  ;  thence  commeth  much  muske,  and  heere  is  the 
great  breed  of  a  small  kind  of  horse  called  gunts  [gunth],  a  true 
travelling  scalecliffe  beast.  This  prince  is  puis,  ant  in  loot,  but 
hath  few  horse  or  elephants,  the  mountaines  not  requiring  the 
one  and  the  cold  excluding  the  other  ;  his  lands  thought  to 
reach  neare  China.  To  the  south  of  this  Raja,  thwart  the 
streames  of  Ganges,  is  seated  another,  Raja  Mugg,-  very 
powerful!  in  horse,  foote,  and  elephants.  In  his  land  is  the  old 
rocke  of  naturall  diamonds,  which  ycelds  him  no  sihall  benefit. 
His  lands  extend  east,  somewhat  south,  700  c.  from  Agra. 
Beneath  him  amongst  the  streames  of  Ganges  kcei^eth  a  Potan 
prince  of  the  Dely-kings  race,  whom  the  King  cannot  subdue, 
by  reason  of  the  streames  and  ilands  of  Ganges.^  He  confmeth 
upon  Purrop,  and  makes  often  inroades  upon  the  Kings  lands, 
enforcing  Sha  Selim  to  maintaine  a  frontire  army.  Hence  to 
the  mouth  of  Ganges  all  is  the  Kings  land  ;  only  in  the  mouth 
the  Portugall  out-lawes  hold  a  small  fort,  and  doe  much 
mischief e,  living  in  no  forme  of  subjection  to  God  or  man.* 

1  This  seems  to  be  the  Raja  Rudra  Chand  of  Kumaon,  though  he  had 
been  dead  some  years  when  Finch  wrote.  By  '  Camow  '  (Kumaon  V) 
is  probably  meant  Almora. 

^  A  vague  reference  to  the  Maghs  or  Mugs  (see  J).  2G).    The -4f7i  (vol.  ii, 
p.  120)  alludes  to  their  contentions  with  the  Arakanese  over  certain 
mines  of  diamonds,  &c. 
J    ^  Possibly  Isa  Khan  (see  p.  2S)  is  meant. 

*  These  were  the  Portuguese  pirates  who  had  settled  on  the  island  of 
Sandwl]!  and  elsewhere. 


182  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Oil  the  further  side  of  Ganges  is  the  mightie  king  of  Arracan, 
enjoying  a  hirge  territory  and  infinite  numbers  of  small  barkes. 
Eastward  from  him  is  the  kingdome  of  Siam  ;  behind  it  Ova  ^ 
and  Jangoma  [see  p.  38].  Betweene  Tanassar  [Tenasserim] 
and  Arracan  is  the  kingdome  of  Pegu  ;  the  hind  now  lyeth 
waste.  To  the  south  is  the  kingdome  of  Queda,  Malacca  etc. 
On  the  sea-coast  of  Bengala  this  King  hath  two  chiefe  ports, 
Ougolee  [HQgli]  (tyrannized  by  the  Portugals)  and  Pipilee 
[Pippli]  ;  passing  which  and  the  land  of  Orixa  [Orissa]  you 
enter  into  the  lands  of  Goloconda,  on  wiiom  Sha  Selim  maketh 
warres,  and  hath  forcibly  taken  much  of  his  land.  His  chiefe 
port  is  Masulipatan,  and  his  royall  seat  Braganadar  [see  p.  131] 
and  Goloconda,  that  late  builded.  Alongst  the  seaside  toward 
the  Cape  is  the  mightie  king  of  Bezeneger  [Vijayanagar],  under 
whom  the  Portugals  hold  Saint  Thome  and  Negapatan,  but 
are  not  suffered  to  build  a  castle.  But  I  let  passe  these  neigh- 
bouring Indies  and  returne  to  Agra,  the  Mogols  royall  residence. 

x\gra  hath  not  been  in  fame  above  flftie  yeercs,  being  before 
Acabars  time  a  village  ;  who  removed  (as  you  have  heard) 
from  Fetipore  for  want  of  good  water.  It  is  spacious,  large, 
populous  beyond  measure,  that  you  can  hardly  passe  in  the 
streets,  which  are  for  the  most  part  dirty  and  narrow,  save  only 
the  great  bazar  and  some  few  others,  which  are  large  and  faire. 
Tlie  citie  lyeth  in  manner  of  a  halfe-moone,  bellying  to  the 
land-ward  some  5  c.  in  length,  and  as  much  by  the  rivers  side, 
upon  the  bankes  whereof  are  many  goodly  houses  of  the 
nobility,  pleasantly  over-looking  (Jemini,  which  runneth  with 
a  swift  current  from  the  north  to  the  south,  somewhat  easterly, 
into  Ganges.  Upon  the  banke  of  this  river  stands  the  castle, 
one  of  the  fairest  and  admirablest  buildings  of  the  East,  some 
three  or  foure  miles  in  compasse,^  inclosed  with  a  faire  and 
strong  wall  of  squared  stone  ;  about  which  is  cast  a  faire  ditch, 
over  it  draw-bridges.  The  walles  are  built  with  bulwarkes, 
somewhat  defensible,  rcgalled,^  with  a  counter-scarfe  or  front 
without,  some  flfteene  yards  broad.    ^Vithin  this  are  two  other 

*  Probably  '  Ava  '  is  intended. 

2  This  is  an  exaggeration.    The  circuit  of  the  walls  is  about  a  mile  and 
a  half. 

3  Battlemented  ;   from  '  regal ',  a  groove  or  slot. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  183 

strong  walls  and  gates.  To  the  castle  are  fonre  gates,  one  to 
the  north,  by  which  you  passe  to  a  rampire  with  great  peeces  ; 
another  west  to  the  Bazar,  called  the  Cichery  [Kachahri,  court 
house]  gate,  within  which,  over  against  the  great  gate,  is  the 
Casi  [kdzi,  a  judge]  his  seat  of  Chiefe-Justice  in  matters  of  law, 
and  by  it  two  or  three  nuirtherers  very  great  (one  three  foot  in 
the  bore  and  fifteene  long)  of  cast  brasse.  Over  against  this 
seat  is  the  Cichery  or  Court  of  Rolls,  where  the  Kings  Viseer 
sits  every  morning  some  three  houres,  by  whose  hands  passe 
all  matters  of  rents,  grants,  lands,  firmans,  debts,  etc.  Bej-ond 
these  two  gates  you  passe  a  second  gate  [the  Hathi  Pol],  over 
which  are  two  Rajaws  in  stone, ^  who  were  slaine  in  the  Kings 
derbar  before  the  Kings  eyes,  for  being  over-bold  in  speech  ; 
they  selling  their  lives  bravely,  in  remembrance  of  which  they 
are  heere  jilaced.  Passing  this  gate  you  enter  into  a  I'aire 
streete,  with  houses  and  munition  all  along,  t  on  both  sides. 
At  the  end  of  this  street,  being  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  you  come 
to  the  third  gate,  which  leads  to  the  Kings  Derbar  ;  alwayes 
chained,  all  men  but  the  King  and  his  children  there  alighting. 
This  gate  is  to  the  south,  called  Acabar  Drowage,^  close  within 
which  is  the  whores  child, ^  many  hundreds  of  which  attend 
there  day  and  night,  according  as  their  sevcrall  turnes  come 
every  seventh  day,  that  they  may  bee  ready  when  the  King 
or  his  women  shall  please  to  call  any  of  them  to  sing  or  dance 
in  his  moholl,  he  giving  to  every  one  of  them  stipends  according 
to  their  unworthy  worth.  The  fourth  gate  is  to  the  river,  called 
the  Dersane,*  leading  into  a  faire  court  extending  alongst  the 
river,  in  which  the  King  lookes  forth  every  morning  at  sun- 

*  '  It  is  said  that  they  were  two  brothers,  Resboots,  tutors  to  a  iirince 
their  nephew,  whom  the  King  demaunded  of  them.  They  refused  and 
were  committed,  but  drew  on  the  officers,  slew  twelve,  and  at  last  by 
multitudes  oppressing  were  slain  ;  and  here  have  elephants  of  stone 
and  themselves  figured '  {marginal  note).  It  is  uncertain  whether  this 
note  is  by  Finch  or  by  Purchas,  but  the  former  seems  more  likely.  The 
figures  stood  on  raised  platforms  on  either  side  of  the  gate,  but  both 
men  and  animals  have  long  since  disappeared,  though  the  pedestals  of 
the  elephants  are  still  to  be  seen. 

-  Darwdza  (gate).    This  is  now  known  as  the  Amar  Singh  Gate. 

^  Probably  a  misreading  of  chunk,  meaning  '  square  '. 

■*  Darshanl  (see  p.  151).     Mr.  Havcll,  in  his  Handbook  to  Agra  (i\  45) 
says  that  this  was  near  the  old  disused  Watergate. 


181  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

rising,  which  lioc  sakites,  and  tlicn  his  nobles  resort  to  their 
tessilhini.^  Right  under  the  phice  where  he  luokcs  out  is  a  kind 
of  scaliold  whereon  his  nobles  stand,  but  the  addees  with 
others  awayt  below  in  the  court.  Here  also  every  noone  he 
lookcth  forth  to  behold  Tamashan  [see  p.  176]  or  fighting  of 
elephants,  lyons,  buffles,  killing  of  deare  with  leopards  ;  which 
is  a  custome  on  every  day  of  the  weeke,  Sunday  excepted,  on 
which  is  no  fighting  ;  but  Tuesday  on  the  contrary  is  a  day  of 
blood,  both  of  fighting  beasts  and  justiced  men,  the  King 
judging  and  seeing  execution. 

To  returne  to  the  thirde  gate  :  within  it  you  enter  into  a 
spacious  court  with  atescanna's  round  about,  like  shops  or 
open  stalls,  wherein  his  captaines  according  to  their  degrees 
keep  their  seventh  day  chockees  [watch  :  chauki].  A  little 
further  you  enter  within  a  rayle  into  a  more  inward  court, 
within  which  none  but  the  Kings  addees  and  men  of  sort  are 
admitted,  under  paine  of  swacking  by  the  porters  cudgells, 
which  lay  on  load  without  respect  of  persons.  Being  entred, 
you  approach  the  Kings  derbar  or  seat,  before  which  is  also 
a  small  court  inclosed  with  railes,  covered  over  head  with  rich 
seniianes  to  keepe  away  the  sunne  ;  where  aloft  in  a  gallery 
tlie  King  sits  in  his  chaire  of  state,  accompanied  with  his 
children  and  Chiefe  Vizier  (who  goeth  up  by  a  short  ladder 
forth  of  the  court),  no  other  without  calling  daring  to  goe  up 
to  him,  save  onely  two  punkaw's  to  gather  wind  ;  and  right 
before  him  below  on  a  scaffold  is  a  third,  who  with  a  horse  taile 
makes  havocke  of  poore  flies.  On  the  right  hand  of  the  King, 
on  the  wall  behind  him,  is  the  picture  of  our  Saviour  ;  on  the 
left,  of  the  Virgin.  Within  these  railes  none  imder  the  degree 
of  foure  hundred  horse  are  permitted  to  enter.  On  the  further 
side  of  this  court  of  presence  are  hanged  golden  bels,  that  if  any 
be  oppressed  and  can  get  no  justice  by  the  Kings  officers,  by 
ringing  these  bels  when  the  King  sits,  he  is  called,  and  the 
matter  discussed  before  the  King.  But  let  them  be  sure  their 
cause  be  good,  least  he  be  punished  for  presumption  to  trouble 
the  King.    Here  every  day,  betwecne  three  and  foure  a  clockc, 

'  Explained  in  the  margin  as  '  a  gesture  of  humiliation  '.  It  is  the 
lasllm,  or  salute  made  by  touching  the  ground  with  the  back  of  the  right 
hand  and  then  rising  and  bringing  the  palm  up  to  the  crown  of  the  head. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,   1608-11  185 

the  King  comes  forth  (and  many  thousands  resort  to  doe  their 
duties,  each  taking  place  according  to  his  degree)  ;  wliere  hee 
remaines  hearing  of  matters,  receiving  of  newes  by  letters 
read  by  his  Vizier,  graunting  of  suites,  etc.,  till  shutting  in  of 
the  evening,  the  drumme  meanewhile  beating,  and  instruments 
playing  from  a  high  gallery  on  the  next  building  opposite  ;  his 
elephants  and  horses  passing  by  in  brave  fashion,  doing  their 
tessillam  and  being  perused  by  officers  to  see  if  they  prosper. 
In  the  castle  are  two  high  turrets,  over-laid  with  pure  massie 
gold,  which  may  be  seen  from  farre,  one  over  his  mohol,  the 
other  over  his  treasury.  After  his  going  in  from  the  derbar  in 
the  evening,  some  two  houres  after  he  comes  out  againe,  sitting 
forth  in  a  small  more  inward  court  behind  the  other,  close  to 
his  moholl,  into  which  none  but  the  grandes,  and  they  also 
with  tickets  to  be  renewed  with  every  moone,  are  permitted 
to  enter  ;  where  he  drinkes  by  number  and  measure,  sometimes 
one  and  thirtie,  and  running  over,  mixing  also  among  severe 
judicatures.  From  this  court  is  his  privy  passage  into  a  curious 
garden,  and  to  his  barge,  by  which  he  often  passeth  the  river 
to  an  other  garden  opi^osite.  It  is  remarkeable  that,  both  in 
court  and  here  in  these  gardens,  no  courtiers  or  gardeners  are 
tied  to  attendance,  but  by  their  seventh  daycs  turne. 

Some  adde  ^  that  the  citie  hath  no  walls,  but  a  ditch  round 
about,  not  broad,  and  dry  also  ;  adjoyning  to  the  ditch  without 
the  citie  are  very  large  suburbs.  The  city  and  suburbs  are  one 
way  seven  mile  in  length,  three  in  breadth.  The  noble  mens 
houses  and  merchants  built  with  bricke  and  stone,  flat  roofed  ; 
the  common  sort,  of  mudde  walls,  covered  with  thatch,  which 
cause  often  and  terrible  fires.  The  citie  hath  sixe  gates.  The 
adjoyning  river  Gemini  being  broader  then  the  Thames  at 
London,  on  which  are  many  boats,  some  of  one  hundred  tunnes, 
but  these  cannot  returne  against  the  streame.  Most  of  the 
noble  mens  houses  are  by  the  rivers  side.    From  Agra  to  Labor 

1  'A  written  booke  eiititiJed  A  Discourse  of  Agra  and  the  foure 
principall  ivaies  to  it ;  I  know  not  by  what  author,  except  it  be  Nic. 
U^jhlet '  (marginal  note).  This  must  be  I'urchas's  note,  not  Finch's  ; 
and  consequently  the  paragraph  to  which  it  refers  must  have  been 
interpolated  by  the  former.  Ufflet'a  work  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
published. 


ISO  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

sixe   hundred   milcs,^     The   way   is   set   on   bolli   sides   with 
mulbery-trces. 

King  Acabars  sepulchre  is  3  c.  distant  from  Agra  in  the  way 
to  Labor  ;  nothing  neere  finished  as  yet,  after  tennc  yeares 
worke.2  It  is  placed  in  the  midst  of  a  faire  and  large  garden 
inclosed  with  bricke  walls,  neere  two  miles  in  circuit  ;  is  to 
have  foure  gates  (but  one  of  which  is  yet  in  hand),  each,  if 
answerable  to  this  foundation,  able  to  receive  a  great  prince 
with  a  reasonable  traine.  Alongst  the  waj-  side  is  a  spacious 
nioholl  for  his  fathers  women  (as  is  said)  to  remaync  and  end 
their  dayes  in  deploring  their  dcccassed  lord,  each  enjoying 
the  lands  they  before  had  in  the  Kings  time,  by  the  pay  or 
rents  of  five  thousand  horse  the  principall  ;  so  that  this  should 
be  to  them  a  perpetuall  nunnery,  never  to  marry  againc.  In 
the  center  of  this  garden  stands  the  tombe  foure  square,  about 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  compasse.  The  first  inclosure  is 
with  a  curious  rayle,  to  which  you  ascend  some  sixe  steps  into 
a  small  square  garden  quartered  in  curious  tankcs,  planted  with 
variety  of  sweets  ;  adjoyning  to  which  is  the  tombe,  rounded 
with  this  gardenet,  being  also  foure  square,  all  of  hewne  stone, 
with  faire  spacious  galleries  on  each  side,  having  at  each  corner 
a  small  beautifidl  turret,  arched  over  head  and  covered  with 
various  marble.  Betwixt  corner  and  corner  are  foure  other 
turrets  at  like  distance.  Here,  within  a  faire  round  coflin  of 
gold,  licth  the  body  of  this  monarch,  who  sometimes  thought 
the  world  too  little  for  him.  This  tombe  is  much  worshipped 
both  by  the  Moores  and  Gentiles,  holding  liim  for  a  great 
saint.  Some  tenne  or  twelve  foot  higher  you  ascend  by  staircs 
to  ano  her  gallery  (like,  but  narrower,  to  the  former,  as  are  also 
the  rest  that  follow),  containing  onely  three  of  those  turrets 
between  corner  and  corner.  Here  in  the  midst  is  his  wardrobe 
for  a  memoriall.  The  third  story  hath  but  two  of  those  middle 
turrets  on  a  side  ;  the  fourth  one  ;  the  fifth  hath  only  tlie 
corner  turret  and  a  small  square  gallery.  The  tombe  ^  was 
not  fuiished  at  my  departure,  but  lay  in  manner  of  a  coflin, 

1  An  overstatement.    The  distance  is  about  440  miles  by  road. 
*  Hawkins  (p.  120)  says  fourteen  ;    but  there  is  some  doubt  whether 
it  was  really  begun  before  Akbar's  death  in  1C05. 

^  By  this  Finch  seems  to  mean  the  cenotaph  on  the  top  story. 


WILLIAM  FINCH,  1608-11  187 

covered  with  a  white  sheet  interwrought  with  gold  flowers. 
By  his  head  stands  his  sword  and  target  [shield],  and  on  a 
small  jDillow  his  turbant,  and  thereby  tv/o  or  three  faire  gilded 
bookes.  At  his  feet  stand  his  shooes,  and  a  rich  bason  and 
ewre.  Every  one  approaching  neere  makes  his  reverence  and 
puts  off  his  shooes,  bringing  in  his  hand  some  sweetc  smelling 
flowers  to  bestrew  the  carpets  or  to  adorne  the  tombe. 

At  my  last  sight  thereof,  there  was  onely  over  head  a  rich 
tent,  with  a  semianc  over  the  tombe.  But  it  is  to  be  inarched 
over  with  the  most  curious  white  and  speckled  marble  and  to 
be  seeled  all  within  with  pure  sheet-gold  richly  inwrought.^ 
These  foure  last  turrets,  also  inclosing  the  sepulchre,  are  of 
most  rich  curious  marble  and  the  ground  underfoot  paved  with 
the  like.  There  are  in  continuall  worke  about  this  and  other 
buildings  about  it,  the  moholl  and  gate,  not  so  few  as  three 
thousand.  The  stone  is  brought  from  a  rich  quarrey  neere 
Fetipore,  which  (wee  have  said)  may  be  cut  in  length  and 
forme  as  timber  with  sawes,  and  plankes  and  seelings  are  made 
thereof. 

*  This  plan  was  never  earned  out ;  but  Fergusson  notes  that  there 
are  traces  in  the  structure  of  such  an  intention. 


1612-16 
NICHOLAS   WITHINGTON 

When,  in  February  1612,  Sir  Henry  Middleton  sailed  away 
from  Surat,  with  Captain  Hawkins  aboard  his  flagsliip,  all 
prospect  of  the  English  obtaining  permission  to  trade  in  India 
seemed  gone  for  ever  ;  and  Middleton's  subsequent  exactions 
from  the  Indian  junks  in  the  Red  Sea  were  likely  in  any  case  to 
make  the  breach  irreparable.  This  later  development,  how- 
ever, was  not  yet  known  at  Surat  when,  early  in  September 
1612,  Captain  Thomas  Best  arrived  at  the  river's  mouth  from 
England  with  the  Dragon  and  Hosiandcr.  Middleton  had  left 
behind  him  letters  describing  the  way  he  had  been  treated, 
and  these  made  Best  very  doubtful  of  the  possibility  of  trade  ; 
but  the  merchants  he  had  brought  were  eager  for  further 
experiment,  and  upon  landing  they  were  received  with  such 
apparent  cordiality  that  they  determined  to  stay  ashore  and 
test  the  value  of  the  promises  made  to  them.  Even  when, 
towards  the  end  of  the  month,  one  of  the  jimks  that  had 
suffered  at  Middleton's  hands  arrived  at  the  port,  the  chief 
officials  assured  the  English  factors  that  what  had  occurred 
would  make  no  difference  in  their  attitude.  In  point  of  fact, 
the  leading  merchants  were  much  impressed  by  this  proof  of 
the  power  of  the  English,  and  recognized  that  the  intercourse 
with  Moklia,  which  was  the  mainstay  of  the  trade  of  Surat, 
was  at  the  mercy  of  any  nation  that  was  strong  in  shipping  ; 
while  the  absence  of  Mukarrab  Khan,  who  was  now  at  court, 
also  facilitated  the  establishment  of  improved  relations.  To 
remove  the  doubts  still  felt  by  Best,  the  local  authorities  on 
October  21  entered  into  a  written  agreement  for  English  trade 
in  Gujarat,  and  promised  that  a  farman  confirming  it  should 
be  procured  from  the  Emperor  within  forty  days. 

The  news  of  this  unexpected  development  roused  the 
Portuguese  Viceroy  to  action,  and  at  the  end  of  November 
a  fleet  of  four  galleons,  with  a  swarm  of  frigates,  under  the 
command  of  Nuno  da  Cunha,  attacked  Best's  two  ships,  only 
to  be  repelled  with  heavy  loss.  Soon  after  this  the  English, 
anxious  to  have  sufficient  sea  room,  left  the  shallows  of  the 
Gujarat  coast  for  the  opposite  side  of  the  Gulf ;  and  after 
some  hesitation  the  Portuguese  followed.  On  December  23 
and  24  two  more  fights  took  place,  ending  in  the  defeat  of 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-16  189 

Da  Cunlia's  squadron.  Having  driven  off  his  assailants,  and 
finding  his  stores  and  ammunition  running  low,  Best  returned 
to  Swally.  The  expected /arma/?  had  not  arrived,  and,  as  the 
attitude  of  the  Mughal  authorities  seemed  less  cordial,  the 
English  commander  thought  they  were  deluding  him,  and 
accordingly  resolved  to  break  off  relations.  Instructions  were 
sent  to  Tliomas  Aldworth,  the  chief  of  the  factors  left  at  Surat, 
to  wind  up  his  business  and  repair  aboard  with  all  his  com- 
panions. To  this  summons,  however,  Aldworth  turned  a  deaf 
ear  ;  he  was  convinced  that  a  factory  could  be  maintained 
and,  whether  the  farmdn  was  forthcoming  or  not,  he  was 
determined  to  make  the  experiment.  His  confidence  appeared 
to  be  justified  when,  on  January  7,  1613,  the  expected  docu- 
ment arrived.  A  few  days  later  it  was  delivered  in  state  to 
Best,  accompanied  with  fresh  assurances  of  good  treatment 
for  any  merchants  he  might  leave  in  the  country".  His  doubts 
thus  removed,  he  consented  to  Aldworth  remaining  with  a 
small  staff  ;  and,  these  things  settled,  he  departed  with  his 
two  ships  for  Sumatra,  promising  to  return  in  the  autumn  to 
fetch  away  any  goods  that  might  then  be  ready  for  England .^ 
It  had  been  decided  already  that  Paul  Canning,  one  of  the 
factors,  should  be  sent  to  court,  to  present  to  the  Emperor  a 
fresh  letter  which  the  fleet  had  brought  from  King  James  ; 
and  Aldworth's  first  task,  after  the  departiu'c  of  the  fleet,  was 
to  provide  the  envoy  with  suitable  articles  to  offer  to  His 
Majesty  and  to  equip  him  for  his  journey  to  Agra.  In  addition 
to  two  English  attendants.  Canning  had  as  companions  a 
couple  of  musicians  who  had  apparently  been  sent  out  for  the 
purpose — one,  his  cousin,  Lancelot  Canning,  who  played  on 
the  virginals,  and  the  other,  Robert  Trully,  whose  instrument 
was  the  cornet.  After  meeting  with  various  troubles  on  the 
way,  the  envoy  reached  Agra  in  April  1613,  and  duly  delivered 
the  royal  letter  and  the  present.  As  regards  the  demands  he 
had  been  instructed  to  make — ^which  included  the  cession  of 
a  place  on  the  Kathiawar  coast  which  the  English  might  fortify, 
to  secure  their  ships  against  the  Portuguese — he  was  referred 
to  Mukarrab  Iflian,  who  raised  some  difficulties  yet  held  out 
hopes  that  his  requests  would  be  granted.  The  two  musicians 
displayed  their  skill  before  the  assembled  court.  The  virginals 
made  no  impression,  whereupon  (according  to  Trully)  the 
unfortunate  player  '  dyed  with  conceiptt '  (O.  C.  110).  TruUy's 
cornet,  on  the  other  hand,  created  an  immense  sensation, 
Jahangir  himself  attempted  to  blow  the  novel  instrument, 
and  at  once  ordered  his  workmen  to  make  six  more,  which, 

*  For  all  this  see  the  narratives  by  Best  and  others  in  Purchas  His 
Pilgrimes  ;  Cross's  account  in  Lancastefs  Vnyafjes  •  and  various  docu- 
ments in  Letters  Eeceived,  vols,  i— iv. 


190  EARLY  TRAVETvS  IN  INDIA 

however,  turned  out  to  be  failures.  Trully  was  then  directed 
to  instruct  one  of  the  Emperor's  chief  musicians,  wlio  took 
sucli  pains  that  in  five  weeks  lie  was  able  to  perform  satisfac- 
torily. However,  his  exertions  brouf^ht  on  an  illness  which 
proved  fatal  a  fortnight  later  ;  so  Tndly  was  left  the  only 
cornet  player  in  the  kingdom,  though  a  very  discontented  one, 
seeing  that  Jahanglr,  while  often  calling  upon  him  to  play, 
rewarded  him  only  with  fifty  rupees  in  all.  The  Jesuits,  we 
are  told,  endeavoured  to  induce  Trully  to  teach  the  art  to 
a  couple  of  their  servants,  but  this  he  absolutely  refused 
to  do. 

It  is  time  now  to  introduce  Nicholas  Withington,  the  author 
of  the  ensuing  narrative.  This  individual  had  come  out  in  the 
fleet  as  an  attendant  upon  Captain  Best — a  not  uncommon 
method  of  getting  a  free  passage  to  the  Indies  when  unable  to 
secure  direct  employment  from  the  East  India  Company.  At 
Surat  he  was  taken  into  the  service  of  that  body,  on  the  plea 
of  a  deficiency  of  factors  and  (as  he  tells  us)  because  of  his 
linguistic  attainments  ;  probably  he  was  acquainted  with 
Arabic,  since  it  appears  that  he  had  been  in  Morocco  a  few 
years  previous  (British  Museum,  Egerton  MS.  2086,  f.  10). 
For  a  time  he  remained  at  Surat,  helping  in  the  ordinary 
business  and  learning  the  language ;  but  on  intelligence  arriving 
from  Agra  that  Canning  needed  an  assistant,  it  was  decided 
to  send  him  thither.  Before  he  could  make  a  start,  however, 
news  arrived  that  Canning  was  dead  ;  whereupon  Thomas 
Kerridge,  one  of  the  senior  factors  and  afterwards  President 
at  Surat,  was  dispatched  to  Agra  instead.  It  was  next  proposed 
to  send  Withington  to  England  by  way  of  the  Red  Sea,  carrying 
letters  for  the  Company  ;  but  this  plan  fell  through,  owing  to 
a  fear  that  it  would  prove  impossible  for  a  Christian  to  pass 
unmolested  through  the  Hejaz  ;  and  in  October  1613  Withing- 
ton proceeded  with  Aldworth  to  Ahmadabad  to  assist  in  the 
purchase  of  indigo.  Thence  he  visited  Cambay  and  Sarkliej, 
of  each  of  which  he  finds  something  interesting  to  relate. 
From  Ahmadabad  he  wrote  in  November  a  long  letter  to  the 
Governor  of  the  East  India  Company,  which  is  to  be  found 
in  original  in  the  British  Museum  manuscript  alluded  to 
above. 

In  December  1613  Withington  was  called  upon  to  undertake 
the  remarkable  journey  which  forms  the  chief  attraction  of 
his  narrative.  News  had  reached  Ahmadabad  that  an  English 
ship  had  arrived  at  Lahrlbandar,  the  port  town  of  Tatta,  in 
Sind,  and,  as  it  was  evidently  desirable  to  communicate  at 
once  with  any  merchants  she  might  have  left  there,  it  was 
resolved  that  Withington  should  proceed  thither  overland. 
He  was  not  the  first  Englisliman  to  go  that  way,  for  imme- 
diately after  Best's  departure  Anthony  Starkey,  steward  of 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-16  191 

the  Dragon,  had  been  dispatched  by  that  route  to  Persia  and 
Aleppo,  carrying  letters  for  England  ^  ;  but  he  was  certainly 
the  last  for  many  a  long  day  to  venture  in  that  direction — 
a  fact  not  surprising,  in  view  of  his  unhappy  experiences. 
Travelling  by  way  of  Radhanpur  and  Nagar  Parkar,  in 
company  with  some  Indian  merchants,  Withington  had  nearly 
reached  Tatta  when  the  whole  party  was  seized  by  a  local  chief 
who  had  undertaken  to  act  as  its  guide  and  protector.  The 
merchants  were  hanged  out  of  hand  and  their  property  appro- 
priated ;  while  Withington  and  his  attendants  only  escaped 
the  same  fate  owing  to  the  interest  felt  by  the  chief  in  the 
adventurous  Englishman.  As  it  would  not  do  to  allow  them 
to  continue  their  journey  and  give  information  of  the  crime, 
they  were  taken  up  into  the  hills  for  some  weeks  ;  then  they 
were  released  and  sent  under  escort  back  to  Nagar  Parkar. 
On  the  way  their  guardians  robbed  them  afresh,  and  they 
reached  their  destination  in  the  greatest  misery.  Fortunately, 
Withington  found  there  a  Hindu  merchant  whom  he  had 
known  at  Ahmadabad  ;  and,  generously  assisted  by  him,  he 
was  able  to  set  out  for  the  latter  city,  where  he  arrived  early 
in  April  1614.  Finding  none  of  his  compatriots  there,  he 
continued  his  journey  by  way  of  Cambay  to  Surat. 
s^^After  a  short  rest  Withington  was  dispatched  to  Agra 
to  make  an  investment  in  indigo  and  to  report  upon  the 
proceedings  of  John  Mildenhall,  whose  reappearance  in  India 
has  already  been  dealt  with  on  p.  51.  The  capital  was 
reached  on  June  7,  1614,  and  during  the  next  four  months  or 
so  Withington  was  busy  in  providing  the  desired  goods.  The 
position  of  the  English  had  been  much  improved,  commercially 
and  otherwise,  by  the  breach  which  had  now  occurred  between 
the  Emperor  and  the  Portuguese.  The  latter,  resenting  the 
admission  of  the  English  despite  the  promises  of  Jahangir  to 
the  contrary,  had  in  the  autumn  of  1613  seized  the  largest  of 
the  Surat  vessels  trading  to  tlie  Red  Sea  and  carried  her  off 
as  a  prize  with  her  valuable  cargo  and  all  the  passengers  she 
had  on  board,  disregarding  the  fact  that  she  had  a  Portuguese 
pass  guaranteeing  her  against  molestation.  This  high- 
handed proceeding  excited  great  indignation  at  court,  especially 
as  the  ship  belonged  to  the  Emperor's  mother  ;   and  when  it 

1  Starkey  reached  Tatta  safely  with  his  Indian  attendant,  and  wrote 
thence  in  hopeful  terms  concerning  the  prospects  of  trade  in  Sind. 
Both,  however,  died  in  that  city  shortly  after,  their  deaths  being 
ascribed  (probably  without  any  foundation)  to  their  being  poisoned  by 
two  Portuguese  friars.  The  letters  they  were  carrying  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Portuguese  (the  only  Europeans  there  resident)  and  were  sent  to 
Lisbon  ;  translations  of  them  will  be  found  in  Documenlos  EemeUidos, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  71-88.    No  account  of  Starkey's  journey  is  extant. 


102  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

was  fount!  tliat  tlie  Portiiguose  had  no  immediate  intention 
of  restorin<?  their  booty,  Miikarrab  Ivliuu  was  dispatcJied  to 
Surat  witii  orders  to  stop  all  traffic  and  to  lay  siege  to  the 
Portuguese  town  of  Daman  by  way  of  reprisals.  At  the  same 
time  the  Jesuit  church  at  Agra  was  closed,  and  the  Fathers 
were  deprived  of  the  allowances  they  had  hitherto  received. 
There  was  thus  every  hope  that  the  Portuguese  would  be 
permanently  excluded  from  the  trade  of  Mughal  India,  to  the 
benefit  of  their  English  rivals. 

A  letter  from  Withington  at  the  end  of  October  1614  {Letters 
Received,  vol.  ii,  p.  140)  tells  us  that  he  had  succeeded  in  getting 
together  the  desired  indigo  and  was  only  waiting  to  receive  and 
dispose  of  some  expected  broadcloth  and  other  English  goods 
before  starting  for  Surat.  Now,  however,  everything  went 
wrong  with  him.  First,  his  indigo  was  seized  by  the  Governor 
of  Agra,  who  had  been  blamed  by  the  Emperor  for  allowing 
some  Portuguese  to  carry  off  their  belongings,  and  who,  in  his 
anxiety  to  avoid  further  censure,  would  not  allow  the  English- 
man to  touch  his  property  until  a  farmdn  to  that  effect  was 
obtained  by  Kerridge,  who  was  now  with  Jahanglr  at  Ajmer 
(ibid.,  p.  298).  Then  Withington  received  a  letter  informing 
him  that  the  promised  remittance  of  money  from  Surat  to  pay 
for  his  indigo  could  not  be  made,  and  he  was  obliged  in  conse- 
quence to  return  the  indigo  to  those  from  whom  it  had  been 
bought.  This  occasioned  much  dispute  and  worry,  and  was 
only  effected  by  the  interposition  of  the  (Governor  of  Agra, 
who  thus  made  some  amends  for  his  former  treatment  of  the 
unfortunate  merchant.  Next,  the  broadcloth,  when  it  came 
to  hand,  proved  to  be  so  damaged  as  to  be  almost  unvendible, 
while  the  other  goods  could  only  be  sold  at  prices  lower 
than  those  they  would  have  fetched  at  Surat  {ibid.,  vol.  lil, 
pp.  15,  63).  These  trials  and  vexations  proved  too  much  for 
Withington,  and  for  some  time  he  was  '  distracted  '. 

Meanwhile,  in  October  1614,  Captain  Downton  had  reached 
Swally  with  a  fleet  of  four  ships,  bringing  William  Edwards 
to  be  chief  of  the  Company's  affairs  in  India.  Aldworth, 
however,  protested  so  vigorously  against  being  superseded 
that  the  nmtter  was  compromised  by  dispatching  Edwards 
to  Ajmer  instead,  to  present  another  letter  from  King  James, 
and  to  look  after  English  interests  at  court.  The  Company 
had  expressly  forbidden  any  of  their  servants  to  imitate 
Hawkins  in  assuming  the  title  of  ambassador  ;  but  inasmuch 
as  there  was  a  general  agreement  at  Surat  that  some  higher 
status  than  that  of  a  merchant  was  necessary  to  secure 
attention  from  the  Emperor,  Edwards  was  authorized  to 
represent  himself  as  '  a  messenger '  sent  expressly  by  the 
English  king  ;  and  imder  this  title  he  set  out  from  Surat  in 
December  1614.     That  he  should  be  regarded  at  court  as  an 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1012-16  193 

ambaf3sador  was  natural  enough  in  the  circumstances,  and 
probably  Edwards  was  at  no  pains  to  disavow  the  rank  assigned 
to  him  ;  but  Withington's  charge  that  he  arrogated  that  title 
to  himself  without  authority  seems  to  be  baseless. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  of  another  English  fleet  spurred 
the  Portuguese  to  fresh  efforts.  As  soon  as  he  could  collect 
all  his  available  forces,  the  Viceroy  himself  sailed  to  the 
northwards  to  crush  the  intruders  and  afterwards  to  punish 
their  Indian  allies.  Alarmed  at  the  prospect,  Mukarrab  Khan, 
who  had  in  vain  demanded  that  the  English  ships  should  aid 
in  the  siege  of  Daman  by  attacking  that  fortress  from  the  sea, 
now  applied  to  Downton  to  co-operate  actively  in  the  defence 
of  Surat  against  the  Viceroy's  armada,  Downton,  however, 
was  too  cautious  to  pledge  himself  to  anything  of  the  kind,  and 
resolved  to  remain  strictly  on  the  defensive.  Not  unnaturally, 
this  attitude  was  warmly  resented  by  the  Mughal  authorities, 
who  considered  that  the  war  was  solely  due  to  their  reception 
of  the  English  ;  and  for  a  time  relations  were  strained.  These 
bickerings  were  hushed  by  the  near  approach  of  the  Portuguese 
squadron,  which  on  January  20,  1615,  made  a  vigorous  attack 
upon  Downton's  ships,  ensconced  behind  the  sandbanks  at 
Swally.  Attempts  to  carry  by  boarding  one  of  the  smaller 
vessels  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  three  of  the  Portuguese 
ships  and  a  large  number  of  men.  Endeavours  were  then  made 
to  burn  the  English  fleet  by  means  of  fireships,  but  these  failed 
entirely  ;  and  at  last  the  Viceroy  returned  to  Goa  utterly 
baffled  and  with  great  loss  of  credit.  Downton  remained  at 
Swally  until  the  beginning  of  March,  and  then  departed  for 
the  Far  East. 

Withington  was  ill,  he  tells  us,  for  three  months,  and  did 
not  completely  recover  until  he  had  proceeded  from  Agra  to 
Ajmer.  In  July  1615  he  was  again  at  the  former  city,  Edwards 
having  sent  him  and  Robert  Young  thither  to  transact  some 
business.  A  few  months  later  Withington  was  surprised  by 
the  arrival  of  a  party  of  Englishmen  from  Ajmer  with  orders 
from  Edwards  for  his  apprehension  on  a  charge  of  defrauding 
the  Company.  In  his  narrative  he  of  course  makes  out  that 
he  had  done  nothing  to  deserve  such  treatment ;  but  that  there 
was  something  to  be  said  on  the  other  side  seems  evident,  not 
only  from  the  subsequent  attitude  of  his  employers,  but  also 
from  the  correspondence  contained  in  Kerridge's  letter-book, 
now  in  the  British  Museum  (Addl.  MS.  9366).  Kerridge,  who 
was  then  stationed  at  Ahmadabad,  had  certainly  no  animus 
against  Withington  and  was  not  at  all  well-disposed  towards 
Edwards  ;  yet  he  nowhere  hints  any  doubt  as  to  the  justice 
of  the  latter's  treatment  of  the  former.  Writing  on  Novem- 
ber 16,  1615,  to  Captain  Keeling  (who  had  reached  Swally 
two  months  earlier  with  a  fresh  fleet,  bringing  Sir  Thomas  Roe 


194  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

on  Ill's  memorable  embassy),  Kerridjre  forwards  a  letter  from 
l^idwanls,  wliieb,  he  says,  accuses  Witbin<»lon  of  baviiifi  '  not 
only  wronged  the  Company  by  peculiar  stealths  and  other 
villanyes,  but  donn  them  an  infmitt  wronge  in  their  invest- 
mcntts  '  ;  and  in  another  letter,  addressed  to  Edwards,  lie 
expresses  a  ])crfunctory  regret  that  the  offender's  '  youtlifull 
imperfections '  had  apparently  developed  into  '  vilde  con- 
ditions '  which  were  '  nowe  past  liope  of  remeady  '. 

The  factors  sent  to  secure  Withington  performed  their  duty 
promptly,  and  he  was  carried  to  Ajmer,  according  to  his  own 
account,  in  irons.  At  that  place,  he  would  have  us  believe,  he 
answered  satisfactorily  all  the  charges  made  against  him ; 
Miiereupon  Edwards,  not  to  be  baffled,  trumped  up  a  false 
charge  of  drunkenness,  imprisoned  him,  and  a  little  later  sent 
him  down  to  Surat  in  chains.  Here  again  Kerridge's  letters 
])ut  a  different  complexion  on  the  matter.  In  one  of  these, 
dated  December  22,  1615,  he  writes  :  '  Last  night  late, 
Withington  one  horsbacke  came  to  our  dore  drunke,  but  would 
not  com  in,  fearinge  apprehention  ;  cryenge  out  Jaylors, 
stand  of,  jaylcrs,  more  like  a  maddman  farr  then  when  you  sawe 
him  last.  None  of  his  gardiants  would  laye  hold  one  him,  all 
of  them  denyeng,  as  not  beinge  comitted  to  their  charge. 
Such  a  confused  sending  of  a  prisoner  I  have  not  seen.  And 
retorninge  to  Dcrgee  Seraw,  wher  he  gott  his  liquour,  fell  out 
with  Magolls  on  the  waye,  that  unhorste,  beat,  and  deliverd 
him  prisoner  to  the  Cutwall,  who  this  morninge  (to  ad  to  our 
nations  disgrace)  hath  carried  him  to  Sarder  Chan.'  In  another 
letter  of  the  same  date  Kerridge  says  that  Withington  had 
escaped  from  his  escort  about  sixteen  days  before.  This  is 
a  rather  different  picture  from  that  drawn  in  the  text  of  an 
innocent  prisoner  lumbering  meekly  along  the  road  in  chains. 

While  still  imder  confinement  by  the  local  authorities, 
Withington  seems  to  have  found  means  to  write  to  Sir  Thomas 
Roe,  then  newly  arrived  at  Ajmer.  In  a  letter  to  Kerridge,  of 
January  13,  1616  (British  Museum,  Addl.  MS.  6115,  f.  67), 
Roe  says  :  '  I  am  sorry  to  heare  of  such  disorder  in  the 
factoryes  .  .  ,  and  particularly  for  Withington,  who  hath 
wi'itten  me  a  strange  complayning  lettre,  prayeing  me  to 
moove  the  King  ;  but  I  hav  busines  of  other  importaunce 
now  then  to  trouble  him  with  his  debaushednes.  I  shalbe 
ashamd  the  King  know  I  have  such  a  countryman.  But  least 
necessity  force  desperat  courses,  I  have  advised  the  (ienerall 
[i.  e.  Keeling]  to  redeme  him  (so  it  be  not  much  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  Company  [and]  so  as  his  wages  in  England  may  answer), 
only  for  our  nations  reputation.  Hee  foolishly  threatens  to 
curse  me,  if  I  redeeme  him  not.  I  will  doe  what  is  fittest,  but 
care  not  for  his  blessings  nor  execrations.'  The  reference  to 
'  desperat  courses '  is  explained  in  Roe's  letter  to  Keeling,  in 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-10  195 

which  a  fear  is  expressed  that  Withington  may  either  '  turne 
Moore  '  or  commit  suicide. 

Shortly  afterwards,  Kerridge  reported  to  Keeling  that,  after 
allowing  Withington  to  remain  in  prison  for  a  while,  he  had, 
at  some  expense,  procured  his  release,  and  was  now  dispatching 
him  in  irons  to  Surat  under  the  charge  of  some  seamen  who 
had  been  sent  up  to  Ahmadabad  with  treasure.  At  Sui-at 
Withington  evidently  failed  to  convince  Keeling  of  his  inno- 
cence, in  spite  of  his  assertion  in  the  text  that  he  was  there 
cleared  of  owing  anything  to  the  Company ;  for,  although  his 
period  of  service  was  not  half  completed,  he  was  put  on  board 
the  Lion,  which  sailed  for  England  in  February  1616,  and 
reached  her  destination  in  the  middle  of  the  following  Septem- 
ber. Immediately  on  his  arrival  he  was  arrested  at  the  suit 
of  the  East  India  Company,  and  remained  in  prison  for  over 
a  month,  when  he  was  released  on  bail.  The  Court  Minutes  for 
the  period  are  missing  ;  but  when,  towards  the  end  of  1617, 
they  once  more  become  available,  we  find  the  Company  firmly 
convinced  that  they  had  been  wronged  by  Withington.  In 
December  of  that  year  a  physician  named  Percival  applied  to 
the  Court  for  payment  of  his  bill  against  their  late  servant, 
'  for  cure  of  his  phrensy ' ;  he  had  been  told,  he  said,  that  his 
patient's  goods  and  money  were  in  their  hands.  This  was 
indignantly  denied,  and  the  doctor  was  assured  that  in  reality 
Withington  was  in  the  Company's  debt,  as  had  been  proved 
before  '  some  noble  personages  '.  Thereupon  Percival  declared 
that  he  would  take  other  means  to  recover  his  fee  ;  but  he  was 
warned  not  to  make  his  patient  mad  again  '  because  it  is  not 
unknowne  that  he  can  be  mad  and  well  againe  when  hee 
pleaseth.' 

Early  in  1618  Withington  commenced  an  action  against  the 
Company,  in  which  he  failed  completely.  A  little  later  he 
brought  another  against  Edwards,  the  result  of  which  is  not 
known.  At  length,  despairing  of  success  by  legal  means,  in 
November  1619  he  made  overtures  to  the  Company  for  the 
relinquishment  of  his  claims  ;  but  on  its  being  found  that  he 
still  expected  to  receive  some  compensation,  the  Committees 
decided  to  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  him.  Sir  Thomas  Roe, 
who  was  present  at  the  meeting,  denounced  Withington  in 
severe  terms,  declaring  that  he  was  guilty  of  '  mere  cousonage 
in  the  countrye,  affirming  he  was  never  otherwise  then  a 
drunckard  and  of  a  most  dissolute  life,  keping  six  or  seven 
whores  still  in  house,  and  ever  a  most  wicked  and  deboyst 
fellow  '.  Of  course  this  condemnation  was  not  based  upon 
personal  knowledge,  for  the  two  had  never  met,  at  least  in 
India  ;  but  it  may  be  taken  as  representing  the  reputation 
Withington  had  left  behind  him  in  that  country.  With  this 
we  may  take  our  leave  of  him,  merely  noting  that  he  must 

o  2 


lOr,  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

liave  (lied  before  April  1021,  wlicn  it  was  reported  lo  the 
CoiiijKiny  tluit  his  exeeutor  (probably  the  brother  lie  nun  lions) 
had  presented  a  ])ctition  to  Parliament  on  tiie  snbjeet  ol"  his 
claims.    Apparently  nothin^j  came  of  this. 

From  internal  evidence  it  is  concluded  that  WitIn'n<>lon's 
narrative  was  com])iied  from  his  journal  not  long  after  his 
return — probably  at  the  time  of  his  suit  against  the  Company. 
A  copy  of  the  '  tractate  '  (as  he  terms  it)  came  into  the  posses- 
sion of  Purchas,  who  printed  a  much  condensed  version  of  it 
in  his  Pilgrimes  (part  i,  book  iv,  chap.  8).  More  than  a  century 
later  the  story  was  ]>rintcd  in  much  fuller  form,  in  a  volume 
entitled  A  Journey  over  Land  from  the  Gulf  of  Honduras  to  ike 
Great  South-Sea,  performed  by  John  Cockhurn  and  five  other 
Englishmen.  .  .  .  To  ivhich  is  added  a  curious  piece,  written  in 
the  Reign  of  King  James  J  and  never  before  printed,  intitled 
A  Brief  Discoverye  of  some  Things  best  ivorth  noteinge  in  the 
Travells  of  Nicholas  Withington,  a  Factor  in  the  East  Indiase 
(London,  1735).  This  appendix  (itself  dated  1734)  is  stated 
to  have  been  printed  from  the  original  MS. ;  but  the  unnamed 
editor,  in  his  preface,  tells  us  nothing  of  the  way  in  which  he 
acquired  the  document.    Nor  has  it  since  been  traced. 

The  present  reprint  follows  the  text  of  the  1734  version, 
which  is  about  three  times  as  long  as  that  given  by  Purchas. 
It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  eighteenth-century  editor 
imitated  his  predecessor  in  omitting  details  which  he  judged 
to  be  unimportant,  although  Purchas  had  included  some  of 
them.  The  passages  given  by  the  latter  have  now  for  tlie  most 
part  been  restored,  either  in  notes  or  as  interpolations  (between 
square  brackets)  in  the  text.  On  the  other  hand,  part  of 
Withington's  account  of  the  outward  voyage  has  been  omitted 
here,  as  unnecessaiy  for  our  present  purpose. 


.  .  .  The  28th  of  June,  1612,  wee  departed  from  the  Baye  of 
Saldania  [i.  e.  Table  Bay]  with  prosperous  wyndes,  saylinge 
on  in  our  voyage  untill  the  13th  day  of  Auguste,  when  wee 
crossed  the  Equinoctiall  Lyne.  And  the  30th  daye  wee  sawe 
snakes  swyminge  in  the  sea,  beeinge  in  the  lieight  of  eighteene 
and  a  halfe  degrees  to  the  norward  of  the  Equinoctiall.'^  And 
soe  wee  sayled  on  untill  the  fourth  of  September,  when  wee 

'  '  The  first  of  September  they  saw  land  ;  the  second  anchor  against 
Daman  towne,  inhabited  and  conquered  by  Portugalls.  Tlie  fluxe 
infested  them  all  that  remained  on  land  at  Surat ;  Master  Aldworth  was 
sicke  forty  dayes  '  (Purchas). 


NICHOLAS  WITIIINGTON,  l(il2-10  197 

came  within  foiue  leagues  of  the  barr  of  Suratt,  where  wee  inett 
with  the  Ozcander,  beeinge  one  of  our  fleete,  whoe  was  rydinge 
at  an  anchoure  there  ;  havinge  gotten  a  pilott  out  of  a  boate 
of  the  countrye  and  lefte  one  of  our  carpenter's  mates  in 
hostage  for  him,  whoe  unwiselye  carryinge  some  moneye  aboute 
him,  when  the  Moores  were  from  the  shippe,  they  cutt  his 
throate  and  tooke  what  hce  had,  as  afterwards  wee  were 
certaynlye  informed.  Uppon  the  7th  of  the  same  moneth  wee 
arrived  at  the  barre  of  Suratt  in  the  East-Indcases,  and  the 
thirteenth  day  wee  came  to  Suratt  and  were  kyndlye  enter- 
tayned  of  the  Governor  and  the  chiefes  of  the  cittye.  There  is 
an  order  in  this  cuntrye  that  strangers  cominge  to  visite  an 
inliabitante  (bee  hee  a  man  of  anye  fashion)  doe  presente  him 
with  sometliinge  or  otlier,  and  not  to  come  to  him  emptye- 
handed  ;  insomuch  that  our  people  which  wee  sente  firste  on 
shore,  having  nothing  but  money  aboute  them  to  give  for 
presents,  were  fayne  to  presente  the  Governor  of  the  cittye 
and  other  chiefe  men  with  each  a  royall  of  eight,  which  they 
kyndlye  accepted,  takinge  yt  for  a  grcatc  honour  to  bee 
presented,  though  the  presente  bee  but  small. 

[Notwithstanding  Sir  Henry  Middleton  taking  their  ships  in 
the  Iled-sca,  yet  they  promised  us  good  dealing,  considering 
else  they  must  burne  their  ships  (said  Mill  Jeffed  [Mir  Jafar], 
one  of  the  chiefe  merchants  of  Surat)  and  give  over  their  trade 
by  sea.  Impossible  it  was  to  have  any  trade  at  Surat,  by 
reason  of  Portugall  frigats  in  the  rivers  mouth  ;  therefore  the 
Generall  repaired  with  his  ships  to  Swally,  whence  he  miglit 
by  land  go  and  come  without  danger.  The  third  of  October 
Sheke  Shutte,^  Governour  of  Amadavar,  chiefe  citie  of  Guzerat, 
came  to  Surat  and  so  to  Swally,  and  agreed  upon  articles. 
Master  Canning  had  been  taken  by  the  Portugals,  but  the 
Vice-Roy  commanded  to  set  him  ashoare  at  Surat,  saying  : 
Let  him  goe  helpe  his  country-men  to  fight,  and  then  we  will 
take  their  ship  and  the  rest  of  them  altogether.  But  the 
purser  made  an  escape  and  so  came  to  us  on  land.  Master 
Canning  was  set  on  shoare  at  Surat,  according  to  promise,  and 
so  went  aboord.] 

*  Shaikh  Safi.    He  appcaia  to  have  been  the  Dlwan,  not  the  Governor. 


lOS  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Here  wcc  remayned  trading  untill  tlie  29th  of  November, 
when  the  same  dayc,  our  shippcs  lying  in  the  moutli  of  the 
river  of  Suratt,  fower  Portungale  gallionns,  with  a  whole  fleete 
of  frigotts,  came  in  sight  of  our  two  shippes  (or  rather  one  shippe 
and  a  pynnace).  Then  our  Gencrall  (in  the  Dragon)  prescntlye 
wayed  anchourc,  and  worthelye  encouraged  our  men  not  to 
fcare  them  nor  the  greatnesse  of  thcire  shippes  or  flccte,  but 
to  shew  themselves  true  Englishmen  ;  and  soe  mett  theire 
admirall  and  vize-admirall.  and  shott  not  one  shoote  till  hce 
came  betweene  them,  and  then  gave  each  of  them  a  broad  syde 
and  a  brave  volleye  of  shott,  which  made  them  give  way  and 
come  noe  more  neare  her  that  daye.  The  other  shippes  were 
not  as  yett  come  uppe,  and  the  Ozeandcr  coidd  not  gett  cleare 
of  her  anchours,  soe  shee  shott  not  one  shoote  that  daye  ;  but 
the  Dragon  supplyed  her  wante  verye  well  and,  it  drawinge 
neare  night,  they  all  came  to  anchoui'e  within  sight  of  each 
other  ;  and  the  next  morninge  wayed  anchours  againe  and 
begann  theire  fight,  in  which  the  Ozeander  bravely  redeemed 
the  tyme  slice  loste  the  daye  before.  The  fyrye  Dragon,  bestir- 
inge  herselfe,  in  some  three  howers  hott  f eight  drove  three  of 
the  gallions  on  the  sands,  and  then  the  Ozeander,  drawinge  little 
water,  daunced  the  haye  ^  aboute  them,  and  soe  payed  them 
that  they  durste  not  shewe  a  man  on  theire  deckes,  killinge 
and  spoylinge  their  men,  and  battered  theire  shipps  exceeding- 
lye.  In  the  afternoone,  the  find  beeinge  come,  the  gallionns, 
with  the  helpe  of  the  friggots,  were  aflote  agayne,  and  receaved 
a  brave  welcome  of  our  shippes  ;  with  whom  they  continued 
feight  about  foure  howers,  but  much  to  theire  disadvantage 
and  our  greate  honour.  It  beeinge  nowe  night,  wee  came  to 
our  anchours,  and  theire  rode  that  night  and  all  the  nexte 
daye  without  meddling  each  with  other.  And  the  daye  after, 
the  Dragon  drawinge  much  water,  and  the  baye  shallowe, 
the  Gencrall  wente  from  thence  and  rode  on  the  other  syde  of 
the  baye,  at  a  place  called  Mendofrobag  -  ;  where  all  that 
tyme  Sardar  Chaune,^  a  great  nobleman  of  the  Mogull's,  with 

1  A  country  dance,  in  which  the  performers  wound  in  and  out. 

-  Muzatfarabad  (generally  contracted  to  Jafarabad),  a  town  on  the 
coast  of  Katliiawar,  about  twenty-five  miles  cast  of  Diu. 

^  Sardar  Khan,  the  title  given  by  Jahangir  to  Khwaja  Yadgar,  brother 
of  Abdullah  Khan. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-lG  199 

2000  horses,  was  beseidginge  a  castle  of  the  Rasbooches 
[Rajputs],  a  caste  of  Gentills  and  formerly  (before  the  conqiieste 
of  Guyseratt  by  the  MoguU)  greate  nobles  of  the  cuntrye, 
but  nowe  live  by  robbinge  and  spoylinge  poore  passengers  by 
the  waye.  Of  this  nobleman  was  our  Generall  verye  honour- 
ablye  entertayned,  and  presented  with  a  gallante  horse  and 
furniture  ;  which  horse  our  Generall  afterwards  presented  to 
the  Governour  of  Goga  [see  p.  62],  a  porte-towne  to  the 
westward  of  Suratt. 

About  ten  dayes  after  the  shippes  staye,  where  they  had 
trade  and  commerce  with  this  people,  the  Portungale  shippes 
and  friggots,  havinge  replenished  theire  wants  with  store  of 
freshe  men,  came  thether  to  our  shippes  ;  which  made  Sardar 
Chaune,  allthough  he  had  heard  wee  had  put  them  to  the 
worste  on  the  other  syde  in  our  former  fighte,  yet,  seeinge  theire 
greate  odds,  bothe  in  bignesse  and  quantitye,  through  his  love 
to  our  Generall  was  verye  fearfuU  of  the  [e]vente  of  the  fighte 
and  counselled  our  Generall  to  flye  ;  which  hee  smyling  at, 
tould  him  that  (God  willinge)  hee  should  see  theire  greate 
number  should  not  avayle  them  against  him.  And  soe,  havinge 
all  his  men  aboard,  wayed  anchoure  and  with  a  brave  resolution 
sett  on  them,  beatinge  and  spoylinge  them  in  such  fashion  that 
theire  whole  defence  was  in  flyinge  away  ;  and  in  fower  houres 
space  wee  drove  them  cleane  out  of  our  sight,  and  retorned 
and  anchored  with  perpetuall  honoure  ;  this  fight  beeing  before 
thowsands  of  the  countrye  people,  whoe  (to  our  nation's  greate 
fame)  have  devulged  the  same  farr  and  r.eare.  Sardar  Chann, 
after  the  rasinge  of  his  castle  and  takinge  the  rcbbells,  repayr- 
inge  to  the  Greate  Mogull,  lelated  to  him  at  large  the  discourse 
of  this  fighte  ;  which  made  the  Kinge  admire  much,  formerlye 
thinkinge  there  had  bin  noe  nation  comparable  to  the  Portun- 
gale by  sea. 

The  27th  of  December,  1612,  our  shippes  retorninge  againe 
came  to  Suallye,  havinge  loste  in  all  the  fightes  with  the  four 
Portungalcs  only  three  men,  and  those  saylors  ;  and  one  man 
loste  his  arme,  shott  off  with  a  greate  shott  ;  not  anye  else 
of  our  companye  either  hurtc  or  wounded  (thanks  bee  to  God). 
But  the  Portungalcs  on  the  contrarye  (as  wee  have  ben  since 
certaynlye  informed  by  those  that  sawe  moste  of  them  buryed) 


200  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

had  sluync  100  men.  Some  rc'i)orLc  800  and  odd,  but  them- 
selves coniesse  100  ;  but  sure  thcire  losse  was  more  then  they 
will  confesse. 

The  13th  of  Januarye,  1012  [1013],  I  (bccinge  in  Suratt) 
was  sente  for  aboard  by  the  Generall  ;  where  by  a  coinisaile 
I  was  entertayncd,  and  bounde  to  the  Worshippfull  Companye 
of  Marehaimts,  and  in  regard  of  my  languadge  (which  others 
of  theire  factors  wanted)  I  was  appoynted  to  remayne  in  Suratt 
as  a  factor.  And  having  entrcd  into  a  bonde  of  400^  for  the 
accomplishment  of  my  service,  I  was  this  day  dispeeded  from 
the  Generall  and  retorned  to  Suratt.  Theis  and  manye  other 
things  accomplished,  wee  for  the  cuntrye  were  set  on  shore, 
and  the  18th  of  Januarye,  1012,  the  shippes  departed  for 
England,^  the  gallionns  never  offering  one  shott  at  them, 
havinge  ridden  manye  dayes  in  sight  of  them.  [Antliony 
Starkey  was  sent  for  England.] 

Beeinge  at  Suratt,  the  29th  day  of  Januarye  wee  dispeeded 
Mr,  Paule  Caninge  for  Agra,  havinge  provided  all  things 
necessarye  for  his  voyage  to  conlentnient  ;  but  he  had  a 
tedious  and  hard  journey  of  yt,  beeinge  70  dayes  on  tlic  waye 
betweene  Suratt  and  Agra,  and  underwente  manye  troubles, 
beeinge  sett  on  by  the  ennemye  on  the  waye,  whoe  shott  him 
through  the  bellye  with  an  arrowe  and  likewise  one  of  his 
Englishmen  through  the  arme,  and  killed  and  hurte  manye 
of  his  pyonns  [peons]  ;  but,  God  bee  thanked,  hee  loste  not 
any  thinge,  but  before  his  arrivall  in  Agra  hee  was  well  cured 
of  his  hurte.  Soone  after  this,  two  of  his  Englishe  ^  fell  out 
with  him  and  soe  lefte  him  on  the  waye,  retorninge  to  Suratt  ; 
one  of  them  brought  away  his  beste  horse  and  furniture,  which 
coste  20/.  Soe  Mr.  Caninge  proseeded  on  his  journey,  onlye 
attended  with  two  musitians  ;  and  the  9th  day  of  Aprill 
arrived  in  Agra.  And  the  nexte  day  was  called  before  the 
Kinge,  to  whom  hee  delivered  the  Kinge  of  England's  letters 
and  a  presente,  which  was  of  noe  greate  valine  ;  which  made 
the  Kinge  aske  him  if  our  Kinge  sente  him  that  presente  ;  he 
answer'd  our  Kinge  sente  him  the  letter,  but  the  marchaunts 
sente  him  that  presente.     The  Kinge  graced  him  by  givinge 

*  Really  for  Achin  and  Bantam,  before  returning  to  England. 
^  Richard  Temple  and  Edward  Hunt. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1G12-1G  201 

him  a  cuppe  of  wyne  with  his  owne  hande  (as  Mr.  Caningc 
wrote  to  us),  and  further  toulde  him  that  all  his  requests 
should  bee  graunted,  willinge  him  to  write  home  for  all  rich 
novelties,  wherin  hee  much  delighted  ;  and  in  fyne  referred 
him,  for  dispatch  of  his  businesse,  to  Mochrobo  Chaunc 
[Mukarrab  Klian],  a  grcate  nobleman  ;  whoe  objected,  first, 
some  five  or  sixe  marchaunts  to  reside  in  Agra,  and  wee  should 
have  a  castle  builte  for  us  at  Mendofrobag  :  secondlye,  hee 
alledged,  if  noe  marchaunts  should  bee  in  Agra,  then  another 
Generall  might  take  theire  goods,  as  Sir  Henry  Middleton  had 
don  :  thirdlye,  if  for  our  sakes  they  should  breake  peace  with 
the  Portungales,  and  then  wee  to  have  noe  more  shippe  come 
in  three  or  fowcr  yeares,  what  satisfaction  wee  could  make 
them  for  wrongs  receaved  by  them  from  the  Portungales  ? 
To  all  which  Mr.  Caninge  answer'd  to  contente  ;  and  Mochrobo 
Chaune  imparted  his  answere  to  the  Kinge,  whoe  rested  well 
contente  therewith. 

Soone  after  his  cominge  to  Agra,  one  of  his  musitians 
[i.  e.  Lancelot  Canning]  dyed  (which  was  the  chief  est  presente 
sent  to  the  Kinge).  Aboute  the  buriall  of  him  Mr.  Caninge 
had  much  trouble  with  the  Portungalc  Fathers,  whoe  would 
not  suffer  him  to  bee  buried  in  theire  church-yarde  (a  place 
which  the  Kinge  gave  tlie  Portungales  for  buriall  of  Chrystians) ; 
yet  at  laste  Mr.  Caninge  buried  him  there.  But  the  Portungales 
tooke  him  upp  againe,  and  buried  him  in  the  heighway  ;  which 
the  Kinge  hearing  of,  made  them  take  him  upp  againe  and 
bury  him  in  the  former  place,  threatninge  them  not  onlye  to 
turne  them  out  of  his  kingdom,  but  allsoe  theire  dead  bodies, 
theire  countriemen,  out  of  theire  graves.^ 

Presentlye  after,  Mr.  Caninge  wrote  to  us  of  the  daunger  and 
feare  hee  lived  in  of  beeinge  poysoned  by  the  Jesuitts,  and 
therefore  desired  that  I,  Nich.  Withington,  might  come  upp 
to  him,  as  well  to  assiste  him  in  his  presente  affares  as  allsoe  to 

'  Kerridge  (Letters  Received,  vol.  i,  p.  283)  gives  a  diffei'eiit  account. 
He  says  that  the  Jesuits  disinterred  the  body  of  Lancelot  Canning  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  his  cousin  ;  and  that,  on  the  death  of  the  latter, 
Trully  buried  both  bodies  together  on  one  side  of  the  Christian  cemetery, 
at  a  good  distance  from  the  other  tombs — an  arrangement  to  wliicli  the 
Jesuits  made  no  objection. 


202  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

foUowc  our  suite  at  courte  in  case  of  his  niortalletye  ;  whcr- 
uppon  it  was  concluded  aniongsle  us  at  Suratt,  by  a  counsel!, 
that  I  should  departe  with  all  conveniente  speede  for  Agra. 
Presentlye  after  this,  there  came  a  pattamar  ^  with  letters 
from  Agra,  certifyinge  us  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Caninge,^  and 
allsoe  howe  the  Kinge  had  taken  order  that  all  his  goods 
should  bee  kepte  safe  till  some  of  our  Englishmen  came  thether 
to  take  charge  of  them  ;  wheruppon  yt  was  still  agreed  that 
I  should  proseede  on  my  purposed  journey  to  Agra  ;  but 
exceptions  was  taken  by  one  Thomas  Kyrridge,  whoe  alledged 
that,  Mr.  Caninge  beeinge  dead,  the  place  belonged  to  him. 
In  fyne  hee  was  dispeeded  for  Agra  ;  but  before  his  departure 
it  was  concluded  amongste  us  that  some  one  of  us  should  goe 
for  England  overlande  from  Mocha,  with  letters  to  advise  the 
Worshippfull  Companye  of  our  proseedings.  And  now  in 
regard  that  within  some  eighte  or  ten  dayes  there  was  a  shippe 
of  this  place  bounde  for  Mocha  in  the  Redd  Sea,  in  which 
shippe  one  goinge  might  well  in  twoe  moneths  travell  bee  in 
Allexandria  in  Turkye  :  so  that  by  all  likelihood  hee  might 
bee  sooner  in  England  then  if  hee  should  goe  by  the  way  of 
Aleppo  :  in  fyne  our  Agente  propounded  this  journey  to  mee, 
N.W.  ;  which  I,  seeinge  the  necessitye  of  sendinge  one,  and 
that  none  other  would  attempte  the  journey,  gave  waye  to 
undertake.  Soone  after  wee  sente  for  the  master  of  the  shippe 
that  was  bounde  for  Mocha  and  acquaynted  him  with  our 
intente  ;  whoe  tould  us  that  it  was  impossible  for  a  Chrystian 
to  passe  that  way,  unlesse  hee  were  circumsized,  noe  Christian 
beeinge  suffred  to  come  neare  Mocha,^  where  theire  prophett 
Mahomet  was  buried  ;  by  which  place  I  muste  of  force  passe 
to  goe  to  Allexandria.  The  like  wee  heard  allsoe  of  divers 
others  ;  which  made  us  (but  especiallye  myself,  not  havinge 
a  desier  to  bee  cutt)  to  give  over  our  determination.  Yet  not- 
withstandinge,  wee  hyred  a  fellowe,  that  understoode  the 
Arabian  tonge  and  had  formerlye  ben  that  way,  to  carrye  our 

'  '  Or  footc  poste  '  (marginal  note). 

"  Purchas  says  that  Canning  died  May  29,  1613,  and  that  Kerridge 
started  for  Agra  on  the  22nd  of  the  following  montli.  The  date  of 
Canning's  death  is  also  given  as  May  12  (O.  C.  117)  and  May  27  [O.  C.  1 16). 

3  Purchas  has  '  Mecca  ',  which  is  evidently  intended,  though  Muham- 
mad's tomb  is  really  at  Medina 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-10  203 

letters  to  Allexandria  by  that  conveyance  ;  whoe  departed 
in  the  shippe,  and  at  his  arrivall  in  Mocha,  hee  hearinge  newes 
that  all  our  Englishmen  were  imprisoned  and  our  goods  con- 
fiscated for  the  late  facte  of  Sir  Henry  Middleton,  whoe  not 
longe  before  had  robbed  divers  in  those  parts,  hee  therefore 
durste  not  proseede,  but  retorned  our  letters  in  the  shippe, 
which  arrived  at  the  barre  of  Suratt  the  13th  of  September, 
1613,  and  was  taken  by  the  Portungales  armado  of  friggotts, 
notwithstandinge  theire  passe  which  they  had  of  the  Portun- 
gales. This  shippe  ^  was  verye  richlye  laden,  bceinge  worth 
a  hundred  thowsand  pounde  ;  yet  not  contented  with  the  shijipe 
and  goods,  but  tooke  allsoe  700  persons  of  all  sorts  with  them 
to  Goa  ;  which  deede  of  theires  is  nowe  growne  soe  odious 
that  it  is  like  to  bee  the  utter  undoing  of  the  Portungales  in 
their  parts,  the  Kinge  takinge  yt  soe  haynosly  that  they 
should  doe  such  a  thinge,  contrarye  to  theire  passe  ;  insomuch 
that  noe  Portungale  passeth  that  waye  without  a  suertye, 
neither  can  anye  Portungale  passe  in  or  out.  [Merchants  of 
Surat  are  by  this  meanes  impoverished,  and  our  goods  left  in 
our  hands  ;  with  which  we  went  to  Amadabar.] 

Not  longe  after,  there  came  one  ^  to  us  whoe  had  rune  awaye 
from  Sir  Henry  Middleton  to  the  Portungales  and  with  them 
had  continued  till  his  cominge  to  us.  He  informed  us  of  the 
estate  of  the  Portungales,  which  hee  affirmed  to  bee  verye 
weake,  and  at  that  time  had  divers  of  theire  townes  beseeged 
by  the  Decannes  and  other  Moores  theire  neighbours,  insomuch 
that  they  were  fayne  to  sende  out  of  theire  townes  manye 
hundreds  of  poore  labouring  people  and  others  that  dwelte 
amongste  them,  for  wante  of  victualls  ;  [three  barkes  of 
which  came  to  Surat  and  divers  others  to  Cambaya.  Their 
weaknesse  in  fight  with  us  caused  all  this.] 

There  came  likewise  unto  us  one  ^  that  had  formerlye  rune 
awaye  from  our  shippes  to  the  Portungales,  and  agayne  from 
tliem  to  us  ;  and  in  his  waye  passinge  through  the  Decannes 
countrye,  he  was  perswaded  by  another  Englishman  (that 
was  turned  Moore  and  lived  there)  to  turne  Moore  ;  which  hee 

'  The  Kahitibi,  belonging  to  the  Queen  Mothci'. 

'^  Purchas  gives  his  name  as  John  Alkin. 

^  Purchas  gives  his  name  as  Robert  Johnson. 


204  EARLY  TllAVELS  IN  INDIA 

(lid  ;vii(l  was  circumsized,  tlie  Kinge  allowingc  him  Is.  iid.  per 
tluye  and  liis  diett  at  tlic  Kingc's  own  table  ;  but  within  eighte 
daycs  after  his  circunisizion  he  dyed.  Lykewise  another  of 
our  eonii)anie,  called  Robert  Trullye,  which  was  an  attendantc 
to  Mr.  Caninge,  whonie  hee  lefte  and  wente  to  Decanne  to  the 
Kinge  thereof,  carryinge  along  with  him  a  Germayne  for  his 
interpritor  that  understoode  the  language  ;  and  cominge  there, 
offred  bothe  to  turne  Moorcs,  which  was  kyndlye  accepted  by 
the  Kinge.  So  Trullye  was  circumsized,  and  had  a  newe  name 
given  him  and  greate  allov/ance  given  him  by  the  Kinge,  with 
whom  hcc  continued.  But  they  cominge  to  eutt  the  Germayne, 
founde  that  hee  had  ben  formerlye  circumsized  (as  he  was 
once  in  Persia)".but  thought  nowe  to  have  deceaved  the  Decanne, 
whoe,  fyndinge  him  allrcddye  a  Moore,  would  not  give  him 
entertaynment  ;  soe  hee  retorned  to  Agra  and  gott  himselfe 
into  the  service  of  a  Frenchman,  and  is  turned  Chrystian 
againe,  goinge  usuallye  to  Masse  with  his  master.  Another 
allsoe,  called  Robert  Ciaxton,^  whom  wee  had  entertayncd, 
hearinge  reporte  how  Trullye  was  made  of  in  the  Decanns 
courte,  lefte  us  and  wente  thether  allsoe  and  turned  Moore, 
havinge  verye  good  allowance  ;  yet,  not  contente  therewith, 
after  the  Englishe  shippes  came  to  Suratt,  hee  came  thether, 
shewinge  himselfe  verye  pennytente  for  what  hee  had  don, 
and  carried  himselfe  in  such  manner  that  everye  man  pittied 
him.  At  the  laste  hee  gott  into  his  hands  some  fort  ye  and  odd 
pounds,  under  pretence  of  helpingc  them  to  buye  commodytics, 
and  then  gave  them  the  slippe  and  retorned  from  whence  hee 
came,  and  there  remaynes  still,  for  ought  wee  knowe.  So  there 
is  with  the  Kinge  of  Decanne  fower  Englishemen  which  are 
turned  Moores,  and  divers  Portungales  allsoe. 

Aboute  the  12th  of  October,  1613,  Mr.  Aldworth  (our 
Agente),  myselfe,  and  Mr.  Aldworth's  man,^  and  a  Germayne 
began  our  journey  for  Amadavar  ;  and  travellinge  alonge  the 
cuntrye,  the  18th  daye  wee  came  to  a  prittie  village  called 

1  Or  Clarkson  {Letters  Received,  vol.  i,  pp.  299,  304). 

^  John  Young.  The  German  was  named  Jacob.  He  had  been 
captured  by  the  Turks  in  Hungary  and  remained  a  slave  for  seven  or 
eight  years,  when,  after  several  changes  of  masters,  he  managed  to 
escape  to  the  Portuguese  at  Goa,  from  whom  he  fled  to  Surat  (Letters 
Received,  vol.  i,  pp.  299,  30-4). 


NICHOLAS  WITIIINGTON,  1612-lG  205 

Sarron/  and  lodged  in  the  Governor's  yarde,  where  wee  were 
safe  from  tlieeves.  In  the  morninge  wee  beeinge  reddye  to 
departe,  the  Governor  sente  his  men  to  us  to  begge  somethinge 
of  us  ;  wlioc  were  eontcnte  with  8  pites  [pice],  wliieh  is  aboute 
3r/.  Enghshe.  And  traveUinge  yet  further  on  our  journey,  wee 
came  to  a  cittye  called  Brothra  [Baroda],  which  is  but  a  little 
cittye,  yet  of  fyne  buyldings  ;  where  wee  bought  some  com- 
modities for  our  trading.  And  about  ten  courses  from  tlience 
wee  came  to  a  river  called  Wasseth,-  where  wee  fownde 
Mussidph  Chane  [Musaff  Khan  ?],  Governor  of  Brodra  (and 
a  friend  to  our  Englislie),  with  his  arniye,  beeinge  reddye  to 
fighte  with  the  Rasbooches  that  laye  on  the  other  syde  of  the 
river,  to  the  number  of  2000  horses  and  manye  foote.  Wee 
vizitted  him  and  presented  him  with  cloth  ;  and  towards 
night  peace  was  concluded  betweene  him  and  the  rebbells.  The 
cheife  of  them  (beeinge  the  captain,  and  of  tho  rase  of  the  ould 
kinges  of  Suratt)  came  over  the  river  to  vizitt  the  Governor ; 
but  before  hee  came,  hee  sente  over  his  whole  armye,  whoe 
put  themselves  in  battell  array,  for  feare  of  anye  treeherye  ; 
for  the  yeare  before,  the  brother  of  this  rebbell  cominge  in  tlie 
same  manner  to  visite  Mussulph  Chane,  whoe  caused  his 
throate  to  bee  cutt,  and  after  slewe  manye  of  his  souldiers. 
Soe  this  rebell,  to  prevente  the  like,  sente  over  his  whole  armye 
first,  and  then  came  armed  himselfe,  bceing  compassed  with 
some  fortye  of  his  chiefest  souldiers,  all  armed  compleate,  and 
soe  presented  himselfe  before  Mussulph  Chane,  giveinge  him  a 
white  bowe,  witnessinge  (as  wee  conceaved)  his  innoeencye  ;  and 
soe,  kissinge  the  hande  of  the  Governor,  presentlye  departed. 
Mussvdph  Chane  likewise  the  same  night  wente  to  Brodra,  and 
lefte  us  twentie  of  his  horsenten  to  accompanye  us  on  our  wave. 

1  Purchas  gives  the  intermediate  stages  :  '  From  Surat  I  went  to 
Periano  [Variao],  three  course.  To  Cosumbay  [Kosamba],  a  little 
village,  10  c.  Barocho  [Broach],  10  c.  :  a  prettie  citie  on  a  high  hill, 
compassed  with  a  wall,  a  great  river  running  by,  as  broad  as  Thames  ; 
divers  shipjies  of  two  hundred  tunnes  and  odde  there  riding ;  best 
calicoes  in  the  kingdome  ;  store  of  cotton.  To  Saringa  [Sarang],  10  c. 
To  Carron  [Karvan]  10c.'  Sarang  is  about  four  miles  north  of  Shah- 
abad. 

^  The  Mahi.  '  Wasseth  '  is  really  Vasad,  the  place  where  the  highroad 
crossed  the  river. 


206  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

and  allsoc  Icnte  us  one  of  his  ellephants  to  linnsporte  our 
goods  over  tlie  river,  the  water  beeinge  heighe.  [To  Niriand 
[Nariad],  14  c.  ;   a  great  townc  where  they  make  indico.] 

The  twenty-second  daye  wee  came  to  Amadavar,  which  is 
the  cheifcst  eittye  of  Gnysscratt,  and  is  verye  nearo  as  bigge 
as  I^ondon,  walled  rounde  with  a  verye  stronge  wall,  seiluate 
in  the  playne  by  the  river-syde.  Here  are  marchaiints  of  all 
places  resydinge,  as  well  Chrystians  as  Moores  and  Gentills. 
The  commodities  of  tliis  place  are  cloth  of  gould,  silver  tissue, 
vellvets  (but  not  comparable  to  ours),  taffetase  and  other 
stuffes,  and  divers  druggs,  with  other  commodities.'^  Here 
wee  tooke  a  howse  to  hier  in  a  place  where  divers  Armenian 
marchaunts  lye  and  other  Chrystians.  The  nexte  daye  wee 
vizited  Abdolla  Chan,^  Governor  of  this  place  (a  nobleman  of 
5000  horse  paye),  and  presented  him  with  a  veste  of  cloth  ^ 
and  other  trifles  of  small  valine  ;  but  hee  expected  greater 
matters,  which  wantinge,  hee  presentlye  dismissed  us  without 
any  grace. 

Shortelye  after,  our  Agente  sente  mee  to  Cambaya,  givinge 
mee  200  rupeias,  everye  rupie  containinge  2s.  dd.,  to  buye  of 
all  sorts  of  commodities  which  I  should  fynde  there  fitt  for  our 
tradinge,  and  to  informe  myselfe  of  the  place  ;  which  I  thanke 
God  I  did,  though  with  greate  daunger  of  robbinge.  [Seven 
course  to  Barengeo  [Barcja],  where  every  Tuesday  the  cafdy 
[see  p.  143]  of  Cambaya  meete  and  so  keepe  company  for  feare 
of  theeves.  Hence  sixteene  course  to  Soquatera  [Sojitra],  a 
fine  towne  well  manned  with  souldiers.  Departed  at  midnight, 
and  about  eight  of  the  clocke  next  morning  came  10  c.  to 
Cambaya.]  And  the  30th  daye,  havinge  bestowed  my  200 
rupeias  in  such  commodities  as  I  founde  for  our  turne,  in  the 
afternoone  beeinge  reddye  to  departe,  the  Governor  sente  for 
mee  and  shewed  mee  our  King's  letter  of  England,  which 
General  Beste  brought  ;  tellinge  mee  it  was  sente  him  downe 
from  the  Kinge  to  have  it  translated,  and  intreated  mee  to  doe 
yt  ;     but    I   excused   myselfe,   urginge  the   neccssitie   of  my 

1  Purchas  specifies  '  gumbuck  '  [gumlac]  and  '  coloured  bafifataes '. 

2  Abdullah  Khan,  Firuz-jang,  was  Viceroy  of  Gujarat  from  1611  to 
1616. 

^  '  Viz  three  yards  and  a  half  '  [marginal  note). 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  161 2-1  r,  207 

presente  departure,  and  withall  tould  him  that  yt  was  a  matter 
of  more  importance  then  for  mee  to  doe  yt  alone,  without  tlie 
knowledge  of  our  Agcnte,  and  desired  him  to  sende  yt  to 
Amadavar  to  our  Agente,  and  hee  without  doubte  would 
translate  yt  ;  which  the  Governor  did.  Soe  accordinglye  it 
was  translated. 

Havinge  well  overcome  our  businesse  and  but  little  to  doe, 
wee  rode  to  Serkesse  [Sarkhej  ;  see  p.  174]  (some  three  courses 
from  Amadavar),  which  is  the  clieife  place  where  they  make 
theire  fiatte  indico  ;  and  there  wee  spente  twoe  or  three  dayes 
in  seeinge  the  makinge  therof.  In  this  towne  are  the  scpulehers 
of  the  Kings  of  Guyseratt,  a  verye  dellicate  churche  and  fayer 
toumbes,  which  are  kepte  verye  comelye  ;  whither  there  is 
much  resorteinge  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdome  to  vizitt  theis 
toumbes.  Allsoe  aboute  a  myle  and  a  halfe  off  there  is  a  verye 
fayer  and  pleasante  garden  of  a  myle  aboute,  which  compasseth 
a  verye  fayer  and  statelye  howse,  seated  dellicately  by  the 
river-side  ;  which  howse  Chou  Chou,^  now  the  cheifeste  noble- 
man of  the  Mogull's,  builte  in  memoriall  of  the  greate  victorye 
which  hee  gott  of  the  laste  Kinge  of  Guyseratt,  takinge  him 
prisoner,  and  likewise  brought  all  his  whole  kingdome  in 
subjection  of  the  Greate  Mogull,  as  yt  still  continueth  ;  in 
memoriall  wherof,  the  battell  beeinge  fought  in  this  place,  hee 
builte  this  howse  and  planted  the  orchard,  raysinge  the  heigh 
wall  rounde  aboute  yt.  Noe  man  dwelleth  in  this  howse  ; 
onlye  a  fewe  poore  men  that  are  hyred  to  keepe  the  orchard 
cleane.  Wee  lodged  in  yt  one  night,  and  sente  for  sixe  fisher- 
men, that  in  lesse  then  halfe  an  hower  tooke  inore  fishe  then 
all  our  companye  could  eate  ;  and  soone  after  retorned  to 
Amadavar  agayne. 

Here  in  Amadavar  is  a  Jesuite  ^  remayninge  to  converte 

'  The  Khankhanan  (see  p.  71)  is  meant.  The  remains  of  his  Fateh 
Bdgh,  or  Garden  of  Victory  (laid  out  in  1584),  are  still  to  be  seen  near 
the  lake  at  Sarkhej. 

2  This  was  probably  Jean  de  Seine,  who  is  described  by  Pyrard  do 
Laval  in  one  place  as  belonging  to  Nancy,  in  another  place  to  Verdim. 
When  Pyrard  left  Goa  (early  in  1610)  Father  de  Seine  had  gone  to  reside 
at  Chaul.  Kerridge  mentions  him  in  September  1615  (Letter-book,  f.  5) 
as  having  gone  to  court  with  Mukarrab  Khan.  For  other  information 
see  Father  Hosten's  article  on  Jesuit  missionaries  in  the  Journal  of  the 
Bengal  Asiatic  Society,  1910,  ji.  530. 


208  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

heathens  to  Chrystianitio,  though  hoc  liath  little  profTit  thcre- 
byc  hctherto  ;  yet  still  rcsleth  in  his  vocation.  Hec  toiild  ns 
that  they  were  a  people  absolutelye  predestinated  for  hell. 
Hee,  beeinge  a  Frenchman,  was  verj'e  open  to  our  Agentc  in 
all  matters  ;  and  likewise  made  knowne  unto  him  his  owne 
poore  estate,  protestinge  hee  had  nothinge  to  eate,  by  reason 
of  the  imbarquement  of  the  Portungales  and  theire  goodes  ; 
and  in  fyne  intreated  our  Agente  to  lende  him  some  money 
or  give  him  some  for  God's  sake.  Our  Agente,  seeinge  the 
povertye  of  the  poore  man,  gave  him  tenn.  rupeias,  viz.  25s. 
sterlinge  ;  for  the  which  afterwards  hee  wrote  to  him  a 
thankful  letter,  but  withall  desired  him  to  burne  yt  ;  whereby 
I  note  his  pride  of  harte,  to  bee  willinge  to  receave  a  good  turne 
but  not  opcnlye  to  acknowledge  that  hee  had  neede  of  yt. 

The  12th  of  December  ^  wee  had  certayne  intelligence  by 
divers  that  there  were  English  shipps  arrived  in  Synda  at 
Lowrybander  ^ ;  whereuppon  yt  was  thought  fitt  by  our 
Agente  (myselfe  thereto  consentinge)  that  I  should  instantlye 
take  my  journey  thether  to  them,  to  informe  them  of  our 
settled  factorye  and  to  advise  them  of  other  things  eonveniente 
for  our  and  theire  tradinge.  Whereuppon  I  prepared  all  things 
necessarye,  and  the  nexte  daye  departed  on  my  journey.  And 
the  firste  night  I  fell  acquainted  with  certayne  marehaunts 
bounde  for  Synda,  of  which  acquayntance  wee  were  all  well 
pleased  and  glad,  keepinge  companye  together  till  yt  pleased 
God  to  parte  us  by  death. ^  Keepinge  on  our  waye,  the  15th  of 
December,  1613,  wee  came  to  a  village  called  Callwalla.  This 
towne  the  King's  father  (ould  Accabaa)  after  tlie  conqueste  of 
Guyseratt,  cominge  thether,  gave  to  a  company  of  women  and 
theire  posteritie  for  ever,  uppon  condition  to  teache  and  bringe 
upp  theire  children  in  theire  owne  profession,  which  is  daimc- 
inge,  etc.  At  our  beeinge  here,  the  women  of  the  towne  came 
into  our  caravan  and  daunced,  everye  man  givinge  them  some- 

'  Purchas  says  November  28. 

^  Printed  (here  and  elsewhere)  '  Eowi-ybander '.  It  is  Lahrlbandar, 
the  old  port  of  Tatta,  near  the  Piti  mouth  of  the  Indus. 

3  Purchas's  version  has  :  '  The  thirteenth  of  December  came  to 
Cassumparo,  where  I  overtooke  a  caphilo  travelling  to  Radenpare 
[Radhanpur],  six  dayes  journey  on  my  way.  Fourteene,  to  Callita- 
lowny,  a  faire  castle.    Thirteene  [i.  e.  15th],  7  c.  to  Callwalla,'  &c. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-10  £09 

tliinge  ;  and  afterwards  they  af-ked  openlye  :  Wl:oe  wants  a 
bedfellow  ?  Soe  shamelesse  they  were.  Wee  departed  from 
thence  the  nexteday.  [The  sixteenth,  8  c.  to  Carrya  [Ivliawad  ?], 
where  is  a  well-manned  fortresse  ;  and  the  eighteenth  (till 
which,  for  feare  of  thceves,  wee  stayed  for  another  caravan) 
to  Deccanaura  [Dekawara] ;  our  camell  stolne  and  a  man 
slaine.]  And  the  19th  day  wee  came  [10  e.]  to  Bollodo,  a  forte 
kepte  by  Newlocke  Abram  ^  (a  brave  souldier)  for  the  Mogidl  ; 
whoe  was  that  day  retorned  from  battell,  bringinge  home  with 
him  169  heads  of  the  Coolies  [Kolis],  a  theevish  caste  of 
moutteners  [mountaineers  ?]  that  live  by  robbinge  and  spoyl- 
inge  poore  passengers  on  the  heighwaye.  [The  twentieth,  13  c. 
to  Sariandgo,  a  fort.]  Wee  still  kepte  on  our  journey,  and  the 
21st  daye  wee  came  [10  c]  to  Raddinpoore  [Radhanpur],  a  bige 
towne,  havinge  a  forte  kepte  in  yt  and  a  companye  of  brave 
soiddiers.  Wee  stayed  here  twee  dayes  to  provide  ourselves 
of  provision  for  the  desarte  journey,  there  beeinge  nothinge 
to  bee  had  on  the  way,  not  soe  much  as  freshe  water  for  our 
cammells,  nor  anye  other  victualls  for  them  or  ourselves.  The 
23d  day  wee  travelled  [Tc],  and  at  night  lay e  in  the  feilds.  [Met 
a  caravan  robbed  of  all,  from  Tutta.  The  foure  and  twentieth 
12  c.  Dispeeded  one  of  my  pions  to  Lowribander  with  a  letter  ; 
which  promised  to  doe  it  in  ten  dayes,  but  I  thinke  was  slaine. 
The  five  and  twentieth  14  c]  Lodged  in  the  feilds,  by  a  well 
of  water,  but  yt  was  soe  salte  that  wee  could  not  use  yt.  [The 
six  and  twentieth  10  c.  to  such  another  well.]  This  daye  wee 
gave  our  cammells  water  which  wee  brought  from  Raddin- 
poore, they  not  havinge  dranke  of  three  dayes,  which  is  usuall 
with  them  there  in  their  travell.  Soe  wee  travelled  the  27th  day 
[14  c]  and  laye  in  the  feilds  as  before,  havinge  nothinge  but 
what  wee  brought  with  us.  And  the  28th  day  [10  c]  wee  came 
to  Negar  Parker  [Nagar  Parkar],  a  poore  towne,  yet  with  good 
store  of  provision  for  travellers.  In  the  deserte  that  wee  had 
passed  wee  sawe  greate  aboundance  of  wilde  asses,  redd  deare, 
foxes,   and   other  wild   beasts.     This   towne  ^   (wherein   wee 

>  Purchas  calls  him  Newlock  Abram  Cabrate.  This  may  be  intended 
for  Nurullali  IbraliTm  Kabuli. 

2  Purchas  adds  that  hero  they  '  met  with  an  other  caravan,  robbed 
within  two  dayes  journey  of  Tutta  '. 

P 


210  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

stayed  a,  daye  to  refreshe  ourselves  and  tlion  flo]iarte(1,  payingo 
a  toule  [toll]  for  otir  cammcUs  ladinge)  i)ayolh  a  yoarelj-e 
tribute  to  the  Moffull.  All  the  rcstc  betweene  that  and  Jtmo,^ 
which  is  halfe  a  day's  journey  from  Tutta,  paye  none,  neither 
acknowledge  any  kinge  but  themselves,  robbinge  and  sparinge 
whom  they  liste.  When  an  armye  of  the  Mogull's  cometh 
againste  them,  they  fyer  theire  howses  and  flye  into  the 
mountayns,  theire  howses  beeinge  made  of  strawe  and  morter, 
in  the  fashion  of  beehives,  which  are  soone  burnte  and  soone 
upp  agayne.  They  have  a  custome  to  guard  passengers  (when 
they  have  taken  from  them  what  they  please,  imder  culour  of 
custome)  till  they  be  fourth  of  theire  territoryes,  takingc  it  in 
fowie  disgrace  to  have  anye  other  but  themselves  to  robb  anye 
man  within  theire  command. 

[We  travelled  6  c.  and  lay  by  a  tanke  or  pond  of  fresh 
water.  The  thirty  one,  8  c,  and  lay  in  the  fields  by  a  brackish 
well.  The  first  of  January  [1614]  -  we  went  10  c.  to  Burdiano.] 
Here  wee  payed  custome  for  our  goods,  stayinge  there  a  daye 
and  better,  manye  of  our  companye  beeinge  sicke  with  drinking 
of  theire  water,  which  is  brackish.  And  my  owne  provision 
of  water  beeinge  spente,  I  was  forced  to  drink  this  of  theirs, 
but  I  mingled  yt  with  buttermilke,  wherof  there  is  good  store. 
Of  this  water,  as  bad  as  yt  was,  wee  laded  otir  cammells  for 
four  dayes  journey,  theire  beeinge  none  to  bee  had  in  all  that 
way.  [Travelled  more  the  second  18  c,  all  night.  The  third, 
in  the  afternoone  till  midnight,  10  c.  The  fourth,  12  c.  Here 
I  fell  sicke  and  vomited,  by  reason  of  the  water.  The  fifth,  7  c., 
and  came  to  three  wells,  two  salt,  one  sweetish.  The  sixth, 
to  Nuraquimire,  a  pretie  towne,  10  c.  Here  our  Raddingpoore 
company  left  us.  We  remained  two  merchants,  my  selfe, 
five  of  their  servants,  foure  of  mine,  with  tenne  camels,  five 
camel-men.  This  towne  is  within  three  dayes  of  Tutta,  and 
seemed  to  us  after  our  desart  a  Paradise.  We  agreed  with  one 
of  the  Ragies  or  Governours  kinred  for  twenty  laries  (twenty 
shillings)  to  conduct  us  ;    who  departed  with  us  the  eighth, 

1  Possibly  Juma,  on  the  Indus,  eight  miles  below  Tatta. 

'  The  later  version  says  that  it  was  on  January  2  that  they  reached 
'  a  little  village  called  Burdiaws,  seated  on  a  hill '.  Withington's  stages, 
at  this  portion  of  the  journey,  cannot  be  identified. 


NICHOLAS  WITIIINGTON,   1612-10  211 

and  we  travelled  10  c.  to  Gundajaw,  where  we  had  beene  robbed 
but  for  our  guard.]  The  9th  wee  departed  from  Gundayaw 
(a  little  towne  full  of  robbers),  and  setting  forwards  from  thence 
about  nine  of  the  clocke,  wee  were  sett  on  by  theeves  ;  but 
havinge  some  warninge  therof,  wee  shifted  as  well  as  wee  could, 
bringinge  our  cammells  rounde  about  us  in  a  ringe  and  makinge 
them  sitt  downe  (which  they  would  doe  with  a  commandinge 
word),  and  soe  were  within  them  as  in  a  forte,  plyinge  our 
bowes  and  arrowes,  yet  not  to  hitt  the  ennemyes,  for  soe  our 
guyde  had  given  us  charge.  I  discharged  my  pistoll  twice  at 
them.  At  the  laste,  through  our  guyde's  perswasions,  they  were 
contente  to  take  of  us  five  layers, ^  and  soe  to  lett  us  passe. 
Some  three  bowers  after,  wee  were  sett  on  agayne  by  manye 
more,  and  soe  were  driven  to  our  former  shifts  ;  and  in  fyne, 
as  the  former  did,  soe  did  theise,  wee  givinge  them  the  like  as 
to  the  flrste.  Soe  this  night  wee  came  to  Sarrunne,  a  greate 
towne  of  the  Rasbooches,  with  a  castle  in  yt,  some  14  course 
from  Tutta.  Wee  visited  the  Governor,  called  Ragee  ^  Bowma, 
the  eldest  sonne  of  Sultan  Bull  Bull  of  the  caste  of  the  kings  of 
Synda,  untill  Synda  was  conquered  from  his  predecessors  by 
the  Persians.  This  Sultan  Bull  Bull  was  latelye  taken  prisoner 
by  the  Mogull,  whoe  pulled  out  his  eyes  ;  yet  not  longe  after  ^ 
hee  escaped  thence  and  came  hether,  livinge  now  uppon  the 
mountaynes,  and  hath  given  his  sonnes  and  kyndred  cliarge 
to  i-evenge  the  losse  of  his  eysc  of  all  passengers  they  can  light 
on  belonginge  to  the  Mogull  (but  this  I  heard  not  of  till  after- 
wards). Soe  this  Ragee  entertayned  us  verye  kyndlye,  sayinge 
hee  was  glad  wee  had  escaped  from  thein  that  would  have 
troubled  us  ;  biddinge  us  take  hecde,  for  though  wee  were  bxit 
14  course  from  our  journeyes  end,  yet  there  was  much  daunger 
on  the  way.  Hee  was  especiallye  kynde  to  mee,  seeinge  mee 
a  white  man  and  of  a  farr  cuntrye  (as  my  interpriter  tould 
mee)  ;  and  asked  me  manye  questions  of  the  state  of  my 
coimtrye,  takinge  much  delight  to  heare  tl.erof  ;    and  at  my 

'  '  Or  lareese,  which  are  made  of  silver,  like  a  poynt  tagg,  worthe  1 2d. 
per  peese  '  (marginal  note).  This  is  not  a  bad  descrii^tion  of  the  lari,  a  coin 
tlien  much  used  in  Southern  Persia,  Sind,  and  Western  India. 

-  '  Or  Rase  '  (marginal  note).  '  Bowma '  and  '  Bull  Bull '  cannot  be 
identified. 

^  '  Two  raoneths  before  tliis  ',  according  to  the  version  in  Purchas. 

p2 


212  EARLY  TUAVl^LS  IN  INDIA 

companions  departure  willed  nice  to  stay  with  him,  makinge 
niee  suppe  there  and  givinge  niee  much  wyne,  drinkinge  bolhe 
together  in  one  cui)p  till  hee  was  allmoste  stawed,i  and  then 
sentc  mee  to  my  companye,  and  much  victualls  with  mee. 

Here  wee  remayned  the  nexte  daye  ;  and  towards  night  I 
mett  with  a  Banian, ^  whoe  came  that  daye  from  Tutta  ;  whoe 
tould  mee  that  Sir  Robert  Sherlcy,  with  his  wief  and  three  or 
four  English  women,  with  seven  or  eight  English  men,  were 
in  Tutta.  This  Banian  came  in  Sir  Robert's  companye  from 
Lowryebander,  in  a  shippe  which  sett  them  on  shore  at  Tutta 
and  so  departed  thence,^  there  beeinge  noe  English  shippes, 
nor  factorye  seated  there.  Hee  tould  mee  ho  we  Sir  Robert 
had  ben  much  abused  at  Lowrybander,  bothe  by  the  Governor 
and  the  Portungales,  and  howe  the  Portungales  came  on  shore 
m  the  night  and  fyred  Sir  Robert's  house,  hurtinge  many  of 
his  men  ;  and  likewise  at  his  arrivall  at  Tutta,  three  dayes 
journey  from  Lowrybander,  Mersa  Rusto,^  then  Glovernor  of 
Tutta  for  the  Mogull,  used  him  verye  unkyndlye  and  tooke 
from  him  Jewells  and  what  else  soever  pleased  him,  purposinge 
to  sende  him  upp  to  the  Mogull.  In  this  estate  hee  lefte  Sir 
Robert  this  laste  night,  when  hee  was  at  Sir  Robert's  house.^ 
Hee  advised  mee  to  intreate  the  Governor  of  this  place  to 
lende  us  some  of  his  souldiers  to  guard  us  to  Tutta  ;  which  in 
fyne  I  did,  and  sente  the  Ragee  for  a  presente  40  lareis,  which 
hee  tooke  kyndlye,  promisinge  to  bringe  us  himselfe,  with 
50  horsemen,  to  the  gates  of  Tutta  ;  and  withall  would  make 
mee  believe  that  yt  was  for  my  sake  that  hee  wente  himselfe  ; 

1  '  Stared  '  in  Purchas. 

''  '  Baman  '  (here  and  elsewhere)  in  the  printed  version.  It  is  explained 
in  the  margin  as  a  '  pedlar  '. 

^  This  was  the  Expedition,  commanded  by  Christopher  Newport,  in 
which  Sir  Robert  Sherle}',  the  celebrated  adventurer,  had  returned  from 
his  long  mission  to  various  European  courts  as  ambassador  from  the 
Persian  Shah.  From  Tatta  he  went  up  to  Ajmer,  to  complain  to  the 
Emperor  Jahangir.  After  a  stay  of  about  three  months,  he  proceeded 
to  Agra,  and  thence  (Sept.  1614)  overland  to  Persia. 

*  MTrza  Rustam  (see  p.  130)  had  recently  been  appointed  Viceroy  of 
Sind. 

^  The  version  in  Purchas  adds  that  the  Banian  '  told  of  the  great  trade 
of  Tutta,  the  chiefe  that  he  had  scene,  and  that  a  sliij^pe  of  three  hundred 
tunne  might  come  to  Lowribander  '. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-16  213 

which  made  my  companions  thinkc  themselves  happie  in  my 
companye,  and  were  more  merrye  then  ever  I  sawe  them 
before. 

The  11th  daye  in  the  afternoone  wee  laded  our  cammells, 
the  Ragee  with  his  companye  beeinge  reddye  to  depart  from 
Surrun  ;    and  that  night  rode  five  courses,^  and  rested  by  a 
river-syde.    The  Ragce  sente  for  fishermen,  whoc  tooke  more 
in  halfe  an  hower  then  all  the  companye  could  eate.     Wee 
supped  that  night  with  the  Ragee,  hee  tellinge  us  that  by  nine 
of  the  clockc  in  the  morninge  hee  would  deliver  us  within  the 
gates  of  Tutta  ;   which  made  us  all  verye  merrye.    At  two  of 
the  clocke  in  the  morninge  hee  bad  us  lade  our  cammells,  and 
then  ledd  us  alonge  by  the  river-syde  aboute  a  myle  and  halfe, 
sayingc  the  river  was  too  deepe  for  our  cammells  to  passe  ; 
and  then  Icdd  us  a  cleane  contrary  way,  as  wee  perceaved, 
which    made   us   greatelye  feare    his   intense.      And    aboute 
breakinge  of  day,  wee  came  into  a  thicke  valley  of  wood 
invironcd  about  with  hills,  a  place  moste  fitt  for  our  bloudye 
guyde  to  acte  his  pretended  [i.  e.  intended]  tragcdye.     And 
beeinge  in  the  middest  of  the  thickett,  hee  bad  us  unlade  our 
cammells,  for  he  would  see  wherewitliall  they  were  laden  ; 
which  beeing  done,  hee  caused  us  all  to  bee  bounde  and  our 
weapons  to  bee  taken  from  us.     Then  opened  the  fardclls 
[i.e.  bales]  and  founde  greate  store  of  cloth  of  gould,  silver, 
and  tissue,  and  other  commodities,  which  coste  the  marchaunts 
mv  companions  in  Amadavar  twentye  thousand  rujjiase  (each 
rupia  beeinge  2s.  6rf.),  as  they  had  formerly  tould  mee.    The 
Ragee,  secinge  this  bootye   soe  rich,  concluded  to  kill  the 
marchaunts  and  all  their  servants  ;   and  his  companye  would 
have  had  him  kill  mee  and  my  men  allsoe,  alledging  as  good 
save  all  as  some  ;  but  by  no  meanes  hee  would  therto  consente, 
telling  them  I  was  of  a  verye  farr  countrye  and  would  doe 
them  noc  hurte,  wantinge  language.     In  fyne  hee  promised 
his  companye  that  I  should  not  goe  for  Tutta  to  bewray  this 
facte  of  theirs  there,  but  hee  would  sende  mee  back  againe  to 
Amadavar  from  whence   I  came  ;    so  caused   my  four   men 
prcsentlye  to  bee  unbounde,  making  me  sitt  close  by  himselfe, 
and  suddaynly  caused  his  men  to  liange  the  three  marchaunts 
'  '  A  course  is  a  mile  and  a  halfe  English  '  {itmrginul  nule). 


214  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

and  thcirc  five  men,  tyiiige  theirc  cammclls  ropes  about  theirc 
neckes  and  with  a  shorte  trunchion  twisted  the  ropes  untill 
they  were  strangled,  and  then  stripped  them  naked  and  made 
a  greate  liole  in  the  earth  and  threwe  them  in  all  together  ; 
which  done,  hee  tooke  from  mec  my  horse  and  gave  mec  twoc 
of  my  dead  companions  horses.  Hcc  tooke  from  mee  likewise 
eighty  rupias  of  the  Companies  moneyes  ;  and  soe  sente  mee 
and  my  men,  with  four  of  his  horsemen,  to  a  brother's  of  his, 
which  dwelte  some  twentye  courses  off  the  place,  upp  to  the 
mountaynes  ;  and  soc  aboute  midday  dispecded  mee  from 
him. 

Beeinge  nowe  on  the  way  toAvards  his  brotlicr,  a  newe  fcare 
fell  on  mee,  for  that  my  companions  tould  mee  that  the  four 
horsemen  that  wente  with  mee  had  order  to  kill  us  all  when 
wee  were  some  twoe  or  three  courses  off  ;  wheruppon  they 
wept  extreamlye  and  asked  one  another  forgivenesse,  making 
themselves  reddye  to  dye  ;  and  the  countenance  of  my  guydes 
presaged  little  lesse,  not  once  speaking  to  mee.  Soe  with  a 
wofull  harte,  God  knows,  I  rode  till  an  howcr  within  night  ; 
at  which  tyme  wee  came  to  a  little  village  on  the  topp  of  a 
verye  heigh  hill,  belonginge  to  the  Ragee,  where  I  lay  that 
night,  beeinge  kyndlye  welcomed  by  my  guydes,  giving  mee 
and  my  men  and  horses  vitlcs  enough.  The  nexte  day,  beeinge 
the  1-lth  of  Januarye,  1613  [i.e.  1614]  wee  travelled  all  day 
longe  without  any  baytinge,  over  terrible  heigh  hilles  and 
rocks,  and  late  at  night  came  to  the  Ragee's  brother's  howse, 
to  whom  I  was  delivered  and  order  given  him  by  my  guyde  to 
keepe  mee  till  hee  heard  farther  newes  from  the  Ragee.  This 
man  used  mee  kyndlye  and  gave  mee  a  large  place  in  his  howse 
to  lye  in,  and  roome  for  my  horses.  The  nexte  morninge  the 
four  horsemen  that  brought  mee  thether  retorned  to  their 
master,  leavinge  mee  in  this  place  ;  where  I  continued  22  dayes, 
beeinge  never  suffred  to  stir  our  of  dores,  nor  none  of  my  men, 
neither  anye  to  come  at  us  but  those  that  brought  us  victuals 
twice  a  daye,  which  wee  never  w^anted. 

Notwithstandinge,  I  still  feared  I  should  never  get  thence 
with  life  ;  but  yt  pleased  God,  the  7th  day  of  Februarye,  order 
came  from  the  Ragee  to  his  brother  to  sende  mee  to  Parker 
and  there  deliver  mee  to  tlie  Governor  (which  was  likewise  of 


NICHOLAS  WITIIINGTON,  1612-10  215 

thcire  kyiuhed)  and  hce  sliould  sonde  mce  to  Raddingporc.^ 
This  ncwcs  the  Ragec's  brother  tould  mee,  and  saide  that  the 
nexte  daye  I  should  goe,  and  hee  would  sende  three  of  his 
horsemen  with  mee  two  dayes  journey,  and  there  hee  had 
another  brother  that  should  bringe  mee  to  Parker.  Soe  the 
eight  day  wee  departed  with  our  guydes,  and  that  night  rode 
sixteene  course  to  a  village  called  Nondogue,  where  wee  were 
well  entertayned  of  our  guydes  and  lodged  there  that  night. 
The  ninth  wee  rode  twentye  course  ;  but  were  till  midnight 
before  wee  gott  thether,  and  then  came  to  the  howse  of  him 
that  I  was  consyned  to  bee  delivered  unto  ;  and  the  nexte  daye 
the  men  that  brought  mee  thether  rctorned.  This  Ragee  (for 
all  the  sonnes  of  the  Sultan  are  called  Ragees,  or  Commaunders) 
promised  me  within  two  dayes  to  goe  with  mee  himselfe  to 
Parker,  haveinge  (as  hee  said)  businesse  there.  But  hee  kepte 
mee  seven  dayes,  yet  used  mee  kyndlye,  and  afterwards  sente 
mee  away  with  five  of  his  souldiers  to  accompanye  mee,  not 
goinge  himselfe.  With  theis  I  was  ledd  four  terrible  dayes 
journeye,  which  allmost  killed  mce  and  iny  poore  men  and 
horses.  At  the  four  dayes  end  they  delivered  mee  to  an  other 
Ragee  (of  the  kyndred  of  the  firste  of  Sarrune),  and  hee  kepte 
mee  five  dayes  v/itli  him,  not  lettinge  mee  departe  nor  suffringe 
one  of  his  men  to  goe  with  mee.  Theis  delayes  made  mee  even 
wearye  of  my  life.  At  the  laste  (through  my  importunitie)  hee 
sente  mee  away  the  twentye -seventh  day,  and  six  of  his  souldiers 
to  accompanye  mee,  who  carried  mee  that  night  five  courses  to 
an  aldeam,'-  and  there  gave  mee  noe  victualls,  as  formerly  I 
had  ;  soe  that  I  was  fayne  to  sende  my  men  into  the  village 
to  begge  ;  who  brought  mee  a  little  rice  sodd  and  some 
cammells  milke,  which,  I  eatinge,  made  mee  extreame  sicke 
that  night  ;  but  for  my  horses  they  could  gett  nothinge,  save 
onlye  a  little  stubble  and  grasse,  which  they  gott  in  the  fields  ; 
which  made  them  scarce  able  to  travel!.  This  night  theis  six 
rogues,  seeinge  I  had  veryc  good  apparrell  of  the  countrye 
fashion  and  a  quilte  of  cseete  ^,  with  manye  other  things  of 
worthe,  determined  with  themselves  to  strippe  mee  of  all  ; 
which  they  did,  leavinge  neither  mee  nor  my  men  any  thinge, 

'  '  Misprinted  (here  and  elsewhere)  '  Paddiiigporc  '. 

-  '  A  little  village  '  ;  soe  p.  132.  ^  ?  '  Clieete  '  (chintz). 


216  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

save  onlye  our  breeches  ;  wliich  done,  they  lefte  us  with  our 
horses,  which  were  not  worth  the  taking.  This  miserye  wente 
nearer  my  harte  then  all  the  former,  beeinge  nowe  stripped  of 
all  and  liavinge  nowe  two  third  parls  of  my  way  to  goe  to 
Amadabar,  not  knowinge  one  foote  of  the  way,  and  the  wether 
could  ;  which  made  mee  allmoste  wearye  of  my  life,  and  my 
mens  unhartinesse  made  me  fuller  of  grcefe.  Yet  comfortinge 
my  selfe  and  men  the  beste  I  could,  the  firste  of  March,  1613 
[1614-]  I  wente  on  without  a  guyde,  not  knowinge  one  foote  of 
tlie  way  but  onlye  by  gesse,  and  travelled  all  day  longe,  and 
towards  night  came  to  two  or  three  houses  of  poore  cammel 
mens  that  kepte  cammells  in  the  mountaynes  ;  to  whom  wee 
tould  the  mishapp  which  wee  had  receaved  by  our  guydes 
thus  leaving  us.  The  poor  people  made  much  of  us,  givinge 
us  such  victualls  as  they  had  ;  and  one  of  them  promised  to 
leade  us  into  the  way  that  goes  to  Parker,  from  thence  some 
two  dayes  journey.  In  the  morninge  hee  wente  with  us  some 
three  courses,  puttinge  us  in  the  heigh  way,  and  so  lefte  us  ; 
but  wee,  missinge  our  way,  made  four  daycs  journey  to 
Parker.  My  horse  tyringe,  I  was  fayne  to  goe  one  foote,  and, 
beeinge  a  bad  footeman,  travelled  verye  softlye.  And  everye 
night  wee  came  to  a  little  village  and  begged  for  our  victualls, 
fyndinge  all  the  inhabitants  charitable  people.  So  the  sixth  day 
at  night  we  came  to  Parker,  miserablye  wearye  and  hungrye. 
I  sente  two  of  my  men  to  proove  what  they  could  doe  for  mee 
with  begging,  but  they  brought  me  nothing  ;  so  I  byded  that 
night  ;  and  the  nexte  morninge  I  sente  one  of  my  horses  to  sell, 
but  noe  man  would  give  above  four  mamoda's  ^  for  him.  Yet 
I  should  have  been  forced  to  have  sould  him  for  that,  but  by 
greate  chaunce  I  mett  with  a  Banian  marchaunte  of  Amadavar 
whom  I  had  formerlye  knowen  ;  whoe  wondred  to  see  mee  in 
that  case,  and  after  manye  kynde  salutations  offred  mee  what 
money  I  would  have,  not  suffringe  mee  to  sell  my  horse.  Thus 
it  pleased  God  to  sende  mee  releefe,  when  I  was  in  greate 
necessitie,  not  knowinge  what  to  doe  to  gett  provision  for  my 
journey  over  the  desarte  to  Amadavcr,  whither  of  force  I 
mustc  have  gone  ;  but  it  pleased  God  to  sende  mee  this 
succour.  Hee  furnished  mee  and  my  men  with  clothes  and 
^  Mahmudis  (sec  p.  77).    The  margin  explains  the  term  as  '  shillings  '. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-16  217 

victualls  sufficient  to  serve  us  in  tlie  deserte,  and  gave  me 
nine  inamoda's  in  my  purse,  payinge  all  my  expenees  whileste 
I  stayed  heare,  which  was  four  dayes  ;  and  then,  havinge  good 
companye  which  wente  to  Radingpore,  I  wente  alonge  with 
them.  Tlie  honest  Banian  commended  mee  unto  them  and 
brought  mee  one  course  on  my  way,  and  then  retorned  to 
Parker,  wliere  hee  had  businesse  for  ten  dayes,  as  hee  said. 

Notliinge  worth  notinge  passed  in  our  way  over  the  desart, 
onlye  tlie  superstitious  customs  of  the  people,  which  I  will 
herafter  expresse.  Wee  were  six  dayes  betweene  Parker  and 
Raddingpore.  And  the  nineteenth  of  March  I  came  to 
Raddingpore,  and  there  fell  exceedinge  sicke  and  rcmayned 
soe  six  dayes,  liker  to  dye  then  live.  And  the  twenty-sixth  of 
March,  1614,  beeinge  somewhat  amended,  and  good  companye 
reddye  to  departe  for  Amadavar,  I  strayned  curtesie  with  my 
sicknesse  and  departed  with  them,  pawninge  some  of  my 
clotlies  to  one  of  the  companye  for  five  mamoda's,  my  monye 
formerlye  borrowed  beeinge  spcnte  in  my  sicknesse.  And 
after  seven  dayes  travell  I  arived  in  Amadavar  (the  Lord  bee 
praysed),  beeinge  111  dayes  since  my  departure  firste  from 
thence  into  Synda.  I  foundc  noe  Englishemen  heare,  onlye 
a  letter  which  our  Agente  lefte  with  an  Armenian  for  mee, 
advisingc  mee  of  manye  things.  So  I  stayed  heare  two  dayes, 
and  i^rovided  my  selfc  of  apparrell  and  money  and  a  horse. 

Soe  the  fifth  of  Aprill,  1614-,  I  departed  from  Amadavar 
(Brodra  way)  to  Suratt.^  And  tlie  seventh  day  I  came  to 
Cambaya,  where  I  fell  sicke  againe,  and  soe  continued  five 
dayes  very  ill.  And  beeinge  somewhat  recovered  and  able  to 
travell,  the  twelfth  day  of  Aprill  I  lefte  Cambaya  and  passed 
the  large  river  that  night  (which  river  is  about  seven  course 
broad,  verye  dangerous  to  passe,  and  yearlye  swalloweth  upj) 
manye  hundreths)  [to  Saurau  [Sarod].  On  the  other  side 
the  river  is  a  towne  and  castle  of  the  Razbootches.  The 
sixteenth  of  Aprill  I  travelled  25  c.  to  Borocho  [Broach],  The 
seventeenth  passed  that  river,  and  10  c.  to  Cassimba  [Kosamba]. 
The  eighteenth,  13  c.  to  Surat.] 

[Concerning  Sinda,  no  citie  is  by  gcnerall  report  of  greater 

^  From  Purclias  we  learn  that  his  route  waa,  as  before  (see  p.  20(i), 
via  Bareja  and  Sojitra  to  Cambay. 


218  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

trade  in  the  Indies  then  Tutta  ;  the  chiefe  port  Lowribander, 
three  dayes  journey  from  it  ;  a  faire  roade  without  the  rivers 
month,  clcare  of  wormes,  whieli,  about  Surat  especially,  and 
in  other  places  of  the  Indies,  after  three  or  foiire  moncths 
riding,  if  it  were  not  for  sheathing,  would  hinder  returnc. 
The  ports  and  roads  of  Sinda  are  free.  In  two  moneths  from 
hence  by  water  they  goe  to  Labor,  and  returne  in  one  downe. 
There  are  these  commodities  :  baflitas,  stuffes,  lawnes,^  indico 
course,  not  so  good  as  Biana.  Goods  may  be  conveied  from 
Agra  on  camels  to  Bucker  [in]  twenty  dayes,  which  is  on  Sinda 
River  ;  thence  in  fifteene  or  sixteene  dayes  aboord  the  ships. 
One  may  goe  as  soone  from  Agra  to  Sinde  as  Surat  ;  but  there 
is  more  theeving,  which  the  Mogoll  seekes  to  prevent.] 

Nowe,  as  concerninge  the  inhabitants  of  Synda,  they  are 
for  the  moste  parte  Rasebooches,  Banians,  and  Boloches 
[Baluchis].  In  the  citties  and  greate  townes  theire  Governors 
are  Mogores,  appoynted  to  rule  there  for  the  Greate  Mogull. 
The  people  of  the  cuntrye  (I  nieane  those  which  inhabitt  out 
of  the  citties)  are  for  the  moste  parte  verye  rude,  and  goe 
naked  from  the  waste  uppwards,  with  turbants  on  their  hedds, 
made  up  of  a  contrarye  fashon  to  the  Mogull's.  For  armes, 
fewe  of  them  use  gunes,  bowes,  or  arrowes,  but  sword,  bucklar, 
and  launce.  Theire  bucklar  is  made  verye  greate  and  in  the 
fashion  of  a  bee-hive  ;  wherin,  when  occasion  serves,  they  will 
give  theire  camells  drinke  or  theire  horses  provander.  They 
have  exceedinge  good  horses,  verye  svdfte  and  stronge,  which 
they  will  ride  moste  desperatelye,  never  shooinge  them.  They 
begin  to  backe  them  at  twelve  monethes  ould.  The  souldiers 
that  have  noe  horses,  if  occasion  serve,  will  ride  on  theire 
cammclls  (and  enter  into  a  battell),  which  they  bringe  upp 
for  that  purpose.  Those  are  the  Rasbooches,  which,  as  the 
Mogull  sayes,  knowe  as  well  howe  to  dye  as  anye  men  in  the 
world,  in  regard  of  theire  desperatenesse.  They  [the  Banians] 
are  partelye  of  Pigmalion's  ^  opinion :  they  will  eate  noe 
beefe  nor  buffcllow,  but  honor  them  and  pray  unto  them. 
They  will  kill  noe  livinge  thinge,  nor  eate  anye  fleshe,  for  all 
the  goods  in  the  world.    There  are  30  and  odd  severall  casts  ^ 

'  Fine  cotton  goods,  or  muslins.  "  A  confusion  with  Pythagoras. 

^  '  Or  generations  '  (inargiuul  note).    See  note  on  j).  138. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-lG  219 

of  theis,  that  differ  in  some  things  in  theire  rcligeon  and,  by 
theire  lawe,  cannot  eate  one  with  another.  Yet  they  all  in 
generall  burnc  theire  dead,  not  buryinge  them  as  the  Moores 
doe. 

When  the  Banian  dies,  his  wife,  after  the  burninge  of  her 
husband,  shaves  her  head  and  we  res  noe  more  her  Jewells  ; 
in  which  estate  shce  continues  till  shee  dye.  When  the  Ras- 
booche  dies,  his  wife,  when  his  bodye  goes  to  bee  burned, 
accompanieth  him,  attyred  with  her  beste  arrayments  and 
aecompanyed  with  her  frends  and  kyndred,  makinge  much 
joye,  havinge  niusicke  with  them.  And  cominge  to  the  place 
of  burninge,  the  fyer  beeinge  made,  sitteth  downe,  havinge 
twice  or  thrice  incompassed  the  place.  Firste,  shce  bcwayleth 
her  husband's  death,  and  rejoycinge  that  shee  is  nowe  reddye 
to  goe  and  live  with  him  agayne  ;  and  then  imbraceth  her 
frends  and  sitteth  downe  on  the  toppe  of  the  pile  of  wood  and 
dry  stickes,  rockinge  her  husband's  head  in  her  lappe,  and  soe 
willeth  them  to  sett  fyer  on  the  wood  ;  which  beeinge  done, 
her  frends  throwe  oyle  and  divers  other  things,  with  sweete 
perfumes,  uppon  her  ;  and  shee  indures  the  fyer  with  such 
patience  that  it  is  to  bee  admired,  beeinge  loose  and  not  bounde. 
Of  thcis  manner  of  burninge  I  have  seen  manye.  The  firste 
that  ever  I  sawe  was  in  Surratt,  with  our  Agente  and  the  reste 
of  our  Englishe.  It  was  verye  lamentable.  The  woman  which 
was  burnte  was  not  above  ten  yeares  of  age  and  had  never 
layen  with  her  husband.  But  this  yt  was.  Hee  beeinge  a 
souldier,  and  goinge  uppon  service,  was  slayne  in  the  action, 
and  there  burned,  but  his  clothes  and  turbante  were  brought 
home  with  newes  of  his  death  ;  wheruppon  his  wife  would 
needes  bee  burnte,  and  soe  made  preparations  for  it.  And 
beeinge  reddye  to  sacrefise  her  selfe  with  her  husband's 
clothes,  which  she  had  with  her,  order  came  from  the  Governor 
that  shee  should  not  dye,  in  regard  she  had  never  layen  with 
her  husband  ;  which  newes  she  took  wondcrfull  passionately, 
desiringe  them  to  sett  fyer  on  the  wood  presentlye,  sayinge 
her  husband  was  a  greate  waye  before  her.  But  they  durste 
not  burne  her,  till  her  frends  wente  to  the  Governor  and 
intrcated  him.  givinge  him  a  prescnte  for  the  same  ;  which 
when  they  obteyned,  they  retorned  and  (with  greate  joye  to 


220  EARLY  TRAVELS  L\  INDIA 

lu-r,  as  she  sioiucil)  burule  her  lo  ashes  with  her  Imsbaiitrs 
clothes,  and  then  caste  the  ashes  into  the  river.  Tliiswas  the 
firste  that  ever  I  sawe  ;  at  the  sight  wherol"  our  Agente  was 
soe  greeved  and  amazed  at  the  luidaiinted  rcsohition  of  the 
youngc  woman  that  hce  said  hee  would  never  see  more  burnte 
in  that  fashion  while  hee  lived.  The  kyndred  of  the  husband 
that  dies  never  force  the  wife  to  burnc  her  selfe,  but  her  owne 
kyndred,  houldingc  it  a  greate  disgrace  to  thcire  familie  if  slice 
should  denye  to  bee  burned  ;  which  some  have  done,  but  verj^e 
fewe.  And  if  they  will  not  burne  (yt  beeinge  in  thcire  choyce), 
then  shee  muste  shave  her  hayer  and  breake  her  Jewells,  and 
is  not  suffred  to  eate,  drinke,  or  keepe  companye  with  anye 
bodye,  and  soe  liveth  in  this  ease,  miserablye,  till  her  death. 
Nowc,  if  any  one  of  them  purpose  to  burne  and  (after  cere- 
monies done)  bee  brought  to  the  fyer,  and  there,  fcelinge  the 
scorchinge  heate,  leape  out  of  the  fyer,  her  father  and  mother 
will  take  her  and  bynde  her  and  throwe  her  into  the  fyer  and 
burne  her  per  force  ;  but  such  wcaknesse  seldome  hapiJcneth 
amongste  them.  For  the  reste  of  the  ceremonies,  theire 
washinge,  honoringe  of  stocks,  stones,  and  cowcs,  with  a 
himdrcd  other  superstitious  ceremonies,  too  large  to  rehercc, 
I  will  here  omitt.  And  thus  nuich  for  the  Rasbooches  and 
Banians. 

Nowe  for  the  Boloches  of  Synda,  inhabitinge  nere  the  river, 
they  are  Moores  of  the  religeon  of  Maliomett  (as  the  Greate 
Mogull  and  King  of  Decan  arc).  Theis  are  a  people  that  deale 
much  in  cammells  ;  and  in  those  parts  moste  of  them  are 
robbers  on  the  heigh  way  and  allsoe  on  the  river,  murdringe 
such  as  they  robbe.  Aboute  the  tyme  that  I  was  in  Synda, 
the  Boloches  tooke  a  boate  wherin  were  seven  Itallians  and 
one  Portungale  fryer,  which  fought  with  them  and  were  slayne 
everye  man  ;  only  the  Portungale  escaped  alive,  whoe  beeinge 
verye  fatt,  they  ripped  upp  his  bellye  and  searched  whether 
there  were  anye  gould  or  pedarcea  ^  in  his  guts.  Of  likelyhood 
those  Boloches  living  there  are  bloudye  myndcd  villaynes  ;  yet 
there  are  manye  verye  honeste  men  of  that  caste  dwellinge 
about  Guyseratt,  but  moste  of  them  aboute  Agra. 

I  had  allmoste  forgotte  the  custome  of  the  Banian  marriage. 

^  Explained  in  the  margin  as  '  Jewells  '.    It  is  the  Portuguese  pcdniria. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-10  221 

They  marrye  their  chilldren  verye  younge,  about  the  age  of 
three  yeares  and  under.  And  some  tynies  they  make  promise 
to  one  an  other  that  theire  childreit  shall  marrye  together, 
before  they  bee  borne  ;  as  in  example  :  if  two  neighbours 
wives  bee  with  childe,  they  make  a  bargayne  that  if  one  bringe 
forthe  a  sonne  and  the  other  a  daughter,  they  shall  marrye 
together.  They  may  not  marrye  but  one  of  theire  owne  caste 
and  religeon,  and  they  muste  bee  likewise  of  one  oceupation  or 
trade,  as  the  sonne  of  a  baker  shall  marrye  a  baker's  daughter, 
provided  they  bee  bothe  of  one  caste  and  religeon.  And  when 
theire  chilldren  are  three  or  four  yeares  ould,  they  make  a 
greate  feaste  and  sett  the  two  children  that  are  to  bee  married 
upon  two  horses,  with  a  man  before  cache  of  them  for  feare  of 
fallinge,  havinge  apparrelled  them  in  theire  beste  clothes,  all 
haunged  aboute  with  flowers,  and  accompanied  with  the 
Brammans  or  priests  and  manye  others,  accordinge  to  the 
state  of  the  parents  of  the  children  ;  and  soe  leade  them  upp 
and  downe  the  cittye  or  towne  where  they  dwell,  and  then  to 
the  pagod,  and  thence,  after  the  ceremonies  there  done,  they 
come  home  and  feaste  ;  and  in  the  same  manner  continue 
feastinge  certayne  dayes,  more  or  lesse,  accordinge  to  the 
welthe  of  the  parents.  And  when  the  children  come  to  bee 
ten  yeares  ould,  they  lye  together.  The  reason  whye  they 
marrye  them  soe  younge,  they  say,  is  in  regard  they  would 
not  leave  their  children  wiveless  ;  if  yt  should  please  God  to 
take  the  parents  awaye  of  either  of  the  children,  yet  (say  they) 
they  have  other  parents  to  ayde  them  till  they  come  to  yeares 
of  discretion.  Likewise  the  reason  whye  the  Rasbooches  wives 
burne  themselves  with  theire  husbands  dead  bodies  is  that 
yt  hath  ben  an  ould  custome,  and  longe  since  ordeyned  by  a 
certayne  kinge  of  theires,  because  hee  had  manye  of  his  nobles 
and  souldiers  poysoned  (as  was  supposed)  by  theire  wives. 
Hee  therefore  ordeyned  that,  when  anye  husband  dyed,  his 
wife  should  bee  burned  with  his  corpes  ;  and  if  hee  had  more 
wives  then  one,  as  manye  as  hee  had  should  all  burne  together. 
But  then  they  were  forced  unto  yt ;  but  nowe  they  have  gotte 
such  a  custome  of  yt  that  they  doe  yt  moste  willinglye. 

As  concerninge  theire   preists,   which  they  call   Bramans, 
they  keepe  theire  pagqds  and  have  allmes  or  tythes  of  theire 


222  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

parishionors,  bceinge  esteemed  marvaylous  holye.  Tlicy  are 
married  as  the  reste  are,  and  are  of  occupations  and  followe 
theirc  busincsse  close.  They  are  for  the  niosle  ])arte  verye 
good  workemen,  and  apte  to  learne  to  make  anyc  thinge  that 
they  see  the  patterne  of  before  them.  They  eate  but  once 
a  day,  and  before  and  after  meate  washe  all  theire  bodie  ; 
allsoe,  if  they  make  water  or  goe  to  stoole,  they  carrye  water 
with  them,  to  washe  when  they  have  done. 

Beeinge  nowe  at  Suratt,  our  Agente  havinge  occasion  to 
buye  some  rounde  indicoe  which  was  to  bee  had  in  Agra, 
which  is  about  40  dayes  journey  from  Suratt  ^  :  which  journey 
in  fyne  our  Agente  propounded  to  mee,  N.W.  ;  which  I  under- 
tooke  and  (I  thanke  God)  performed,  although  I  passed  through 
manye  perills,  but  especiallye  of  drowninge,  it  beeinge  in 
winter,  wherin  for  the  space  of  4  monethes  or  there  abouts  yt 
continuallye  rayneth.  The  7th  of  June,  1614,  I  came  to  the 
cittye  of  Agra,  havinge  ben  37  dayes  on  my  journey  from 
Suratt  thether,  which  is,  as  neare  as  I  could  guesse,  1010 
English  miles,2  which  I  was  fayne  to  travell  daye  and  night. 

The  9th  of  June,  1614,  I  visited  the  Jesuites  which  remayned 
in  Agra  ;  whoe  have  a  verye  fayer  church  buylte  them  by  the 
Kinge,  and  a  howse  allsoe.    The  Kinge  alloweth  the  cheifeste 

'  The  version  in  Purchas  gives  a  different  reason  for  the  dispatch  of 
Withington  to  Agi'a  :  '  John  Mildnall,  an  Englishman,  had  beene  em- 
ployed with  three  English  young  men,  which  hee  poisoned  in  Persia  to 
make  himselfe  master  of  the  goods  ;  but  he  was  likewise  poysoned,  yet  by 
preservatives  lived  many  moneths  after,  but  swelled  exceedingly  ;  and 
so  came  to  Agra,  with  the  value  of  twenty  thousand  doUers.  Thither 
therefore,  I  went.  May  the  fourth,  1614,  from  Surat.  Came  to  Bram- 
port,  where  Sultan  Perves  lies  ;  situate  in  a  plaine,  the  river  of  Surat 
running  by  in  a  great  breadth  ;  having  a  large  castle.  Hence  to  Agra 
twenty  sixe  dayes.  Betweene  Surat  and  Agra  are  seven  hundred  courses 
(1010  English  miles),  which  I  travelled  in  seven  and  thirty  daies  in 
winter,  wherein  it  almost  continually  raineth.  From  Surat  to  Bramport 
is  a  pleasant  and  champion  countrey,  full  of  rivers,  brookes,  and  springs. 
Betweene  Bramport  and  Agra  very  mountainous,  not  passable  for  a 
coach,  hardly  for  camels.  By  Mando  is  the  nearest  way.  There  are  high 
hils  and  strong  castles  in  the  way  ;  many  townes  and  cities  every  dayes 
journey,  well  inhabited  ;  the  countrey  peaceable  and  cleare  of  theeves. 
Mildnall  had  given  all  to  a  Frenchman,  to  marry  his  bastard-daughter 
in  Persia  and  bring  up  an  other.' 

-  This  is  a  gross  exaggeration. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-lG  223 

of  them  1  7  rupeias  a  daye,  and  the  restc  three  rupeias  a  daye. 
They  have  licence  to  turne  as  manye  to  Christianitie  as  they 
can,  and  they  have  alh-eddy  converted  manye  ;  bnt  (alas)  it 
is  for  money's  sake,  for  the  Jesuites  give  them  3d.  a  daye. 
And  when  the  Jesuites  (thro'  the  facte  of  the  Portungalls) 
were  debarred  of  theire  paye  from  the  Kinge,  having  noe 
moneye  to  paye  theire  newe  Christians  withall,  they  dayley 
came  and  offered  the  Jesuitts  theire  beads  agayne,  telh'nge 
them  they  had  ben  longe  without  theire  paye  and  therefore 
they  would  bee  no  longer  Christians.  And  soone  after  this 
the  Kinge,  seeinge  the  Portungales  would  not  deliver  the  goods 
which  they  tooke  at  Suratt  back  agayne,  caused  the  church 
doore[s]  to  bee  locked  upp,  and  they  have  soe  continued  ever 
since.  So  the  poore  Jesuits  are  fayne  to  make  a  church  of 
one  of  theire  chambers,  wherein  they  saye  Masse  twice  a  daye 
and  preach  everye  Sundaye,  firste  in  the  Persian  tonge,  that 
the  Armenians  and  Moores  may  understand,  and  afterwards 
in  Portungale,  for  the  Portungales,  Itallians,  and  Greekes. 
[These  told  me  the  particulars  of  Mildnals  goods,  who  gave  all 
to  a  French  Protestant,  himselfe  a  Papist  ;  which  he  denying 
was  put  in  prison.    After  foure  moneths  all  were  delivered.] 

Havinge  dispatched  my  businesse  which  I  came  in  charge 
withall,  I  received  a  letter  from  our  Agent,  givinge  mee  notice 
of  four  English  ships  that  were  arrived  in  Suratt,  imder  the 
commande  of  General  Nicholas  Dawnton  (which  joyed  mee 
much) ;  and  withall  willed  mee  to  provide  as  much  indicoe  as 
came  to  twenty  thousand  mamodas  ;  which  I  did,  takinge  it 
upp  uppon  my  credytt,  he  promissinge  mee  that  I  should  receave 
money  by  exchange  within  fower  dayes  for  the  same.  So  as 
soone  as  I  could  make  it  upp  in  fardells,  I  hyred  camells  and 
dispeeded  the  indicoe  for  Suratt  to  our  Agent  ;  and  two  dayes 
after  the  dispeedinge  thereof  I  receaved  other  letters  from  our 
Agent,  wherein  hee  advised  mee  not  to  deale  in  any  more 
indicoes,  for  hee  could  make  me  upp  noe  money.  This  news 
made  me  in  a  pittifull  case,  because  I  had  mingled  the  goods 
together,  so  that  I  could  not  returne  everye  one  his  owne 
againe  ;  yet  I  presentlye  tooke  horse  and  fetched  backe  the 
camels  againe,  seekinge  to  come  to  composition  with  my 
'  Jerome  Xavier,  of  whom  see  p.  55. 


224  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

creditors  and  my  camellmcn.  But  it  was  a  laboure  far  greater 
then  Ilerciiles's  ;  for  they  would  heare  noe  reason,  but  eame 
cryinge  and  yawlinge  for  theyre  money,  whieh  I  had  not  to 
give  them.  They  put  niee  to  soe  much  trouble  and  grcife 
that  made  mee  almost  oute  of  my  witts.  But  at  laste  the 
Governor,  seeinge  how  I  had  ben  deceaved  in  the  expectation 
of  money  promised,  hearinge  some  good  excuse  which  I  made 
for  my  moneys  not  cominge,  in  fyne  forced  the  marchaunts 
to  take  theire  goods  agayne  and  soe  parte  them  amongste 
them,  accordinge  to  the  quantitie  I  had  bought  of  cache,  and 
made  the  camelmen  pay  backe  the  moneye  receaved,  savinge 
onlye  the  earneste  I  gave  them.  So  this  kynde  Governor  ridd 
mee  of  a  world  of  trouble,  which  had  like  to  have  killed  mee, 
for  I  proteste  I  scarce  slepte  in  10  or  12  dayes  and  nights, 
neither  eat  anye  thinge  scarce  :  soe  deeplye  was  this  greife 
rooted  in  my  harte,  this  beeinge  my  firste  imployments  and  in 
these  parts  in  soe  shorte  a  tyme  to  have  such  creditt  to  take 
upp  soe  much  goods  on  my  bare  worde  and  then  to  break  yt 
and  soe  consequentlye  my  creditt,  that  I  was  ashamed  to  goe 
oute  of  doores  ;  but  yt  was  GJod's  pleasure  thus  to  punish  mee 
for  my  synnes,  and  soe  I  take  yt.  But  sure  I  will  hereafter 
beware  howe  I  truste  to  letters  of  advice  while  I  live,  havinge 
escaped  this  error.  Here  I  continued  sicke  a  long  tyme,  beeinge 
much  distempered  with  the  greife  formerlye  receaved,  whieh 
distemp[er]ature  kepte  mee  for  the  space  of  three  monethes. 
At  the  length  I  was  sent  for,  to  Agimere,  where  (God  bee 
thanked)  I  recovered. 

The  General  [i.  e.  Downton]  departed  the  2d  of  March,  1614 
[i.  e.  1615],  leaving  William  Edwards  cheif  marchaunte,  who 
tooke  uppon  him  the  state  and  title  of  an  ambassador,  as  I 
have  hereafter  set  down.  The  General  departinge  with  his 
four  shipps  from  Sualley  had  a  greate  feight  with  the  Portim- 
galls,^  they  cominge  againste  them  with  ten  gallions,  two 
gallies,  and  sixty  friggotts  ;  in  which  feight  the  CJeneral  fyred 
three  of  theire  greate  shipps  and  slew  a  greate  number  of  theire 
men,  himselfe  receavinge  little  or  noe  damage  in  the  feight 
(the  Lord  bee  praysed). 

*  As  will  be  seen  from  p.  193,  this  fight  took  plaee  some  time  before 
Downtnn's  dejiarture. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1G12-16  225 

It  was  determyned  by  Mr.  Edwards,  cheife  marehaiinte 
for  the  Englishe  in  those  parts  (and  not  ambassador,  as  we 
formerlye  supposed),  to  sende  iipp  to  Agra  one  Robert  Younge 
and  myself,  N.W.,  to  dispatche  some  biisinesse.  Soe  the 
28th  of  Julye,  1615,  wee  arrived  in  Agra,  beeinge  in  the 
middeste  of  wynter.  Between  Adgemere  and  Agra,  at  everye 
ten  courses  (which  is  an  ordinarye  dayes  journeye)  there  is  a 
serraha  or  place  of  lodging  boothe  for  man  and  horse,  and 
hostesses  ^  to  dresse  our  victuals  if  we  please,  paying  a  matter 
of  3d.  both  for  horse  and  meate  dressinge.  Betweene  these 
places  (which  is  esteemed  to  be  120  courses)  at  everye  course 
end  there  is  a  greate  pillar  erected  ;  and  at  everye  10  course  end 
a  fayer  howse,  built  by  the  Kinge's  father,  ould  Accabar,  when 
hee  went  in  pilgrimage  from  Agra  to  Adgemere  on  foote, 
sayinge  his  prayers  at  everye  course  end,  where  hee  caused 
the  foresaid  pillars  to  bee  erected.  And  where  hee  laye  still 
all  night,  there  hee  caused  the  aforesaid  howses  to  bee  builte  ; 
they  onlye  servinge  for  the  Kinge  and  his  women,  none  ellse 
ever  lodginge  or  dwellinge  in  them. 

This  kinge  which  nowe  raignes  lyes  in  Adgemere,  upon  some 
occasion  of  warr  which  he  hath  against  the  Ranna  ^  or  Ras- 
boatcha,  inhabitinge  in  the  mountaynes,  whom  this  kinge's 
father  nor  this  kinge  could  ever  bringe  to  subjection  ;  but 
nowe,  by  the  Kinge's  lyinge  soe  neare  him  and  continually 
for  two  yeares  space  plyinge  him  with  a  world  of  souldiers, 
hee  at  laste  sente  his  Sonne  to  do  homage  to  the  Kinge,  and  soe 
a  peace  was  concluded  between  the  Kinge  and  Ranna. 

As  concerninge  the  greatnesse  of  this  kinge,  the  Greate 
Mogul,  his  state  is  soe  greate  in  comparison  of  most  Christian 
kinges  that  the  report  would  bee  almoste  incredible  ;  therefore 
I  will  omitt  yt  with  admiration,  and  referre  the  reporte  therof 
to  the  would-bee  ambassador  Edwards.  Nor  will  I  speak  at 
large  of  his  greate  justice,  sittinge  three  tymes  a  day  thcrin 

1  For  the  female  attendants  in  the  sarais  see  The  Travels  of  Peter 
Mundy,  vol.  ii,  p.  121. 

2  The  Rana  of  Udaipur,  Amar  Singh  (see  p.  100).  He  had  now  been 
reduced  to  submission  by  an  army  headed  by  Prince  Khurram.  The 
reception  by  Jahanglr  of  the  Rana's  son,  Karan,  is  described  in  the 
Tuzuk,  vol.  i,  p.  277. 

Q 


226  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

himselfe.  Hee  hath  a  bell  hanging  in  liis  seralia  ^  with  a  cord 
which  readies  into  an  outer  room,  where,  if  anye  of  his  subjects 
be  wronged  and  cannot  have  justice  of  liis  nobles,  tliey  may 
repaire,  and  ringinge  the  bell,  he  looketh  out,  causinge  them 
to  bee  brought  before  him,  and  examineth  the  matter  ;  and 
if  hee  fynde  that  the  poore  man  bee  wronged  in  justice,  be  hee 
the  greatest  nobleman  about  him,  he  presentlye  takes  away  all 
his  meanes,  puttinge  him  either  into  prison  perpetually  or 
cutts  his  throate.  In  fyne  his  greatness  is  such  that  I  rather 
admire  at  yt  than  presume  to  write  of  yt.  But  I  will  retorne 
to  the  accidents  in  my  owne  occasions. 

Havinge  dispatched  all  my  owne  affaires  and  nowe  at 
leasure,  I  rode  to  the  river  of  Ganges,  the  famous  river  of  that 
countrye,  and  from  Agra  is  two  dayes  journey.  Here  ^  I  stayed 
two  dayes  and  observed  divers  customes  and  ceremonies  of 
the  caste  of  Banyam,  the  river-side  being  full  of  pagods  kept 
by  Bramans,  the  relation  wherof  woixld  bee  too  tedious  to 
reporte  heare.  The  water  of  this  river  Ganges  is  carried  manye 
hundred  myles  from  thence  by  the  Banyans,  and,  as  they 
afflrme,  it  will  never  stinke,  though  kepte  never  so  longe, 
neyther  will  anye  wormes  or  vermine  breede  therin.  Alsoe  by 
Agra  runeth  a  verye  large  and  deepe  river  called  Gemmynys 
[Jumna]. 

This  Agra  is  noe  cittye,  but  a  towne  ;  yet  the  biggest  that 
ever  I  saw.  The  faireste  thing  in  yt  is  the  castle,  wherin  the 
Kinge  (when  hee  is  in  Agra)  keepeth  his  court.  The  wall  of 
this  castle  is  some  two  courses  in  compase  and  the  fayrest 
and  heigheste  that  ever  I  sawe,  and  within  well  replenished 
with  ordinants,  one  of  the  which,  beeinge  of  brasse,  is  far 
bigger  then  ever  I  sawe  anye  in  England.  The  rest  of  this 
towne  (excepte  some  noblemens  howses  which  are  verye  fayer 
and  for  the  moste  parte  seated  by  the  river-syde)  is  very 
ruinous.  The  auncient  seate  of  the  kings  of  this  countrye, 
where  they  keepe  [kept  ?]  theire  courts,  was  in  Fettepoore, 
12  courses  from  Agra,  and  is  a  verye  stronge  cittye,  situate 
uppon  a  mayne  quarrye  of  rocke  ;    but  since  the  castle  of 

*  '  A  place  which  his  women  for  his  pleasure  are  kept  in  '  (marginal 
note).  The  term  is  more  familiar  to  English  readers  in  its  Levantine 
i  orm  oi  seraglio.  *  Possibly  Kanauj. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTOX.  1012-10  227 

Agra  was  builte,  this  cittye  hath  gone  much  to  decaye  and  is 
nowe  verye  ruynoiis.  Between  Fettipoore  and  Agra  is  the 
sepulcher  of  this  king's  father,  whieh  is  a  wonderful  rich  and 
curious  buildinge,  and  to  my  judgment  the  faireste  that  ever 
I  sawe  in  Christendome  or  elsewhere  ;  and  yet  the  churche 
of  Fettipoore  cometh  verye  neare  yt,  and  is  likewise  builte 
by  geometric. 

Beeinge  nowe  in  Agra,  tltere  came  to  nice  Mr.  Rogers  ^ 
(a  preacher),  Thomas  Mitford,  Phillip  Baker,  and  Charles 
Clarke,  and  brought  mee  newes  of  the  arrival  of  four  English 
shipps  at  Suratt,  under  the  commande  of  Captayne  William 
Keelinge  ;  and  withall  tould  mee  they  were  sente  upp  to 
apprehende  mee  by  order  from  Mr.  Edwards,  whoe  heard  that 
I  had  much  goods  of  my  owne  in  the  howse,  and  he  not 
knowinge  howe  I  came  by  them,  and  the '•ef ore  caused  mee 
to  bee  taken  and  put  in  irons,  and  withall  gave  order  I  should 
bee  sente  soe  unto  him  to  Agimere.  This  was  a  strange 
alteration  to  mee,  and  a  wonder  that  this  thunderclapp  should 
fall  so  suddenlye  and  noe  lightninge  before.  For  my  owne 
parte  I  tould  them  yt  were  a  greate  follye  in  mee  if  I  could  not 
give  sufficient  reasons  howe  I  came  by  my  goods.  I  tould 
them  I  had  four  fardells  of  indico,  two  chests  of  semiames, 
cheetes,^  and  such  like,  and  they  might  well  bee  assured  that 
if  I  had  not  come  honestlye  by  them,  but  by  knaverye  deceaved 
the  Companye,  I  shoud  doubtlesse  have  had  soe  much  cunninge 
in  mee  as  to  have  bought  some  dyamonds,  rubyes,  or  such  like, 
or  else  have  kept  the  monye  wherewith  I  bought  them  and 
have  turned  it  into  commodities  which  would  have  been 
easilye  carried  and  close  from  the  eye  of  the  world,  where  on 
the  contrarye  I  had  boughte  nothinge  but  such  things  as  could 
not  possibly  bee  carryed  but  must  bee  knowne,  beeinge  the 
goods  I  mentioned  before.  Such  was  my  playne  and  open 
dealinge,  not  caringe  whoe  knew  therof.  But  they  made  slight 
of  what  I  sayde  to  them  ;  wl;ereuppon  I  made  it  knowne  unto 

1  The  Rev.  Peter  Rogers,  concerning  whom  see  a  note  on  p.  299  of 
Letters  Received,  vol.  ill,  and  the  references  in  the  section  dealing  with 
Coryat  (infra). 

2  '  Semiames  '  were  fine  cotton  goods  bought  at  Samana  (Patiala 
State).    '  Cheetes '  =  chintz. 

q2 


228  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

them  of  whom  I  had  taken  xipp  my  goods  ;  some  I  took  upjjon 
my  owne  creditt,  to  be  payed  at  24  monetlies  ;  otliers  I  bouglit 
for  reddye  money,  wlsieh  I  borrowed  uppon  my  owne  bonde, 
to  be  payed  at  the  same  tyme.  I  wihed  that  my  creditors 
might  bee  sente  for  and  tliat  tliey  might  justifye  the  tnithe. 
But  they  toidd  mee  they  muste  followe  the  strieke  order  of 
Mr.  Edwards,  which  was  to  send  mee  downe  in  irons  and  to 
take  all  the  goods,  bothe  of  the  Companyes  and  my  owne,  into 
theire  possessions.  Soe  the  nexte  daye  in  the  morninge 
Mr.  Rogers  and  Pliillipp  Bak'T  tooke  charge  of  mee,  and  with 
my  irons  on  my  heels,  waighinge  20  pound  waight,  they 
brought  mee  to  Agimere,  which  was  10  dayes  journey.  But 
Mr.  Rogers  verye  kyndlye,  some  three  courses  before  I  came 
to  Agimere,  tooke  off  my  irons  to  prevente  mee  of  open  shame 
before  my  countrymen,  and  so  brought  mee  to  Mr.  Edwards, 
whoe  gave  him  little  thanks  for  that  kyndnesse  hee  showed 
to  mee. 

At  my  cominge  to  Mr.  Edwards  (our  would-bee  ambassador), 
His  Honour  entered  into  a  stricte  examination  of  mee  howe  I 
came  by  my  goods  which  I  had  in  Agra.  But  I  proteste  hee 
proceeded  soe  foolishlye  and  with  such  apyshe  questions, 
accordinge  to  his  common  jesture  and  well-marked  shamefidl- 
nesse  in  his  carriage,  that  I  did  almoste  scorne  to  answer  him. 
But  havinge  more  respecte  to  the  place  hee  was  in  then  to  his 
unworthy  person,  I  tould  him  trulye  howe  and  in  what  manner 
I  came  by  the  goods,  and  withall  charged  him  with  the  abuse 
he  had  offred,  not  onlye  to  nice  but  consequentlye  to  our 
whole  nation,  consideringe  the  fashon  I  liad  carried  myself  in 
in  Agra,  soe  disgracefullye  puttinge  me  in  chaines,  his  made 
factor  in  Agra  diviUginge  abroad  that  I  was  behynde-hand  in 
accompte  forty  thousand  rupeias  (or  half-crowns),  with  manye 
other  disgracefull  speeches  of  mee  ;  to  which  Edwards  swore 
he  never  gave  them  order  to  putt  irons  on  mee,  with  some 
other  excuses.  But  his  mynde  was  not  according  to  his  words 
to  me,  for  within  10  dayes  after,  uppon  slight  occation  quarrell- 
inge  with  me,  falselye  charged  mee  to  bee  drunke,  as  glad  of  the 
leaste  occation,  and  came  with  his  pions  (or  hired  servants) 
into  my  chamber,  and  there  on  a  suddayne  bounde  mee  and 
putt  a  faycr  payre  of  boults  on  my  leggs,  swearinge  hee  would 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-lG  229 

sende  mee  downc  to  the  General,  William  Keelinge,  to  Suratt 
in  that  fashion.  The  cheifest  cause  of  his  soe  base  usage  of 
mee  was  in  regard  I  went  with  Mr.  Rogers,  our  preacher,  to 
visit  Mochrobochane  (a  great  nobleman),  I  beeinge  Mr.  Rogers 
his  interpriter  for  that  tyme  ;  Mr.  Rogers  onlye  purposinge  to 
take  his  leave  of  him.  But  Mochrobochane,  heringe  that  hee 
would  departe  for  England,  tould  Mr.  Rogers  hee  muste 
needes  see  the  Kinge  before  hee  wente,  and  willed  him  to  come 
the  nexte  morninge  and  hee  would  presente  him  before  the 
Kinge.  Mr.  Rogers  allso  visited  the  Prince  Sultan  Cusserow 
[Khusrau],  whoe  ivceaved  him  verye  gratiouslye,  givinge  him 
a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Suratt  for  his  good  entertainment 
there,  which  letter  stoode  us  in  good  stead  in  Suratt.  No  we 
Mr.  Edwards,  hearinge  howe  Mr.  Rogers  had  been  entertayned 
by  the  Prince,  and  allsoe  had  agreed  (at  Mochorobochane's 
motion)  to  goe  with  liim  to  the  Kinge,  he  stormed  extremelye 
and  fell  into  filthy  uncivill  tearmes  with  Mr.  Rogers  the 
preacher,  and  caused  him  to  bee  kepte  prisoner  by  his  pions 
in  his  chamber,  not  sufferinge  him  to  stire  out  of  doores  to 
the  Kinge  ;  which  was  (especially  by  the  Jesuytts)  laughed  at, 
to  see  how  baselye  wee  esteemed  our  countrymen,  and  taken 
notice  of  by  the  Moores  and  Christians,  much  to  his  hindrance, 
for  it  was  thought,  the  Kinge  being  soe  bountifull  to  all 
strangers,  would  have  given  our  preacher  some  good  reward  ; 
which  Mr.  Edwards  fearinge,  and  in  regard  himselfe  was  soone 
to  departe  from  hence,  hee  thought  the  King's  bountye  would 
bee  lesse  to  him,  not  beeinge  contente  with  all  the  former 
giftes,  which  amounteth  in  my  knowledge  to  the  some  of 
6000  rupeias,  which  is  7001.  English  and  odd.^  Soe  the 
carravan  cominge  from  Agra,  wee  departed  from  Adgemere 
towards  Suratt,  viz.  Mr.  Rogers,  preacher,  and  others,  and 
myselfe,  N.W.,  in  chaynes. 

And  nowe  I  cannot  but  somewhat  touch  the  businesse  and 
the  carriage  of  our  would-bee  ambassador,  Mr.  Edwards,  whoe, 
cominge  into  the  Easte-Indeas,  tooke  the  title  and  state  of  an 
ambassador  uppon  him  ;  and  havinge  the  Kinge  of  England's 
letter  delivered  him  by  General  Downton  to  deliver  to  the 

1  A  more  authoritative  account   makes   the  total  11,000  or  12,000 

inahmudis  {Letters  Received,  vol.  iv,  p.  295). 


230  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Gieale  Muguil,  did  open  the  same,  addinge  and  diminishinge 
what  seemed  beste  for  his  owne  purpose  and  commoditie, 
either  to  or  from  yt,  and  soe  presented  his  translation  to  the 
Great  Mogul!,  with  the  present  sente  him  by  the  marchaunts  ; 
and  the  Kinge  bestowed  on  him  3000  rupeias  (or  half-crownes) 
for  horse-meate.  After  this  hee  continued  in  Adgemere,  and 
sometymes  went  to  the  court,  where  behavinge  himselfe  not 
as  beseeminge  an  ambassadoi',  especiallye  sente  from  soe 
worthye  and  greate  a  prince  as  the  Kinge  of  England  (beeinge 
indeede  but  a  mecannycal  fellowe  and  imployed  by  the 
Companye  into  those  parts),  was  kicked  and  spurned  by  the 
King's  porters  out  of  the  courte-gates,  to  the  unrecoverable 
disgrace  of  our  Kinge  and  nation,  hee  never  speakinge  to  the 
Kinge  for  redresse,^  but  carryinge  those  greate  dishonours  like 
a  good  asse,  makinge  himselfe  and  our  nation  a  laughing  stock 
to  all  people  in  general,  to  the  greate  rejoycinge  of  the  Portun- 
gales,  whoe  openlye  divulged  the  disgrace  of  the  English 
ambassador  receaved,  by  letters  throughout  all  the  countrye. 
After  this  our  honourlesse  ambassador,  William  Edwards, 
petitioned  to  the  Great  Mogull  to  obtayne  licence  from  him 
to  inflicte  justice  uppon  all  Englishmen  (malefactors)  in  his 
dominions,  by  execution  to  death  or  other  bodilye  punish- 
mente,  according  to  our  English  lawes  ;  which  the  Mogull 
denyed  him.  And  uppon  this  a  quarrell  arrose  betweene  him 
and  the  companye  of  English  factors  lyinge  in  Agimere  ;  soe 
that  the  said  Edwards  was  by  one  Thomas  Mittford  (a  factor) 
stabbed  into  the  shoulder  with  a  dagger.  And  after  the  shipps 
arrival  at  Suratt  which  brought  over  an  ambassador  trulye 
sente  frome  the  Kinge  of  England,  as  we  then  heard  yt  reported, 
wliich  was  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  Edwards,  nowe  fearinge  the 
disgrace  of  his  knaverye  would  light  uppon  him,  and  beeinge 
asked  what  the  ambassador  was  which  was  arrived  at  Suratt, 
made  answer  that  he  was  a  man  subdare,  which  is  a  common 
souldier  of  fower  horse  paye,  and  of  no  reputation.^  Theis  and 
manye  more  I  could  sett  downe,  but  for  brevetye  sake.  And 
if  hee  should  denye  the  leaste  tittle  I  have  heare  written,  I  will 

'  This  accusation  is  corroborated  by  Roe  {Emhassy,  p.  xiii). 
-  The  comparison  was  an  unfortunate  one,  but  a  mandubddr  was 
generally  of  much  higher  rank  than  is  suggested  in  the  text. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  1612-16  231 

briiige  good  proof es  to  nuiyntayiie  yt,  not  onlye  before  our 
worthye  imployers,  but  also  before  the  King's  Majesty  and 
Counsell.  I  omitt  his  determination  of  cozenninge  the  Com- 
panye,  with  his  factor  Yonge  in  Agra  ;  but  when  occation 
shall  be  offred,  I  will  likewise  bringe  sufficient  prooffe  of  that  ; 
but  till  then  this  shall  suffise.  But  I  hope  the  Companye  will 
take  warninge  howe  they  imploy  such  mechannick  fellowes 
about  such  businesse  ;  and  I  likcAvise  hope  that  Sir  Thomas 
Roe,  nowe  ambassador,  by  his  worthye  carriage  will  redeeme 
the  great  dishonour  that  Edwards  hath  raised  to  our  Kinge 
and  nation  by  his  ill  carriage,  and  testifye  the  same  by  some 
relations. 

But  nowe  to  returne  to  my  owne  wrongs  ;  beeinge  nowe 
dispeeded  in  chaynes  from  Agimere  towards  Suratt,  which 
I  passed  thro'  with  execeedinge  payne  (havinge  never  been 
used  to  such  hard  garteringe),  it  beeinge  a  tnousand  and  tenne 
miles  from  Agra  (where  I  was  first  chayned)  to  Suratt,  where, 
I  thanke  our  General,  they  were  taken  off.  The  people  of  the 
countrye  that  knewe  mee  (and  indeede  for  the  beste  sorte  of 
them  respected  mee)  manye  of  them  followed  mee  downe  the 
countrye,  wonderinge  what  I  had  done  that  they  should  use 
mee  in  that  manner  ;  and  if  they  had  knowne  the  cause  to  be 
noe  otherwise  then  yt  was,  they  would  not  have  suffered  mee 
to  have  been  soe  used  ;  for  some  of  them  offred  me  that,  if 
I  would  at  any  tyme  (when  they  offred  me  wronge)  but  hould 
upp  my  fingar  or  sende  the  leaste  boye  to  them,  they  would 
deliver  me  from  them  and  (yt  may  bee)  have  cutte  the  throats 
of  them  all.  But  knowinge  myselfe  to  bee  soe  free  from 
deceavinge  the  Companye,  and  allsoe  to  regayne  the  goods 
which  Edwards  had  taken  from  mee,  I  came  with  them  most 
willinglye,  hopinge  to  purge  myselfe  of  theire  accusations. 
But  in  fyne  I  was  brought  aboard  the  shippe  to  our  General 
[i.e.  Keeling],  whoe  promised  that  when  Edwards  came  downe 
I  should  have  free  speeche  to  cleare  myselfe,  which  as  yet  I 
could  never  have.  So  my  accompts  were  audited  and  I  cleared 
not  to  owe  the  Companye  anye  thinge,  and  soe  was  dis- 
peeded for  England.^     And  at  my  arrival  at  Ly on-Key  in 

1  He  sailed  in  the  Lion,  on  February  19,  1616,  the  other  passengers 
including  Edwards  and  the  Rev.  Peter  Rogers  {LMera  Received,  vol.  iv, 


232  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

London/  1  was  entertayncd  by  some  of  the  Companye,  with 
whom  I  went  prcsentiye  to  Sir  Tiiomas  Smytii,-  of  whom  I 
hoped  to  have  redresse  of  all  my  wrongs,  with  restitution  of 
my  goods  and  wages  due  unto  me  for  the  tyme  of  my  service  ; 
of  wJiom,  instead  of  kynde  usage  and  thankes  for  all  the  paynes 
taken  for  him  and  the  Companye,  I  receaved  most  ungratefull 
disgrace  and  vilde  usage  ;  which  I  founde  to  growe  through 
the  false  suggestions  of  Mr.  Edwards,  who,  beeinge  set  on 
shore  at  Dover,  was  at  home  longe  before  mee. 

The  fourth  of  October,  1616,  which  was  four  days  before  my 
arrival,  the  Companye,  by  false  and  frivolous  suggestions,  had 
procured  a  writt  of  A'^e  exeat  regnuni  againste  mee  ;  where- 
uppon,  after  some  conference  with  Sir  Thomas  Smyth,  I  was 
in  his  owne  howse  arrested  and  carried  to  the  Compter  of 
London,  where  I  remayned  36  dayes,  the  Companye  not 
allowinge  one  pennye  to  releeve  mee,  nor  so  much  as  clothes 
to  my  backe,  but  demaunded  six  and  thirtye  thowsand  pounde 
bayle  of  mee,  which  (God  knowes)  I  was  farr  unable  to  procure. 
I  intreated  a  poore  brother  of  myne  (whoe  came  100  myles  to 
mee)  to  goe  to  Sir  Tliomas  and  the  Companye,  to  knowe  theire 
reasons  for  my  hard  usage  ;  but  they  would  give  none.  I 
wrote  a  letter  to  Sir  Thomas,  desyringe  I  might  knowe  my 
faltes  and  that  I  might  answer  to  anye  thinge  which  could 
bee  objected  againste  mee.  I  likewise  sente  him  my  particular 
accomptes  howe  I  came  by  my  goods  ;  to  all  which,  and  manye 
more  petitions  and  letters  which  I  sente  to  them  (the  coppies 
wherof  I  have  herafter  caused  to  bee  sett  downe),^  I  could 
never  yet  receave  any  answer,  onlye  this  :  that  I  had  done  the 
Companye  much  hurte,  not  showinge  anye  particular  wherin. 

p.  12  n. ).  The  version  in  Purchas  states  that  in  the  return  voyage  they 
reached  Table  Bay  on  May  24,  1616,  findmg  there  an  outward  bound 
fleet  under  Benjamin  Joseph,  and  that  they  arrived  at  Dover  on 
September  15. 

*  Lion  Quay  was  in  Lower  Thames  Street,  about  halfway  between 
Billingsgate  and  London  Bridge. 

^  Governor  of  the  Company,  whose  offices  were  at  this  time  in  Smythe's 
house,  situated  at  the  Fenchurch  Street  end  of  Philpot  Lane. 

'  Copies  of  three  letters  to  Sir  Thomas  Smythe,  and  of  a  petition  to 
the  Company,  are  printed  in  the  eighteenth-century  version.  They 
contain  nothing  of  imijortance. 


NICHOLAS  WITHINGTON,  161 2-1 U  233 

At  the  end  of  36  dayes  of  my  iniprisoiinient,  it  pleased  Tlieire 
Worshipps,  through  much  intercession  of  myselfe  and  my 
poore  brother  (which  is  all  the  friends  I  have  in  the  world,  and 
on  whose  charge  I  still  remayne)  to  take  his  bonde  and  another 
of  my  friends  in  a  thowsand  poundes,  that  I  should  not  goe  nor 
sende  out  of  the  kingdom  without  licence,  according  to  the 
tenor  of  the  writtc  ;  wheruppon  (payinge  my  charges)  I  was 
sett  at  libertye,  althougli  I  was  in  very  poore  and  weake 
estate,  scarce  able  to  go  without  helpe.  But  yt  plesead  God 
to  sende  me  frends  :  one  whoe  tooke  me  into  his  howse,  where 
ever  since  I  have  remayned,  not  knowinge  howe  to  make  liim 
satisfaction  for  the  trouble  with  mee  in  the  tyme  of  my  siek- 
nesse  ;  the  other  was  Doctor  Egliscm,^  whoe,  takinge  pittye 
on  mee,  in  charitje  hath  cured  mee  of  my  great  malladye  and 
sicknesse,  which  grew  on  mee  partlye  through  greife  which  I 
tooke  at  theire  ungratefull  oppression  and  wronge,  and  partlye 
through  my  loathsome  imprisonment.  But  I  hope  God,  whoe 
hath  preserved  mee  in  the  greater,  will  likewise  deliver  mee 
froin  the  lesse  ;  and  I  hope  that  our  greate  Kinge,  of  whom  the 
world  rings  fame,  grace,  and  justice,  will  not  suffer  the  dove 
to  be  oppressed  with  the  greatness  of  the  eagle. 

1  '  One  of  His  Majesty's  doctors  of  phisicke  '  {marginal  note).     This 
was  Dr.  George  Eglisham,  the  Scottish  physician  and  poet. 


1612-17 
THOMAS   CORYAT 

Tom  Cory  at,  '  the  Odcombian  Gallo-Belgic  leg-stretcher,' 
as  he  called  himself  (in  allusion  to  his  birthplace  and  his 
pedestrian  feats  in  Western  Europe),  is  a  figure  familiar 
enough  to  students  of  seventeenth-century  literature,  though 
his  fame  is  based  almost  as  much  upon  his  eccentricities  as 
upon  the  merits  of  his  published  works.  Here  we  are  concerned 
only  with  his  remarkable  journeys  in  Asia  ;  and  we  may  note 
in  this  connexion  that,  leaving  out  of  account  the  Jesuit 
Stevens,  he  was  the  first  Englishman  to  set  out  for  India  with 
no  thought  of  trade,  his  motives  being  in  the  first  place  to  see 
that  strange  country,  and  in  the  second  to  write  a  book  about 
his  experiences. 

The  son  of  a  Somersetshire  clergyman  who  had  himself  made 
some  reputation  as  a  writer  of  Latin  verse,  young  Coryat  was 
educated  at  Winchester  and  Oxford,  leaving  the  latter  with 
a  great  knowledge  of  the  Classics,  which  his  ready  memory 
enabled  him  to  turn  to  good  account.  After  the  accession  of 
James  I  he  obtained  a  small  post  in  the  household  of  Prince 
Henry  and  thus  secured  a  footing  in  Court  circles.  Here  he 
quicldy  made  himself  notorious  by  his  irrepressible  loquacity 
and  his  eagerness  to  push  himself  into  notice  ;  and  he  became 
in  consequence  a  general  butt,  alike  at  Court  and  in  the  famous 
club  that  met  at  the  Mermaid  Tavern,  where  Ben  Jonson  and 
his  associates  diverted  themselves  hugely  at  his  expense. 
Fuller  tells  us  that  Coryat  served  as  '  the  courtiers  anvil  to  try 
their  wits  upon  ;  and  sometimes  this  anvil  returned  the 
hammers  as  hard  knocks  as  it  received,  his  bluntness  repaying 
their  abusiveness '.  In  general,  however,  Coryat  put  up  very 
patiently  with  gibes  and  practical  jokes,  content  to  pay  any 
price  for  the  privilege  of  figuring  on  such  a  stage. 

In  his  restless  desire  to  distinguish  himself,  in  l(i08  he  under- 
took a  continental  walking  tour,  traversing  parts  of  France, 
Northern  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Germany,  and  covering  about 
two  thousand  miles — all  on  foot  and  in  one  pair  of  shoes.  His 
account  of  his  peregrinations  appeared  in  1611,  dedicated  to 
Prince  Henry  and  bearing  the  characteristic  title  of  Coryats 
Crudities,  hastily  gobled  up  in  five  moneths  travells.  A  special 
feature  of  the  book  was  an  extraordinary  number  of  commen- 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  235 

datory  verses  and  epigrams,  contributed  by  the  wits  of  the 
day,  in  which  the  traveller's  peculiarities  were  not  spared  ; 
but  it  had  solid  merits  of  its  own,  in  its  vivid  and  accurate 
descriptions  of  the  places  visited  and  the  many  shrewd  observa- 
tions scattered  up  and  down  its  pages.  Its  success  was  so 
great  that  the  author  was  encouraged  to  publish  in  the  same 
year  a  supplement,  entitled  Coryais  Crambd,  or  his  Colwort  twise 
sodden. 

Elated  by  the  notice  taken  of  his  travels,  Coryat  now  deter- 
mined upon  a  far  greater  enterprise.  He  would  go  overland 
to  India,  see  the  Great  Mogul  in  all  his  glory,  and  ride  upon  an 
elephant.  First,  however,  he  visited  his  birthplace  and,  after 
delivering  an  elaborate  oration,  solemnly  hung  up  in  the 
church  the  pair  of  shoes  he  had  worn  during  his  continental 
journey.  An  ingenious  commentator  has  found  an  allusion 
to  this  in  Shakespeare's  Measure  for  Measure,  where  '  brave 
Master  Shoetie,  the  great  traveller ',  is  named  among  the 
inmates  of  the  Duke's  prison.  This  seems  likely  enough  ;  but 
it  may  be  added  that,  as  the  play  was  produced  in  1604  (though 
not  printed  till  1623),  the  allusion  must  have  been  introduced 
afterwards — possibly  by  some  player  induced  thereto  by  the 
attention  excited  by  Coryat's  perambulations. 

The  earlier  stages  of  Coryat's  journey  are  described,  from 
his  own  notes,  in  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes  (part  ii,  book  x, 
chap.  12).  He  started  in  October  1612,  just  before  the  death 
of  his  patron,  Prince  Henry.  His  first  objective  was  Constanti- 
nople, to  which  place  he  went  by  sea.  On  the  way  he  visited 
the  islands  of  Zante  and  Scio,  and  made  an  excursion,  with 
some  of  his  fellow  voyagers,  to  the  ruins  of  Troy  ;  here  the 
party  indulged  in  some  characteristic  fooling,  and  Coryat  was, 
by  one  of  his  companions,  solemnly  dubbed  a  Kjiight  of  Troy, 
to  the  astonishment — and  perhaps  disappointment — of  some 
peasant  onlookers,  who  imagined  that  he  was  about  to  be 
beheaded  for  some  crime.  Constantinople  was  reached  in 
April  1613,  and  there  the  traveller  found  a  hospitable  friend 
in  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Paul  Pindar,  the  English  Agent.  Coryat 
tarried  in  the  city  and  neighbourhood  until  the  following 
January,  and  then,  once  again  taking  ship,  he  coasted  down 
the  shores  of  Asia  Minor  imtil  he  reached  Scanderoon,  where 
he  disembarked  and  hastened  up  to  Aleppo.  After  a  fort- 
night's stay,  he  and  another  Englishman  set  out  for  Jerusalem 
by  way  of  Damascus.  The  Holy  City  was  reached  in  the  middle 
of  April,  and  there,  after  visiting  all  the  sights,  Coryat  had  his 
wrists  tattooed  with  the  Crusaders'  fitched  cross  and  other 
devices,  as  a  memento  of  his  visit  (Terry's  Voyage,  ed.  1655, 
p.  64).  This  practice,  by  the  way,  is  alluded  to  by  Manucci  as 
being  a  common  one  among  Christians  making  the  pilgrimage 
to  Jerusalem  ;   and  it  is  said  that  the  late  King  Edward  VII 


236  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

had  something  of  the  kind  tattooed  on  his  arm  when  he  visited 
that  city  in  1869.  After  a  visit  to  the  Jordan  the  two  English- 
men retraced  their  steps  to  Aleppo.^ 

Coryat  spent  four  months  in  Aleppo  waiting  for  a  caravan, 
and  then  started  on  his  long  tramp  eastwards,  apparently 
some  tin)c  in  September  1614.  He  travelled  by  way  of 
Diarbekr  (where  a  Turkish  soldier  robbed  him  of  most  of  his 
money),  Tabriz,  Kazvin,  and  Ispahan  to  Kandahar.  Near  the 
Indian  frontier  he  met  Sir  Robert  and  Lady  Sherley,  coming- 
in  great  state  from  the  Mughal  court  (see  p.  212).  The  former 
exhibited  to  the  flattered  author  the  Crudities  and  its  supple- 
ment, which  he  had  brought  from  London,  and  further 
excited  Coryat's  cupidity  by  promising  to  show  them  to  the 
Persian  Shah  and  urge  him  to  bestow  a  princely  reward  on  the 
writer  as  he  returned  through  his  dominions.  Lady  Sherley, 
more  practical  or  more  generous  than  her  husband,  gave  the 
traveller  a  sum  of  money  to  help  him  on  his  road. 

Still  making  eastwards,  Coryat  proceeded,  by  way  of  Multan 
(where  he  had  the  altercation  with  a  Muhammadan  described 
on  p.  271)  to  Lahore,  and  thence  to  Delhi  and  Agra.  Even  now 
his  journey  was  not  at  an  end,  for  he  found  that  the  Emperor 
was  at  Ajmer  ;  so  thither  the  indefatigable  traveller  turned 
his  steps,  arriving,  it  would  seem,  in  the  early  part  of  July  1615. 
He  had  spent  in  all  ten  months  in  trudging  from  Aleppo  ;  and 
not  the  least  remarkable  feature  of  his  journey  was  that  it  was 
performed  at  an  average  cost  of  little  more  than  twopence  a  day. 
The  explanation  is  of  course  the  hospitality  and  kindness  of 
Eastern  races,  especially  to  wandering  pilgrims  ;  also  the  fact 
that  Coryat  travelled  in  Oriental  dress,  was  always  ready  to 
rough  it,  and  had  learnt  to  content  himself  with  Spartan  fare. 
All  the  same,  he  must  have  experienced  many  a  hardship ;  and 
it  is  much  to  his  credit  that  he  made  so  light  of  this  aspect  of 
his  travels. 

At  Ajmer  Coryat  was  comparatively  in  clover.  He  found 
there  a  little  group  of  the  East  India  Company's  servants, 
ten  in  all,  including  William  Edwards  the  agent,  and  a  chaplain, 
Peter  Rogers,  who,  later  in  the  year,  carried  down  to  Surat  and 
thence  to  England  the  first  four  of  the  letters  here  reprinted, 
and  was  commended  in  them  by  Coryat  to  the  hospitality  of 
the  Mermaid  Club.  A  travelling  Englishman,  especially  one  of 
some  notoriety,  was  always  welcome  to  a  lodging  in  the 
Company's  factory  and  a  seat  at  the  Company's  table  ;    and 

'  Terry  states  that  Coryat  sailed  from  Smyrna  to  Alexandria,  went 
up  the  Nile  to  Cairo  and  back,  and  then  took  sliip  for  Jaffa  and  so 
reached  Jerusalem.  This,  however,  is  quite  inconsistent  with  the 
traveller's  own  account,  and  evidently  in  this,  as  in  other  instances,  the 
reverend  gentleman's  memory  played  him  false. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  237 

so  Coryat  was  able  to  rest  himself  in  comfort  after  the  fatigues 
of  the  journey,  and  enjoy  at  leisure  the  strange  sights  afforded 
by  a  city  crowded  with  the  retainers  of  the  Great  Mogul.  Early 
in  October  came  the  news  that  Sir  Thomas  Roe  had  landed  at 
Surat  as  ambassador  from  King  James,  much  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  our  traveller,  who  describes  Roe  as  a  '  deare  friend  '  of 
his.  Tiiree  days  before  Christmas  the  ambassador  was  met 
within  a  stage  of  Ajmer  by  Edwards  and  Coryat,  and,  sick  and 
weary  as  he  was,  had  to  endure  from  the  latter  ^  a  long,  eloquent 
oration  '  by  way  of  welcome.  However,  Roe  was  not  soriy, 
among  the  many  troubles  of  the  next  few  months,  to  distract 
himself  with  the  conversation  of  Coryat,  '  whom ',  he  says  in 
a  letter  to  Lord  Pembroke,  '  the  fates  have  sent  hither  to  ease 
mee,  and  now  lives  in  my  house.  He  came  heither  afoote  : 
hath  past  by  Constantanople,  Jerusalem,  Bethlem,  Damascus, 
and  (breefly)  thorowgh  all  the  Turkes  territory  :  scene  every 
post  and  pillar  :  observed  every  tombe  :  visited  the  monu- 
ments of  Troy,  Persia,  and  this  kings  dominions,  all  afoote, 
with  most  unwearied  leggs  ;  and  is  now  for  Samareand  in 
Tartarya,  to  kisse  Tamberlans  tombe  :  from  thence  to  Susa, 
and  to  Prester  Jhac  in  Ethiopia,  wher  he  will  see  the  hill 
Amara,  all  afoote  :  and  so  foote  it  to  Odcombe.  His  notes 
are  already  to  great  for  portage  :  some  left  at  Aleppo,  some 
at  Hispan — enough  to  make  any  stationer  an  alderman  that 
shall  but  serve  the  printer  with  paper.  And  his  excereise  here, 
or  recreation,  is  making  or  reapeating  orations,  principally  of 
my  Lady  Hartford.' 

In  all,  Coryat  spent  about  fourteen  months  in  Ajmer.  Some 
account  of  his  doings  there,  including  the  oration  he  one  day 
made  to  Jahangir  in  Persian  (which  he  had  now  acquired,  in 
addition  to  some  Turkish  and  Arabic),  will  be  found  in  the 
letters  that  follow.  At  last  the  time  came  for  him  to  resume 
his  wanderings.  Roe  was  to  accompany  the  Emperor  in  his 
progress  southwards,  and,  since  the  march  was  likely  to  be  an 
arduous  one,  only  the  ambassador's  immediate  attendants 
were  to  be  taken,  while  the  factory  at  Ajmer  was  to  be  dissolved 
as  soon  as  possible  after  the  departure  of  the  Court.  The  only 
plan  Coryat  had  formed  (besides  one  of  visiting  the  Ganges) 
was  to  return  overland  in  the  same  way  as  he  had  come  ;  and 
for  this  Agra  was  a  convenient  stage.  He  therefore  took  the 
opportunity  of  the  departure  of  two  of  the  English  merchants 
for  that  city  on  September  12,  1616,  to  accompany  them 
thither.  At  the  time  of  his  arrival,  Agra  was  in  the  grip  of 
the  plague,  but  of  this  the  intrepid  traveller  says  nothing. 
One  incident  of  his  stay  there  is  referred  to  by  Terry  {infra, 
p.  315)  ;  and  from  the  same  authority  we  learn  that  Coryat 
visited  Akbar's  tomb  at  Sikandra. 

At  the  end  of  October  1616,  when  he  wrote  the  last  of  his 


238  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

extant  letters,  Coryat  was  still  at  the  capital,  but  was  intending 
in.aboiit  six  weeks'  time  to  make  an  excursion  to  Ilardwar,  on 
the  Ganges,  and  then  to  set  out  for  Lahore  on  liis  lu)meward 
journey.  We  now  lose  sight  of  liim  for  several  months  ;  but 
we  know  from  Terry  that  he  carried  out  his  intention  of  visiting 
Hardwar,  and  that  his  tour  included  the  famous  temple  of 
Jawala  Miikhi,  in  Kangra.  Evidently,  however,  he  still 
lingered  for  some  time  at  Agra  after  his  i-eturn.  Possibly  his 
health  had  already  been  affected  by  the  climate  ;  and  since 
he  was  enjoying,  as  at  Ajmer,  the  hospitality  of  the  Company's 
factors,  he  was  in  no  hurry  to  face  the  hardships  of  the  long 
overland  journey  to  Europe.  In  this  uncertainty  arrived  u 
letter  from  Roe,  written  from  the  imperial  headquarters  at 
Mandu  to  one  of  the  Agra  factors  on  July  20,  1617,  in  which  he 
expressed  a  desire  to  learn  Coryat's  '  purpose,  for  England  or 
stav  ;  or,  if  I  take  any  new  course,  whither  hee  will  goe  with 
mee  '  (Brit.  Mus.,  Addl.  MS.  6115,  f.  205).  At  this  time  the 
ambassador  was  half  expecting  to  receive  by  the  next  fleet 
instructions  to  proceed  to  Persia  (the  '  new  course  '  to  which 
he  referred),  and  otherwise  he  hoped  to  sail  for  England  early 
in  1618.  His  invitation  offered  Coryat  the  chance  of  either 
going  with  Roe  to  Persia  in  comfort  by  sea,  and  then  resuming 
his  land  journey,  or  of  taking  a  passage  home  in  the  same  ship 
as  the  ambassador.  Accordingly  he  made  his  way  down  to 
Mandu,  and  spent  several  weeks  in  Roe's  temporary  home 
there.  During  his  time  Coryat  shared  the  quarters  of  Chaplain 
Terry,  who  tells  us  a  good  deal  about  his  strange  companion 
and  his  doings. 

Evidently  the  rest  at  Mandu  was  very  necessary,  for  hard 
living  and  much  travelling  had  told  severely  upon  Coryat's 
health.  One  day  he  fainted  in  the  ambassador's  presence  and 
was  with  difficulty  brought  to  his  senses.  Moreover,  he  was 
troubled  with  a  presentiment — born  doubtless  of  his  enfeebled 
condition — that  he  would  never  live  to  reach  England  and  give 
his  expectant  countrymen  the  promised  account  of  the  wonders 
he  had  seen.  Soon  his  plans  were  deranged  by  a  new  turn  of 
events.  The  letters  from  England  absolved  Roe  from  going 
to  Persia,  while  the  slow  progress  of  his  negotiations  rendered 
it  doubtful  whether  he  would  be  able  to  return  home  for  yet 
another  year.  All  that  was  clear  was  that  the  ambassador 
must  follow  the  Emperor  wherever  he  went,  whether  (as  was 
expected)  to  Ahmadabad  or  (as  some  of  the  courtiers  hoped) 
to  Agra.  ^Vlien  Jahangir  left  Mandu  on  October  24,  1617,  his 
real  intentions  were  still  uncertain  ;  and,  perhaps  in  the  hope 
that  his  destination  would  prove  after  all  to  be  the  capital, 
whence  Coryat  could  set  out  afresh  on  the  overland  journey 
to  Europe,  our  traveller  started  with  Roe  on  October  29  to 
overtake  the  Emperor.     Before,  however,  the  party  had  got 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1612-17  239 

as  far  as  Dhar,  it  was  known  for  certain  that  Gujarat  was  their 
goal  ;  and  thereupon,  it  would  seem,  Coryat  decided  to  make 
his  way  down  to  Surat,  where  he  was  sure  of  hospitality  at  the 
English  factory  and  might  rest  while  he  matured  fresh  plans. 
The  date  of  his  quitting  the  ambassador's  camp  seems  to  have 
been  on  or  about  November  13,  1617.i  Of  the  incidents  of  this 
last  lonely  tramp  nothing  is  recorded.  We  only  know  that  he 
managed  to  reach  his  destination,  and  that  the  English 
merchants  there  received  him  kindly — too  kindly  in  fact,  for 
they  plied  him  with  sack,  which  increased  the  dysentery  from 
which  he  was  suffering,  with  the  result  that  he  rapidly  suc- 
cumbed to  the  illness.  The  date  of  his  death,  at  the  early  age 
of  forty,  was  some  time  in  December  1617. 

There  was  then  no  regular  English  burying-ground  at  Surat ; 
so  the  body  was  taken  outside  the  city  on  the  north  and 
interred  on  the  western  side  of  the  road  leading  to  Broach.  It 
is  true  that  Terry,  who,  as  Coryat's  contemporary,  might  be 
supposed  to  know  the  facts  (though  he  was  not  at  Surat  when 
the  death  occurred),  declares  that  the  traveller  was  buried  at 
Swally, '  amongst  many  more  English  that  lye  therer  interred  ' ; 
but  he  was  writing  nearly  forty  years  later,  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  his  recollection  was  frequently  in  fault  over  matters  of 
detail.-  The  evidence  on  the  other  side  is  strong.  Thomas 
Herbert,  who  reached  India  only  ten  years  after  Coryat's 
death,  says  that  the  body  of  a  Persian  ambassador,  who  had 
died  aboard  the  English  fleet  at  Swally,  was  '  conveighed  to 
Surrat  (10  miles  thence),  where  they  intombed  him,  not  a 
stones  cast  from  Tom  Coryats  grave,  knowne  but  by  two 
poore  stones,  there  resting  till  the  resuri-ection  '  (Some  Yeares 
Travels,  p.  35)  ;  while  Dr.  John  Fryer,  when  at  Surat  in  1675, 
was  shown,  just  outside  the  Broach  Gate,  the  tomb  of  the 
Persian  ambassador,  '  not  far  from  whence,  on  a  small  hill  on 

*  This  is  inferred  from  an  entry  in  the  accounts  of  the  Court  Factory 
(India  Office  Factory  Records,  Miscellaneous,  vol.  xxv,  f.  9),  which  shows 
that  on  that  date  Coryat  paid  in  thirty-five  rupees  in  cash  and  received 
in  exchange  a  bill  on  the  factors  at  Sui'at  for  the  same  amount.  Two  of 
Roe's  letters  to  Surat  (probably  carried  by  Coryat)  are  dated  November  11 
and  12  respectively. 

^  It  should  be  mentioned  that  the  Admiralty  chart  of  the  coast  near 
Swally  marks  '  Tom  Coryat's  Tomb  '  ;  but  this  is  probably  the  monument 
at  Rajgari,  'consisting  of  a  dome  resting  on  circular  pillars',  in  a 
Muhammadan  style  of  architecture,  which,  in  the  absence  of  any  in- 
scription or  other  clue,  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  resting-place  of  the 
traveller  (List  of  Tombs  and  Monuments  in  the  Bombay  Presidency). 
We  know,  however,  that  originally  the  grave  had  merely  two  small 
stones  at  head  and  foot,  without  an  inscription  ;  and  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  a  later  generation  provided  an  elaborate  monument. 


240  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

the  left  Imnd  of  the  road,  lies  Tom  Coriat,  our  Enghsli  fakier 
(as  they  name  him),  together  with  an  Armenian  (hrislian, 
known  by  Ihcir  <«raves  lying  cast  and  west  '  {Nerv  Account, 
p.  100).  It  may  be  added  that  some  years  ago  Mr.  (now 
Sir  Wilham)  Morison,  wlio  was  then  Collector  at  Surat,  made 
an  nnsnccessfnl  search  for  traces  of  Coryat's  grave,  and  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  had  either  been  swept  away  or  silted 
over  by  the  periodical  floods  of  the  Tapti. 

In  conclusion,  a  few  words  may  be  said  regarding  the 
literature  of  Coryat's  Eastern  travels.  As  we  have  learnt 
from  Roe,  the  pilgrim  left  one  batch  of  notes  at  Aleppo  and 
another  at  Ispahan  ;  while  presumably  he  had  a  third  with 
him  at  the  time  of  his  death.  The  first  instalment  found  its 
way  to  England  and  came  into  the  hands  of  Purchas,  who,  as 
already  noted,  printed  considerable  extracts  in  the  second 
volume  of  his  PUgrimes.  Of  the  fate  of  the  other  two  portions 
nothing  is  known.  Their  loss  is  much  to  be  deplored,  for  Coryat 
had  a  true  gift  of  observation  and  narrated  fully  and  accurately 
what  he  saw,  including  many  small  details  which  other  travel- 
lers have  passed  over  as  unworthy  of  notice.  Had  he  lived  to 
publish  as  full  an  account  of  his  Indian  journey  as  he  had 
previously  given  of  his  travels  in  Europe,  it  would  probably 
have  ranked  as  high  as  the  works  of  Fryer  or  Tavernier  ;  biit 
unfortunately,  all  that  we  have  from  his  own  pen  are  the  five 
letters  here  printed.  Apart  from  these,  there  are  some  notes 
given  to  Purchas  by  Roe  (see  p.  276),  and  a  few  details  and 
anecdotes  preserved  by  Terry  (p.  282).  Finally,  we  may  trace 
in  Roc's  journal  and  correspondence,  as  also  in  the  map  of 
India  which  he  assisted  Baffin  to  compile,  items  of  information 
supplied  to  him  by  Coryat  concerning  parts  of  India  which 
Roe  himself  had  not  visited.  We  have  thus  mere  scraps  of 
what  might  have  been  a  feast.  Our  consolation  is  that  even 
these  scraps  are  better  than  nothing,  and  that,  slight  as  they 
are,  they  contain  much  to  make  us  remember  with  gratitude 
the  eccentric  wanderer  who  sleeps  in  an  unknown  grave  on 
the  banks  of  the  Tapti. 

Turning  to  the  letters  themselves,  we  may  note  that  the 
first  four  were  printed,  almost  immediately  after  their  arrival 
in  England,  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  Thomas  Coriate,  Traveller 
for  the  English  Wits  :  Greeting,  illustrated  with  some  rough 
woodcuts.  Apparently  this  production  excited  considerable 
interest,  for  a  reprint  was  issued  with  the  same  date.^  The 
fifth  letter  was  published  in  similar  form  two  years  later,  under 
the  title  of  Mr.  Thomas  Coriat  to  his  Friends  in  England  sendeth 
Chreeting,  adorned  by  a  picture  of  the  author  riding  on  a  camel. 

1  1616.  Of  course  this  would  extend  to  March  24,  1617,  according  to 
modern  reckoning. 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1012-17  241 

In  1625  Purchas,  in  his  Pilgrimes  (part  i,  book  iv,  chap.  17), 
reprinted  large  portions  of  the  first,  third,  and  fifth  ;  and  the 
fifth  was  again  reproduced,  five  years  later,  in  a  volume  con- 
taining the  works  of  John  Taylor,  the  Water  Poet.  The  1776 
edition  of  Coryat's  works  gives  the  first  four  letters  in  full, 
while  as  regards  the  fifth  it  is  content  to  follow  the  abbreviated 
version  supplied  by  Purchas.  Since  then  there  has  been  no 
fresh  edition  of  the  letters  from  India,  though  Purchas's 
extracts  from  them  were  of  course  included  in  the  recent 
reissue  of  the  Pilgrimes,  The  text  now  given  is  from  the 
British  Museum  copies  of  the  1616  and  1618  pamphlets, 
omitting  the  commendatory  and  other  verses. 


Most  deare  and  beloved  Friend,  Maister  L.  W.,^  animce 
dimidium  mece. 

Cordial  salutations  in  the  Author  of  Salvation,  Jesus> 
Christ.  Where  I  writ  unto  you  last  I  remember  wel  ;  even 
from  Zobah,  as  the  Prophet  Samuel  calleth  it  (2  Booke,  8  chap., 
ver.  3),  that  is,  Aleppo,'-  the  principall  emporium  of  all  Syria, 
or  rather  of  the  orient  world  ;  but  when,  in  trueth  I  have 
forgotten,  for  I  keepe  not  coppies  of  my  letters,  as  I  see  most 
of  my  countrey-men  doe,  in  whatsoever  place  of  the  worlde 
I  flnde  them.  Howbeit,  if  my  conjecture  doe  not  much  faile 
me,  I  may  affirme  that  it  was  about  xv.  moneths  since,  about 
a  month  after  I  returned  unto  Aleppo  from  Jerusalem  ;  after 
which  time  I  remained  there  three  months  longer,  and  then 
departed  therehence  in  a  caravan  into  Persia,  passing  the  noble 
river  Euphrates  (the  cheefest  of  all  that  irrigated  Paradise 
wherehence,  as  from  their  original,  the  three  other  rivers  were 
derived)  about  foure  dayes  journey  beyond  Aleppo  ;  on  the 
farther  side  of  which  I  entered  Mesapotamia,  alias  Chaldea, 
for  the  Euphrates  in  that  place  disterminateth  Syria  and 
Mesopotamia.  Therehence  I  had  tvvo  dayes  journey  to  Ur 
[Orfah]  of  the  Chaldeans,  where  Abraham  was  born,  a  very 

»  Laurence  Whitaker,  who  (as  shown  by  the  next  letter)  was  secretary 
to  Sir  Edward  Phelips.  He  contributed  some  laudatory  poems  to  the 
Crudities,  as  well  as  a  prose  eulogy. 

2  This  identification  is  not  accepted  by  modern  commentators,  who 
place  Zobah  farther  south. 

R 


242  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

delicate  and  pleasant  cittie.  There  I  remained  fouio  dayes  ; 
but  I  could  sec  no  part  of  the  mines  of  tlie  house  wher  that 
faitlxful  servant  of  God  was  borne,  though  I  much  desired  it. 
From  thence  I  had  foure  dayes  journey  to  the  river  Tigris, 
which  I  passed  also  ;  but  in  the  same  place  where  I  crossed  it 
I  found  it  so  shallow  that  it  reached  no  higher  then  the  calfe 
of  my  legge  ;  for  I  waded  over  it  afoot.  Now  I  wel  perceive, 
by  mine  occular  experience,  that  Chaldea  is  named  Mesopo- 
tamia for  that  it  is  inclosed  with  the  foresaid  rivers.  Trajecto 
Tigride,  I  entred  Armenia  the  Greater  ;  after  that,  Media  the 
Lower,  and  resided  six  dayes  in  the  metropolis  therof,  hereto- 
fore called  Eebatana,  the  sommer  seate  of  Cyrus  his  court, 
a  city  eftsoone  mentioned  in  the  Scripture,  now  called  Tauris 
[Tabriz].  More  wofull  ruines  of  a  city  (saving  that  of  Troy 
and  Cyzicum  ^  in  Natolia)  never  did  mine  eies  beholde.  When 
I  seriously  contemplated  those  epe'nna  [i.  e.  ruins],  the  dole- 
ful testimonies  of  the  Turkish  devastations,  I  called  to  minde 
Ovids  verse  : 

Ludit  in  humanis  divina  potentia  rebus.^ 
And  that  of  Hesiod, 

TO  8'  vneprtpn  veprepa  6r](T(i  Zivs  vi^i^pepiTrj^,? 
From  that  I  had  two  dales  journey  to  a  city  that  in  Strabos 
time  was  called  Arsacia,  in  Media  the  Higher,  now  Casbin, 
once  the  royall  seate  of  the  Tartarian  princes,  4  dales  journy 
from  the  Caspian  Sea.  From  Casbin  I  had  23  daies  to  Spahan, 
in  Parthia,  the  place  of  residence  of  the  Persian  K[ing]  ;  but 
at  my  being  there  he  was  in  the  countrey  of  Gurgistan,  ran- 
sacking the  poor  Christians  ther  with  great  hostility,  with  fire 
and  sword.*  There  I  remained  2  months,  and  so  with  a  caravan 
travelled  into  the  Easterne  India,  passing  4  months  and  odde 
daies  in  my  travell  betwixt  that  (through  part  of  the  true 

'  Now  Kyzik,  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  sea  of  Marniora. 

-  Epist.  ex  Ponto,  lib.  iv,  epist.  iii,  1.  49. 

3  This  is  really  from  Aristophanes  {Lysistrata ,  772) ;  but,  as  Dr. 
Thomas  points  out,  Coryat  was  probably  thinking  of  line  8  of  Hesiod's 
Works  and  Days. 

*  The  campaign  of  Shah  Abbas  in  Georgia  is  mentioned  by  Roe 
{Embassy,  pp.  113,  121),  but  he  doubtless  had  his  information  from 
Coryat. 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1612-17  243 

Persia,  and  a  large  tract  of  the  noble  and  renownd  India)  and 
the  goodly  city  of  Lahore  in  India,  one  of  the  largest  cities  of 
the  whole  universe,  for  it  containeth  at  the  least  xvi.  miles  in 
compasse  and  exceedeth  Constantinople  itself  in  greatnesse. 
But  a  dozen  dayes  before  I  came  to  Lahore  I  passed  the  famous 
river  Indus,  which  is  as  broad  againe  as  our  Thames  at  London, 
and  hath  his  originall  out  of  the  mountaine  Caucasus, ^  so  much 
ennobled  by  the  ancient,  both  poets  and  historiographers, 
Greeke  and  Latine  ;  which  Plato  for  curiosity  sake,  in  his 
travelles  of  these  parts,  went  to  see.  It  lyeth  not  farre  from 
that  upon  the  confines  of  Scjiihia,  now  called  Tartaria  ;  my 
selfe  also  conceiving  some  hope  of  seeing  it  before  my  fmall 
farewel  of  India. 

I  had  almost  forgotten  one  memorable  matter  to  impart 
unto  you  :  About  the  middle  of  the  way,  betwixt  Spahan  and 
Lahore,  just  about  the  frontiers  of  Persia  and  India,  I  met 
Sir  Robert  Shcrley  and  his  lady,  travailing  from  the  court  of 
the  Mogul  (where  they  had  beene  verie  graciously  received, 
and  enriched  with  presents  of  great  value)  to  the  King  of 
Persia's  court ;  so  gallantly  furnished  with  all  necessaries  for 
their  travailes  that  it  was  a  great  comfort  unto  me  to  see  them 
in  sucli  a  florishing  estate.  There  did  he  shew  mee,  to  my 
singular  contentment,  both  my  bookes  neatly  kept  ;  and  hath 
promised  me  to  shew  them,  especially  mine  Itinerarie,  to  the 
Persian  King,  and  to  interpret  unto  him  some  of  the  principall 
matters  in  the  Turkish  tongue,  to  the  end  I  may  have  the 
more  gracious  accesse  unto  him  after  my  returne  thither  ; 
for  through  Persia  I  have  determined  (by  Gods  helpe)  to 
returne  to  Aleppo.  Besides  other  rarities  that  they  carried 
with  them  out  of  India,  they  had  two  elephants  and  eight 
antlops,  which  were  the  first  that  ever  I  saw  ;  but  afterwards, 
when  I  came  to  the  Moguls  court,  I  sawe  great  store  of  them. 
These  they  meant  to  present  to  the  Persian  King.  Both  he 
and  his  lady  used  me  with  singular  respect,  especially  his  lady, 
who  bestowed  forty  shillings  upon  me  in  Persian  mony  ;  and 
they  seemed  to  exult  for  joy  to  see  mee,  having  promised  me 
to  bring  mee  in  good  grace  with  the  Persian  King,  and  that 

»  The  range  of  the  Hindu  Kush  was  known  to  ancient  geographers  as 
the  Indian  Caucasus. 

Il2 


244  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

thoy  will  induce  him  lo  bestow  some  princely  benefit  upon  me. 
Tbis  I  liopc  will  be  partly  occasioned  by  my  booke,  for  he  is 
such  a  jocond  prince  that  he  will  not  be  meanlie  delighted  with 
divers  of  my  facetious  hicroglyphicks,  if  they  are  truelic  and 
genuinely  expoxmded  unto  him. 

From  the  famous  citie  of  Lahore  I  had  twentie  daies  journey 
to  another  goodly  citie,  called  AgTa,  through  such  a  delicate 
and  eeven  tract  of  ground  as  I  never  saw  before,  and  doubt 
whether  the  like  bee  to  be  found  within  the  whole  circumference 
of  the  habitable  world.  Another  thing  also  in  this  way  beeing 
no  lesse  memorable  then  the  plainenesse  of  the  ground  ;  a  row 
of  trees  on  each  side  of  this  way  where  people  doe  travel!, 
extending  it  selfe  from  the  townes  end  of  Lahore  to  the  townes 
end  of  Agra  ;  the  most  incomparable  shew  of  that  kinde  that 
ever  my  eies  survaied.  Likewise  wheras  ther  is  a  mountaine 
some  ten  daies  journey  betwixt  Lahore  and  Agra,  but  verie 
neere  ten  miles  out  of  the  way  on  the  left  hand,  the  people 
that  inhabite  that  mountaine  observe  a  custome  very  strange, 
that  all  the  brothers  of  any  familie  have  but  one  and  the  selfe- 
same  wife,  so  that  one  woman  sometimes  doth  serve  6  or  7  men  ^ : 
the  like  whereof  I  remember  I  have  read  in  Strabo,  concerning 
the  Arabians  that  inhabited  Arabia  Felix.  Agra  is  a  verie 
great  citie,  and  the  place  Avhere  the  Mogul  did  alwaies  (saving 
within  these  two  j^eares)  keepe  his  court  ;  but  in  everie  respect 
much  inferior  to  Lahore.  From  thence  to  the  Mogxds  court 
I  had  ten  daies  journey,  at  a  towne  called  Asmere,  where  I 
found  a  cape  mercliant  of  our  English  men,  with  nine  more  of 
my  countrimen,  resident  there  upon  termes  of  negotiations 
for  the  Right  Worshipfull  Company  of  Merchants  in  London 
that  Trade  for  East  India.  I  spent  in  my  journey  betwixt 
Jerusalem  and  this  Moguls  court  15  moneths  and  odde  daies  ; 
all  which  way  I  traversed  afoot,  but  with  divers  paire  of  shooes, 
having  beene  such  a  propateticke  (I  will  not  call  my  selfe 
peripatetick,  because  you  know  it  signifieth  one  that  maketh 
a  perambulation  about  a  place,  nepnraTf'iv  signifying  to  walk 
about),  that  is,  a  walker  forward  on  foote,  as  I  doubt  whether 

>  Polyandry  is  still  common  in  parts  of  the  Dehra  Dun  and  other 
Himalayan  tracts.  For  a  discussion  of  the  passage  in  Strabo,  see 
Robertson  Smith's  Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early\Arabia,  p.  133. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  245 

you  ever  heard  of  the  like  in  your  life  ;  for  the  totall  way 
betwixt  Jerusalem  and  the  Moguls  court  containeth  two 
thousand  and  seaven  hundred  English  miles.  My  whole  peram- 
bulation of  this  Asia  the  Greater  is  like  to  bee  a  passage  of 
almost  sixe  thousande  miles,  by  that  time  that  in  my  rcturne 
backe  thorough  Persia,  afterward  also  by  Babylon  and  Ninivie, 
I  shall  come  to  Cairo  in  Egypt,  and  from  that  downe  the  Nylus 
to  Alexandria,  there  to  be  one  daie  (by  Gods  helpc)  imbarqued 
for  Christendome  ;  a  verie  immense  dimension  of  ground. 

Now  I  am  at  the  Moguls  court,  I  think  you  would  be  glad 
to  receive  some  narration  thereof  from  mee,  though  succinctly 
handled  :  for  I  meane  to  be  very  compendious,  lest  I  shold 
otherwise  preoccupate  that  pleasure  wliich  you  may  here  after 
this  reape  by  my  personall  relation  thereof.  This  present 
prince  is  a  verie  worthy  person,  by  name  Selim,  of  which 
name  I  never  read  or  heard  of  any  more  then  one  Mahometan 
king,  wliich  was  Sultan  Selim  of  Constantinople,  that  lived 
about  80  years  since  ;  the  same  that  conquered  Jerusalem, 
Damascus,  Aleppo,  Cairo,  etc.,  adding  the  same  to  the  Turkish 
Empire.  He  is  53  yeares  of  age,^  his  nativitie  daie  having 
beene  celebrated  with  wonderfull  pompe  since  my  arrivall 
here  ;  for  that  daie  he  weighed  himselfe  in  a  paire  of  golden 
scales,  which  by  great  chance  I  saw  the  same  day  (a  custome 
that  he  observeth  most  inviolablie  every  year)  laying  so  muc 
golde  in  the  other  scale  as  countervaileth  the  weight  of  his 
body,  and  the  same  he  afterward  distributed  to  the  poore. 
Hee  is  of  complexion  neither  white  nor  blacke,  but  of  a  middle 
betwixt  them  ;  I  know  not  how  to  expresse  it  with  a  more 
expressive  and  significant  epitheton  then  olive  ;  an  olive 
colour  his  face  prescnteth.  Hee  is  of  a  seemelic  composition 
of  bodie,  of  a  stature  little  unequall  (as  I  guesse,  not  without 
grounds  of  probabilitie)  to  mine,  but  much  more  corpulent 
then  my  selfe.  The  extent  of  his  dominion  is  verie  spacious, 
beeing  in  circuite  little  lesse  then  4000  English  miles,  which 
verie  neere  answcreth  the  compas  of  the  Turks  territories  ; 
or  if  any  thing  be  M'anting  in  geometricall  dimension  of  ground, 
it  is  with  a  great  pleonasme  supplied  by  the  fertility  of  his 
soyle.  And  in  these  two  thinges  hee  exceedeth  the  Turks,  in 
*  Jahanglr  was  really  only  forty-six,  having  been  born  in  15G9. 


246  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

the  fatnesse  (as  1  have  said)  of  his  laud,  no  part  of  the  world 
yeelding  a  more  fruitful  1  veine  of  groiaid  then  all  that  which 
lietli  in  his  empire,  saving  tiiat  part  of  Babylonia  where  the 
terrcstriall  paradise  once  stoode  ;  whereas  a  great  part  of 
the  Turks  land  is  extreme  barren  and  sterill,  as  I  have  observed 
in  my  peregrination  thereof,  especially  in  Syria,  Mesopotamia 
and  Armenia  ;  many  large  portions  thereof  beeing  so  wonderfull 
fruitelesse  that  it  beareth  no  good  thing  at  all,  or  if  any  thing, 
there  infelix  lolium  et  steriles  dominantur  avence.^  Secondly,  in 
the  conjunction  and  union  of  all  his  territories  together  in  one 
and  the  same  goodly  continent  of  India,  no  prince  having  a 
foote  of  land  within  him.  But  many  parcels  of  the  Turkes 
countries  are  by  a  large  distance  of  seas  and  otherwise  divided 
asunder.  Again,  in  his  revenue  he  exceedeth  the  Turk  and  the 
Persian  his  neighbour  by  just  halfe  ;  for  his  revenues  are 
40  millions  of  crownes  (of  sixe  shillings  value)  by  the  yeare,^ 
but  the  Turkes  are  no  more  then  fifteene  millions  (as  I  was 
certainly  informed  in  Constantinople),  and  the  Persians  five 
millions,  plus  minus  (as  I  heard  in  Spahan).  It  is  saide  that 
he  is  uncircumcised,  wherein  he  differeth  from  all  the  Mahome- 
tan princes  that  ever  were  in  the  world. 

Hee  spcaketh  very  reverently  of  our  Saviour,  calling  him 
in  the  Indian  tongue  Isazaret  Eesa  [Hazarat  Isa],  that  is,  the 
Great  Prophet  Jesus  ;  and  all  Christians,  especiallie  us  English, 
he  useth  so  benevolently  as  no  Mahometan  prince  the  like. 
Hee  keepeth  abundance  of  wilde  beasts,  and  that  of  divers 
sorts,  as  lyons,  elephants,  leopards,  beares,  antlops,  unicornes  ; 
whereof  two  I  have  scene  at  his  court,  the  strangest  beasts  of 
the  world.^  They  were  brought  hither  out  of  the  countric  of 
Bcngala,  which  is  a  kingdom  of  most  singular  fertilitie  within 
the  compassc  of  his  dominion,  about   four  moneths  journey 

'  This  is  from  Virgil's  Georgics,  bk.  i,  1.  154. 

^  Presumably  his  informant  gave  the  amomit  as  120  millions  of  rupees, 
which  Coryat  converted  at  the  rate  of  2s.  to  the  rupee  (the  value  he  adopts 
elsewhere).  Even  assigning  a  higher  value  to  the  rupee,  and  supposing 
the  figure  to  relate  to  land  revenue  only,  it  is  pi-obably  too  low  an 
estimate  (cf.  Hawkins,  supra,  p.  99,  and  Thomas's  Revenue  Resources, 
p.  26). 

=*  In  the  original  pamphlet  a  fanciful  portrait  of  a  unicorn  is  here 
inserted.    The  beasts  mentioned  by  Coryat  were  of  course  rhinoceroses. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  247 

from  this,  the  midland  parts  therof  being  watered  by  divers 
channels  of  the  famous  Ganges,  which  I  have  not  as  yet  scene, 
but  (God  willing)  I  meane  to  visite  it  before  my  departure  out 
of  this  countrie,  the  neerest  part  of  it  beeing  not  above  twelve 
dales  journy  from  this  court.  The  King  presenteth  himselfe 
thrice  every  dale  without  faile  to  his  nobles  ;  at  the  rising  of 
the  sunne,  which  he  adoreth  by  the  elevation  of  his  hands  ; 
at  noone  ;  and  at  five  of  the  clocke  in  the  evening.  But  he 
standeth  in  a  roome  aloft,  alone  by  him  selfe,  and  looketh  uppon 
them  from  a  window  that  hath  an  embroidered  sumptuous 
coverture,  supported  with  two  silver  pillasters  to  yeeld 
shaddowe  unto  him.  Twice  every  week  elephants  fight  before 
him,  the  bravest  spectacle  in  the  worlde.  Many  of  them  are 
thirteene  foot  and  a  halfe  high  ;  and  they  seeme  to  justle 
together  like  two  little  mountaines,  and  were  they  not  parted 
in  the  middest  of  their  fighting  by  certaine  fire-workes,  they 
would  exceedingly  gore  and  cruentate  one  another  by  their 
murdering  teeth.  Of  elephants  the  King  keepeth  30,000  in  his 
whole  kingdome  at  an  unmeasurable  charge  ;  in  feeding  of 
whom,  and  his  lyons  and  other  beasts,  he  spendeth  an  incredible 
masse  of  money,  at  the  least  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling 
a  day.^  I  have  rid  upon  an  elephant  since  I  came  to  this 
court,  determining  one  day  (by  Gods  leave)  to  have  my  picture 
expressed  in  my  next  booke  sitting  upon  an  elephant  .^  The 
king  keepeth  a  thousand  women  for  his  own  body,  whereof 
the  chiefest  (which  is  his  Queenc)  is  called  Normal. 

I  thinke  I  shall  here  after  this  send  another  letter  unto  you 
before  my  departure  out  of  this  countrey,  by  a  worthy  man, 
which  is  the  minister  and  preacher  of  our  nation  in  this  place, 
one  M.  Peter  Rogers,  a  man  to  whom  I  am  exceedingly  obliged 
for  his  singular  offices  of  humanity  exhibited  unto  me.  Pray 
use  him  kindly  for  my  sake.  Hee  understanding  that  there 
is  a  certaine  yong  gentleman,  called  Maister  Charles  Lancaster, 
that  serveth  the  M[aster]  of  the  Rolles,  intreated  me  to  desire 

'  This  appears  to  be  an  exaggeration  (cf.  supra,  p.   104). 

'^  Though  Coryat  did  not  live  to  issue  another  book,  the  publishers 
of  the  1616  pamplilet  remembered  his  wish  and  placed  on  the  title-page 
a  fancy  sketch  of  him  riding  upon  an  elei)hant.  This  illustration  appears 
three  times. 


248  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

you  to  recommend  him  very  kindly  unto  him.  Our  cape- 
mcrcliants  name  is  M.  William  Edwards,  an  honest  gentleman, 
that  useth  me  with  verie  loving  respect. 

Dear  M.  L.  W.,  conveigh  these  twoe  letters  that  I  have  sent 
to  you,  to  the  parties  to  whom  they  are  directed  :  my  poore 
mother  and  mine  unckle  Williams.  You  may  do  me  a  kinde 
office  to  desire  him  (with  such  convenient  termes  and  patheticall 
perswasions  as  your  discretion  shall  dictate  and  suggest  unto 
you)  to  remember  me  as  his  poore  industrious  peregrinating 
kinseman,  neerest  unto  him  in  blood  of  all  the  people  in  the 
world  ;  to  remember  me,  I  say,  with  some  competent  gratuitie, 
if  God  should  call  him  out  of  the  world  before  my  returne  into 
my  native  countrie.  I  praie  you,  if  hee  be  living,  and  doth 
use  to  come  to  London  as  he  was  wont  to  doo,  that  you  would 
deliver  my  letter  to  him  with  your  owne  hands,  and  not  send 
it  unto  him. 

You  may  remember  to  relate  this  unto  your  friends  that 
I  will  now  mention  as  a  matter  verie  memorable  :  I  spent  in 
my  ten  moneths  travels  betwixt  Aleppo  and  the  Moguls  court 
but  three  pounds  sterling,  yet  fared  reasonable  well  everie 
dale  ;  victuals  beeing  so  cheape  in  some  countries  where  I 
travelled,  that  I  oftentimes  lived  competentlie  for  a  pennie 
sterling  a  day.  Yet  of  that  three  poimd  I  was  cousened  of  no 
lesse  then  ten  shillings  sterling  by  certaine  lewd  Christians  of 
the  Armenian  nation  ;  so  that  indeed  I  spent  but  fiftie  shillings 
in  my  ten  moneths  travailes.  I  have  beene  in  a  citie  in  this 
countrie,  called  Detee  [Delhi],  where  Alexander  the  Great 
joyned  battell  with  Porus,  K[ing]  of  India,  and  conquered  him  ; 
and  in  token  of  his  victorie  erected  a  brasse  pillar,  which 
remaineth  there  to  this  day.^ 

Pray    remember     my     humblest     service     to     the     Right 

1  Terry,  in  his  1655  edition  (p.  81),  says  :  '  I  was  told  by  Tom  Coryat 
(who  took  special  notice  of  this  place)  that  he,  being  in  the  city  of  Dellee, 
observed  a  very  great  pillar  of  marble,  with  a  Greek  inscription  upon  it 
which  Time  hath  almost  quite  worn  out,  erected  (as  he  supposed) 
there  and  then  by  great  Alexander,  to  preserve  the  memory  of  that 
famous  victory  '  [over  King  Porus].  Roe  also  mentions  this  monument 
(Embassy,  p.  103),  no  doubt  on  Coryat's  authority.  The  reference  seems 
to  be  to  the  Asoka  pillar  described  by  Finch  (.sujyra,  p.  156).  It  is  of 
stone,  not  of  brass  as  stated  in  the  text. 


p.  248 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  249 

Honourable,  your  Maistcr  of  the  Rolles,  si  superatque,  et 
vescitur  aura  cetherea,  nee  adhuc  crudelibus  ocetibat  umhris.^ 
And  to  Sir  Robert  Phillips,  once  my  Mecaenas,  but  how 
affected  to  me  at  this  time  I  know  not.  Pray  tell  them  that 
I  meane  to  write  to  each  of  them  before  my  departure  oiit  of 
India.  Remember  my  duty  also  to  their  right  vertuous  ladies. 
Aboiit  foure  yeares  hence  looke  for  me,  but  not  before.  For  if 
God  grant  me  life  and  health,  I  meane  to  make  it  a  voyage 
of  full  seaven  yeares  before  I  come  home,  whereof  three  are 
already  spent.  Commend  me  also,  I  pray  you,  to  M,  Martin, - 
though  at  a  mans  house  in  Woodstreet  he  used  mee  one  night 
verie  perversly  before  I  came  away  ;  but  you  see  that  my 
being  at  Jerusalem  dooth  make  me  forget  many  injuries. 
Commend  mce  likewise  to  Maister  H.  Holland  ^  and  Inigo  Jones.* 
At  this  time  I  have  many  irons  in  the  fire  ;  for  I  learne  the 
Persian,  Turkish,  and  Arabian  tongues,  having  already  gotten 
the  Italian  (I  thank  God).  I  have  bene  at  the  Moguls  court 
three  moneths  already,  and  am  to  tarry  heere  (by  Gods  lioly 
permission)  five  moneths  longer,  till  I  have  gotten  the  foresaide 
three  tongues,  and  then  depart  herehencc  to  the  Ganges,  and 
after  that  directly  to  the  Persian  court. 

Your  assured  loving  friend  till  death, 

TlIO.    CORYATE. 


From  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul,  resident  at  the 
towne  of  Asmere,  in  the  Eastern  India,  on  Michaelmas 
day,  anno  1615. 

I  do  enjoy  at  this  time  as  pancraticall  and  athleticall  a  health 
as  ever  I  did  in  my  life  ;  and  so  have  done  ever  since  I  came  out 

1  This  is  a  combination  of  two  passages  from  the  Aeneid  :  Superatne 
et  vescitur  aural'  (bk.  iii,  1.  339)  and  Si  vescitur  aura  aetheria,  neque 
adhuc  crudelibus  occubat  utrhbris  (bk.  i,  1.  546). 

-  Richard  Martin,  Recorder  of  London,  still  remembered  as  a  wit  and 
poet. 

^  Hugh  Holland,  poet  and  traveller.  He  wrote  a  sonnet  i^refixed  to  the 
first  folio  of  Shakespeare. 

■•  The  celebrated  architect.  Both  he  and  Holland  wrote  laudatory 
poems  for  the  Crudities, 


250  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

of  England,  saving  for  three  dayes  in  Constantinople,  where 
I  had  an  ague,  which  with  a  little  letting  blood  was  clean 
banished  ;  the  Lord  be  humbly  thanked  for  His  gracious 
blessing  of  health  that  Hee  hath  given  me.  I  was  robbed  of 
my  money,  both  golde  and  silver  (but  not  all,  by  reason  of 
certaine  clandestine  corners  where  it  was  placed),  in  a  cittie 
called  Diarbeck  in  Mesopotamia,  the  Turks  countrey,  by  a 
Spahee  [Spdhi],  as  they  call  him,  that  is,  one  of  the  horsemen 
of  the  Great  Turke  ;  but  the  occasion  and  circumstance  of 
that  misfortune  would  be  too  tedious  to  relate.  Notwith- 
standing that  losse,  I  am  not  destitute  of  money,  I  thanke  God. 
Since  my  arrivall  heere,  there  was  sente  unto  this  King  one 
of  the  richest  presents  that  I  have  heard  to  be  sent  to  any 
prince  in  al  my  life  time.  It  consisteth  of  divers  parcels  ;  one 
beeing  elephants,  whereof  there  were  31,  and  of  those  two  so 
gloriously  adorned  as  I  never  sawe  the  like,  nor  shal  see  the 
like  again  while  I  live.  For  they  wore  foure  chaines  about 
their  bodies  all  of  beaten  gold  ;  two  chains  about  their  legges 
of  the  same  ;  furniture  for  their  buttocks  of  pure  gold  ;  twoe 
lyons  upon  their  heads  of  the  like  gold  ;  the  ornaments  of  each 
amounting  to  the  value  of  almost  eight  thousand  pound 
sterling  ;  and  the  whole  present  was  worth  ten  of  their  leakes 
[i.e.  lakhs],  as  they  call  them  (a  leak  being  ten  thousand  pound 
sterling)  ;  the  whole,  a  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling.^ 

Pray  commend  me  to  M[aster]  Protoplast  and  all  the 
Sireniacall  ^  gentlemen  ;  to  whom  I  wrote  one  letter  from 
Aleppo,  after  my  being  at  Jerusalem,  and  another  I  intend 
to  write  before  my  going  out  of  Asia.  Their  most  elegant  and 
incomparable  safe-conduct  that  they  have  graciously  bestowed 
upon  me  I  have  left  at  Aleppo,  not  having  made  any  use  of  it 
as  yet,  neither  shall  I  in  all  my  peregrination  of  Asia  ;  but  when 
I  shall  one  day  arrive  in  Christendome,  it  will  be  very  available 
to  me. 

1  This  embassy  was  from  the  King  of  Bijapur,  and  reached  Ajmer  about 
the  middle  of  August  1615  (see  the  Tuzuk,  vol.  i,  p.  298). 

*  The  members  of  the  Mermaid  Club  called  themselves  Siieniacs  (cf.  j). 
2r)6)— a  term  due  to  the  confusion  of  the  mermaid  with  the  Siren. 
Possibly  there  was  also  a  playful  allusion  to  the  Cyrenaic  philosophers, 
who  held  that  pleasui'e  was  the  chief  aim  of  life.  Who  was  meant  by 
'  Master  Protoplast '  has  not  been  ascertained. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  251 

I  have  heere  sent  unto  you  the  coppy  of  certaine  facetious 
verses  that  were  lately  sent  to  me  to  this  coui-t,  from  one  of 
my  countrimen,  one  M.  John  Browne,^  a  Londoner  borne,  now 
resident,  with  divers  other  English  merchants,  at  a  citie  in 
India,  five  hundred  miles  froin  the  place  where  I  abide,  called 
Amadavers,  about  sixe  dayes  journey  from  the  sea  ;  who, 
understanding  of  my  arrivall  at  this  court,  and  of  my  tedious 
pedestrian  peregrination  all  the  way  from  Jerusalem  hither 
(understanding  it,  I  say,  by  Latine  and  Italian  epistles  that 
upon  a  certaine  occasion  I  wrote  to  soine  of  that  company), 
made  these  pretty  verses,  and  sent  them  me.  You  may  reade 
them  to  your  friends,  if  you  thinke  fit,  and  especially  to  the 
Sireniacall  gentlemen  ;  for  they  are  elegant  and  delectable. 
The  superscription  of  his  letter  was  this  :  To  the  painefuU 
gentleman,  M.  Thomas  Coryate.  The  title  within,  prefixed 
before  the  verses,  this  :  To  the  Odcombian  wonder,  our 
laborious  countriman,  the  generous  Coryate.  . .  .^ 

Yet  one  post-script  more  by  way  of  a  corollary,  and  so  with 
the  same,  beeing  the  fourth  and  the  last,  I  will  adde  the  final 
umbilicke  to  this  tedious  English- Indian  epistle.  I  have 
written  out  two  severall  coppies  of  these  verses,  and  included 
them  within  the  letters  which  I  have  intreated  you  to  distribute 
for  me,  but  so  that  the  letters  are  not  sealed  upon  them,  onely 
they  lie  loose  within  the  letters  ;  therefore  they  are  subject  to 
losing,  except  you  have  an  extraordinary  care  of  them. 
Wherefore  I  intreate  you  to  deliver  that  to  mine  unkle  with 
your  owne  hands,  if  he  be  in  London,  or  to  conveigh  it  to  him 
by  such  a  one  as  will  not  lose  that  loose  paper  of  verses.  The 
like  care  I  desire  you  to  have  of  that  to  my  mother,  and  to 
send  it  unto  her  by  some  other  man  then  a  carrier,  if  you  can 
jet  [meet  ?]  with  such  an  opportunity :  for  in  truth  I  am  afraide 
the  carrier  will  lose  the  inclosed  paper.  Pray  take  advice  of 
some  of  the  M[aster]  of  the  Rolles  his  people  that  are  to  ride 
to  Euill.^  Pray  remember  my  commendations  with  all  respect 
to  M.  Williams  the  goldsmith  and  his  wife  ;  and  to  Benjamin 

*  Went  out  to  India  in  1614.  He  was  chief  of  the  Ahmadabad  factory 
from  early  in  1G16  to  his  death  in  April,  1620. 

^  The  verses  have  been  omitted,  as  not  worth  quoting. 
^  Yeovil,  the  nearest  town  to  Odcombe. 


252  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Johnson,  and  to  reade  this  letter  to  thcni  both  ;    likewise  to 
Mistris  Eliziibcth  Balch,  if  slice  eontiniieth  with  your  lady. 

One   appendix   more,    and    so    an    end.      There   happened 

betAvixt  the  day  of  the  writing  of  this  letter  and  the  day  of 

the  scaling  of  it  up,  a  memorable  occurrent  not  to  bee  omitted. 

Wee  received  newes  at  this  court  the  ninth  day  after  the  writing 

{        ,  of  this  letter  (for  nine  dales  it  was  unsealed),  being  the  eight  of 

i<,         October,  of  the  arrivall  of  foure  goodly  English  shijis  at  the 

t  haven  of  Surat  in  India,  and  in  the  same  of  a  very  generous 

'  and  worthy  English  knight,  a  dearc  friend  of  mine,  Sir  Thomas 

Rowe,  to  come  to  the  court  with  some  mature  expedition,  as  an 

-  ambassadour  from  the  Right  Worshipfull  Company  of  London 

Merchants  that  Trade  for  India.    He  cometh  with  letters  from 

our  King  and  certaine  selected  presents  of  good  worth  from 

the  Company  ;  amongst  the  rest  a  gallant  caroch,  of  150  pounds 

price. ^    Also  there  came  Avith  him  15  servants,  al  Englishmen. 

Forty  daies  hence  at  the  farthest,  we  expect  {deoij  8i86vTt>s '") 

his  arrival  at  this  court.    This  newes  doth  refocillate  (I  will 

use  my  olde  phrase  so  well  knowne  to  you)  my  spirits;    for 

I  hope  he  will  use  me  graciously,  for  old  acquaintance  sake. 


II 

To  The  Right  Honourable  Sir  Edward  Pliillips,  Knight,  and 
Maister   of   the   Rolles,    at   his   house   in    Chancery-Lane,    or 

Wanstead.^ 
Right  Honourable, 

I  am  perswaded  that  if  ever  any  accident  worthy  of  admira- 
tion ever  happened  unto  Your  Honor  in  al  your  life  time,  it 
will  be  the  receiving  of  this  present  letter  from  me  out  of  the 

*  Particulars  of  this  coach  are  given  in  The  Embassy  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe, 
p.  322. 

^  '  God  granting  it.' 

*  Sir  Edward  PheUps,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  (1604)  and 
Master  of  the  Rolls  (1011),  was  the  fourth  son  of  Tliomas  Phelips, 
Coryat's  godfather.  The  familj'^  seat  was  at  Montacute,  near  Odcombe. 
In  1612  Sir  Edward  rented  Waustead  House  (afterwards  the  residence  of 
Sir  Josia  Child),  nnd  there  entertained  King  James,  at  a  cost  (it  is  said) 
of  £700.    He  was  dead  at  the  time  when  Coryat  was  writing  this  letter. 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1612-17  253 

Easterne  India  ;  yet  perliaps  it  will  seeme  unto  you  so  wondrous 
that  I  beleeve  you  will  doubt  whether  this  bee  the  true  hand- 
writing of  your  once  Odcombian  neighbor,  Thomas  Coryate. 
But  Your  Honour  may  soone  very  infallibly  and  apparantly 
perceive  it  to  be  true,  partly  by  the  forme  of  the  style,  which 
is  just  answerable  to  that  manner  of  speech  that  you  have 
heard  and  observed  in  me,  sometimes  in  my  linsie-woolsie 
orations  and  somtimes  in  my  extravagant  discourses  ;  and 
partly  by  the  testimony  of  the  bearer  heereof,  M[aster]  Peter 
Rogers,  minister,  at  the  time  of  his  being  in  India,  to  the 
English  merchants  resident  at  the  court  of  the  most  puissant 
monarch  the  Great  Mogul,  at  a  town  called  Asmere  ;  whose 
comfortable  and  sweet  company  I  enjoyed  at  the  same  court 
about  the  space  of  foure  moneths. 

Now,  though  there  hath  itched  a  very  burning  desire  in  nice, 
within  these  few  yeares,  to  survay  and  contemplate  some  of 
the  chiefest  parts  of  this  goodly  fabricke  of  the  world  besides 
mine  owne  native  countrj'^,  yet  never  did  I  thinke  it  would 
have  broken  out  to  such  an  ambitious  vent  as  to  travell  all 
on  foote  from  Jerusalem  so  farre  as  the  place  where  I  wrote 
this  letter.  Howbeit  since  fortune,  or  rather  (to  speake  more 
properly,  in  using  a  Christian  word)  the  providence  of  the 
Almighty,  (for  Fatuus  est,  S.  Augustine  saith,  qui  fato  credit) 
hath  so  ordained  that  I  should  securely  passe  so  far  into  the 
orientall  world,  with  all  humilitie,  upon  the  bended  knees  of 
my  hart,  I  thank  my  Ci'cator  and  merciful-  Redeemer,  Jesus 
Christ  (whose  sacrosanct  sepulcher  I  have  visited  and  kissed, 
tcrqiie  quaterque,  in  Jerusalem),  and  do  very  much  congratulate 
mine  owne  happines  that  He  hath  hitherto  endued  mce  with 
health  (for  in  all  my  travels  since  I  came  out  of  England  I 
have  enjoyed  as  sound  a  constitution  of  body  and  firme  health 
as  ever  I  did  since  I  first  drew  this  vitall  ayre),  libertie,  strength 
of  limbs,  agilitie  of  foot-manship,  etc. 

Neither  do  I  doubt  but  that  Your  Honour  it  selfe  will  likewise 
congratulate  the  felicitie  of  our  Sommersetshire,  that  in 
breeding  me  hath  produced  such  a  traveller  as  dooth,  for  the 
diversitie  of  the  countries  he  hath  scene  and  the  multiplicitie  of 
his  observations,  farre  (I  beleeve)  out-strippe  anie  other 
wliatsoever  that  hath  beene  bred  therein  since  the  blessed 


254  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Incarnation  of  our  Saviour.    Yea,  I  hope  my  generall  countrie 

of  England  shall  one  day  say  that  Odde-combe,  for  one  part 

of  tlie  word,  may  truelie  be  so  called  (for  Odde-combe  con- 

sisteth  of  two  words,  odde  and  combe,  which  latter  word  in 

the  olde  Saxon  tongue  signifieth,  besides  the  vertical  point 

of  a  cocks  head,  the  side  of  a  hill,  because  the  east  side  of 

I  the  hill  whereon  Od-combe  standeth  is  very  conspicuous,  and 

I  scene  afar  off  in  the  country  eastward)  for  breeding  an  odde 

j  man,  one  that  hath  not  his  peere  in  the  whole  kingdome  to 

;  match  him. 

Three  yeares  and  some  few  odde  dayes  I  have  spent  already 
in  this  second  peregrination,  and  I  hope  with  as  much  profite 
(unpartially  will  I  speake  it  of  my  selfe,  without  any  over- 
weening opinion,  to  which  most  men  are  subject),  both  for 
learning  foure  languages  more  then  I  had  when  I  left  my 
country  (\az.  Italian,  Arabian,  Turkish,  and  Persian)  and 
exact  viewing  of  divers  of  the  most  remarkeable  matters  of  the 
universe  ;  together  with  the  accurate  description  thereof,  as 
^  most  of  my  countri-men  that  are  now  abroad.  Yet  such  is 
j  my  insatiable  greedinesse  of  seeing  strange  countries  (which 
exercise  is  indeede  the  very  queene  of  all  the  pleasures  in  the 
world)  that  I  have  determined  (if  God  shall  say  Amen)  to 
spend  full  seaven  yeares  more,  to  the  ende  to  make  my  voyage 
answerable  for  the  time  to  the  travels  of  Ulysses  ;  and  then 
with  unspeakable  joy  to  revisite  my  country,  which  I  will  ever 
entitle  (notwithstanding  all  the  goodly  regions  that  I  have 
scene  in  my  two  perambulations)  with  the  stile  of  the  true 
Canaan  of  the  world,  that  flowes  with  milke  and  hony.  Onely 
wish  me  good  successe,  I  beseech  Your  Honour,  as  I  will  from 
my  heart  to  you  and  all  your  familie  ;  hoping  to  salute  you 
after  the  finall  catastrophe  of  my  exoticke  wanderings,  when 
you  shall  bee  in  the  great  climacterical  year  of  your  age  ;  you 
being  about  fifty  three,  if  my  conjecture  doth  not  faile  nice, 
when  I  tooke  my  leave  of  you  ;  a  thing  verie  likely,  by  the 
mercifull  goodnesse  of  God,  for  your  father,  that  was  my 
god-father,  who  imposed  upon  me  the  name  of  Thomas,  lived 
more  then  eightie  yeares. 

Honourable  Sir,  take  it  not  (I  beseech  you)  for  a  discourtesie, 
in  that  I  write  nothing  in  this  letter  of  my  past  travels.     I 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1G12-17  255 

am  certaine  that  a  letter  which  I  have  written  to  M[aster] 
^Vliitaker,  your  learned  and  elegant  secretary,  wherein  I  have 
compendiouslie  discoursed  of  some  of  my  observations  in  Asia, 
will  quicklie  come  to  your  hands,  at  least  if  hee  remaineth  still 
in  your  service  ;  therfore  it  would  be  superfluous  to  have 
repeated  the  same  things.  Dutie  joyned  with  the  recordation 
of  the  manifold  benefits  and  singular  favours  I  have  received 
from  you,  hath  injoyned  mee  to  send  this  letter  to  Your 
Honour,  from  this  glorious  court  of  the  Mogul  ;  wherein, 
seeing  I  relate  not  the  singularities  I  have  scene  in  those 
orientall  regions,  I  will  desist  to  be  farther  tedious  ;  humbly 
recommending  Your  Honour,  and  vertuous  lady  :  your  well- 
beloved  Sonne  and  heire-apparant,  Sir  Robert  ^  (to  whom  I 
have  written  a  few  times  [lines  ?]  also)  and  his  sweet  lady  : 
M.  Maitin  [see  p.  249]  also  :  M,  Christopher  Brooke, 2  whom 
I  thanke  still  for  his  no  lesse  elegant  then  serious  verses  : 
M.  Equinoetiall  Pasticrust,  of  the  Middle  Temple  ^  :  M.  William 
Hackwell  *  :  and  the  rest  of  the  worthy  gentlemen  frequenting 
your  honourable  table,  that  favour  vertue  and  the  sacred 
Muses  :  to  the  most  heavenly  clientele  of  the  Eternall  Jehovah. 
Your  Honors  most  obsequious  beadsman, 

Thomas  Coryate. 

From  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul,  resident  in 
the  towne  of  Asmere,  in  the  Easterne  India,  on 
Michaelmas  day,  Anno  1615. 

I  beseech  Your  Honour  to  speake  courteously  to  this  kind 
minister,  M.  Rogers,  for  my  sake  ;  for  he  ever  shewed  himselfe 
very  loving  unto  me. 

*  Sir  Robert  Phelips,  a  prominent  parliamentarian.  He  was  knighted 
at  the  same  time  as  his  father  (1603). 

^  Brooke  was  a  lawyer  and  a  friend  of  Ben  Jonson.  His  poems  were 
reprinted  in  1872. 

*  John  Hoskins  (see  p.  258)  was  another  friend  of  Jonson  and  a  well- 
known  wit, 

*  William  Hakewill,  legal  antiquary  and  parliamentarian. 


256  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

III 

2\>  till'  High  Seneschall  of  the  Right  Worshipfull  Fraternitie  of 

Sireniacnl  Gentlemen,  that  meet  the  first  Fridaie  of  every  moneth 

at  the  signe  of  the  Mere-Maide  in  Bread-streete  in  London, 

give  these.^ 

Fi'om  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul,  resident  at  the 
towne  of  Asmere,  in  the  Easterne  India. 

Right  generous,  joviall,  and  mercuriall  Sirenaicks,  I  have 
often  read  this  Greeke  proverb,  x^h^  X«'P"  penrei,"  tliat  is,  one 
hand  washeth  another,  and  in  Latine,  Mtilus  mulum  seabit,^ 
one  mule  scratcheth  another  ;  by  which  the  ancients  signified 
that  courtesies  done  unto  friends  ought  to  bee  requited  with 
reciprocall  offices  of  friendship.  The  serious  consideration 
heereof  dooth  make  me  to  call  to  mind  that  incomparable 
elegant  safe-conduct,  which,  a  little  before  my  departure  from 
England,  your  Fraternity  with  a  general  suffrage  gave  me  for 
the  security  of  my  future  peregrination,  concinnated  by  the 
pleasant  wit  of  that  inimitable  artizan  of  sweet  elegancy, 
the  moytie  of  my  heart,  and  the  quondam  Seneschall  of  the 
noblest  Society,  M[aster]  L.  W[hitaker].  Therefore,  since  it 
is  requisite  that  I  should  repay  some-what  for  the  same, 
according  to  the  lawes  of  humanity,  such  a  poore  retribution 
as  I  sent  unto  you  from  Aleppo,  the  metropolitan  city  of  Sjrria, 
by  one  M.  Henry  Allare  of  Kent,  my  fellow-pilgrime  therehence 
to  Jerusalem  (I  meane  a  plaine  epistle,  which  I  hope  long  since 
came  unto  your  hands),  I  have  sent  unto  you  by  a  man  no 
lesse  deare  unto  mee  then  the  former,  one  M.  Peter  Rogers,  a 
Kentish  man  also,  from  the  most  famigerated  region  of  all 
the  East,  the  ample  and  large  India  ;  assuring  my  selfe  that 
because  I  am  not  able  to  requite  your  love  with  any  essentiall 
gratulations,  other  then  verball  and  scriptall,  you  wil  as  lovingly 
entertaine  my  poore  letters,  beeing  the  certaine  manifestation 
of  an  ingenious  minde,  as  if  I  should  send  unto  you  the  minerall 
riches  or  drugges  of  the  noble  country. 

*  Purchas  notes  that  Rogers  delivered  this  letter  to  him. 
-  This  proverb  occurs  among  the  fragments  of  Epicharmns,  in  the 
form  x^lp  Tctv  x^'P'^  '''C"' 

^  Ausonius  [Idyllia,  12)  has  Mutvum  mvli  scahunt. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  257 

Tliinke  it  no  wonder,  I  pray  you,  that  I  have  made  no  use 
in  all  this  space,  since  I  left  my  native  country,  of  the  super- 
excellent  commcate  [passport  ;  Latin  commeatus]  ;  for  I  have 
spent  all  my  time  hitherto  in  the  Mahometan  countries,  and 
am  like  to  spend  three  yeares  more  in  these  Musselman  (as 
they  call  them)  regions  of  Asia,  after  of  Europe,  before  I  shal 
arrive  in  Christendome.  For  this  cause  I  left  it  in  Aleppo, 
with  my  eountrimen,  there  to  receive  it  from  them  againe, 
after  that  I  shall  have  ended  my  Indian  and  Persian  perambu- 
lation ;  and  therethence  to  carrie  it  once  more  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  that  by  the  way  at  Iconium,  Nictea,  Nicomedia, 
and  in  the  country  of  Natolia,  a  journie  of  forty  daies.  From 
that  finally  through  the  heart  of  Greece,  by  the  cities  of  Athens; 
Thebes,  Corinth,  Lacedaemon,  Thessalonica,  and  to  the  citie 
of  Ragouze,  heretofore  Epidaurus,  so  sacred  for  the  image  of 
Aesculapius  in  the  countrie  of  Sclavonia,  once  called  Illyricum  ; 
from  thence,  I  have  three  daies  journey  to  the  inestimable 
diamond  set  in  the  ring  of  the  Adriatique  Gulfe  (as  once  I  said 
in  the  first  harangue  that  ever  I  made  to  Prince  Henry  of  blessed 
memory,  translated,  since  my  departure  from  London,  from 
the  terrestriall  tabernacles  to  the  coelestial  habitations), 
venereous  Venice,  the  soveraign  queen  of  the  Mare  Siipcnim. 
If  the  great  Jehovah  shall  be  so  propitious  unto  mee  as  to 
grant  mee  a  prosperous  arrivall  in  that  noble  cittie,  I  will 
there  beginne  to  shew  your  safe  conduct,  and  to  decantate, 
yea,  and  blazon  your  praises  for  the  same  ;  and  after  in  every 
other  place  of  note,  untill  I  shall  arrive  in  glorious  London, 
connnunicate  it  to  the  most  polite,  with  that  the  cities  will 
yeeld,  thorough  which  my  laborious  feete  shall  carry  mee. 

It  would  be  supervacaneous  to  commemorate  unto  you  the 
almost  incredible  extent  of  land  I  traversed  from  Jerusalem 
to  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul  in  India,  where  I  now  reside  ; 
with  the  variable  regions  and  provinces  interjacent  betwixt 
them,  and  the  manifold  occurrences  and  observations  of 
speciall  worke  [worth  ?]  in  this  vaste  tract  :  for  it  wold  be  such 
a  fastidious  discourse  that  it  could  not  be  wcl  comprehended 
in  a  large  sheete  of  paper.  But  M[aster]  W[hitaker],  I  hope, 
will  not  faile  to  import  unto  you  in  a  few  compendious  relations, 
which  I  have  acquainted  him  with,  in  a  particular  letter  to 

S 


258  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

himselfc  ;   of  which  if  I  should  have  written  againe  to  you,  it 
would  have  proved  Crnmbe  bis  Coda. 

The  gentleman  that  bringeth  this  letter  unto  you  was 
preacher  to  the  English  merchants  conversant  at  the  court  of 
the  aforcsaide  miglity  monarch  in  the  towne  of  Asmere  in 
this  Easterne  India  ;  and  in  divers  loving  offices  hath  bene 
so  kind  unto  me  that  I  intreat  your  generosities  to  entertaine 
him  friendly  for  my  sake,  to  exhilarate  him  with  the  purest 
quintessence  of  the  Spanish,  F'rench,  and  Rhenish  grape  which 
the  Mermaid  yeeldeth  ;  and  either  one  in  the  name  of  you  all, 
or  else  the  totall  universalitie  of  the  one  after  another,  to  thanke 
him  heartily,  according  to  the  quality  of  his  merits.  Farewell, 
noble  Sirenaicks. 

Your  Generosities  most  obliged  countreyman,  ever  to  be  com- 
manded by  you,  the  Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Mesopotamian- 
Armenian-Median-Parthian-Persian-Indian  Leggestretcher  of 
Odcomb  in  Somerset, 

Thomas  Cory  ate.  ^ 

'  In  a  postscript,  dated  8  Nov.,  1615,  is  given  a  list  of  persons  to 
whom  Coryat  desired  to  be  commended.  This  includes  '  the  two  Ladies 
Varney,  the  mother  and  the  daughter  '  ;  '  that  famous  antiquarie.  Sir 
Robert  Gotten  '  ;  '  Master  William  Ford  Preacher  to  our  nation  at 
Constantinople  '  ;  George  Speake,  son  of  Sir  George  Speake  ;  John 
Donne ;  Richard  Martin,  of  the  Middle  Temple  ;  Christopher  Brooke,  of 
York  and  Lincoln's  Inn ;  John  Hoskins,  '  alias  ^Equinoctiall  Pasticrust ' ; 
George  Garrat ;  William  Hackwell  or  Hakewill,  of  Lincoln's  Inn ; 
'  Benjamin  Johnson,  the  poet,  at  his  chamber  at  the  Black-Friars '  ; 
John  Bond,  chief  secretary  to  the  Lord  Chancellor ;  '  Master  Doctor 
Mocket '  ;  and  Samuel  Purchas.  There  is  also  a  postscript  containing 
a  message  to  the  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  [James  Montague],  promising 
to  write  him  a  letter  which  '  shall  not  bee  unworthy  to  bee  read  to  the 
Kings  most  excellent  Majesty  '. 

Some  of  the  persons  mentioned  require  no  introduction  to  the  reader, 
and  others  have  been  already  described  on  pp.  249,  255.  Several  of 
them  had  contributed  laudatory  verses  to  the  Cnidities.  The  Ladies 
Vemey  were  Mary,  third  wife  of  Sir  Edmund  Verney  the  elder,  and  Ursula, 
her  daughter  by  a  former  husband,  wife  of  Sir  Francis  Vemey.  Bond  was 
a  physician  and  classical  scholar,  secretary  to  Lord  Chancellor  Egerton  ; 
and  Dr.  Richard  Mocket  was  Warden  of  All  Souls  and  a  theologian  of 
some  repute. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  259 

IV 

To   his  Loving  Mother. 

By  this  present  letter  I  am  like  to  minister  unto  you  the 
occasion  of  two  contrary  matters,  the  one  of  comfort,  the 
other  of  discomfort.  Of  comfort,  because  I  have,  by  the 
propitious  assistance  of  the  omnipotent  Jehovah,  performed 
such  a  notable  voyage  of  Asia  the  Greater,  with  purchase  of 
great  riches  of  experience,  as  I  doubt  whether  any  English  man 
this  hundred  yeares  have  done  the  like  ;  having  scene  and  very 
particularly  observed  all  the  cheefest  things  in  the  Holy-land, 
called  in  times  past  Palastina  ;  as  Jerusalem,  Samaria,  Nazar- 
eth, Bethlehem,  Jericho,  Emaus,  Bethania,  the  Dead  Sea, 
called  by  the  Ancients  Lacus  Asphaltites,  where  Sodome  and 
Gomorrha  once  stood.  Since  that,  many  famous  and  renowned 
cities  and  countries  ;  Mesopotamia,  in  the  which  I  entred  by 
the  passage  of  the  river  Euphrates,  that  watered  Paradise  ; 
in  which  the  citty  of  Ur,  where  Abraham  was  borne  ;  both  the 
Mediaes,  the  Higher  and  the  Lower ;  Parthia,  Armenia, 
Persia  ;  through  al  which  I  have  travailed  into  the  Eastern 
India,  being  now  at  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogull,  at  a  towne 
called  Asmere,  the  which  from  Jerusalem  is  the  distance  of 
two  thousand  and  seaven  hundred  miles  ;  and  liave  traced 
all  this  tedious  way  afoote,  with  no  small  toile  of  bodye  and 
discomfort. 

Because  that  beeing  so  exceeding  farre  from  my  sweet  and 
most  delicious  native  soyle  of  England  you  will  doubt 
perhaps,  how  it  is  possible  for  me  to  returne  home  againe  ; 
but  I  hope  I  shall  quickly  remove  from  you  that  opinion  of 
discomfort  (if  at  the  least  you  shall  conceive  any  such),  because 
I  would  have  you  know  that  I  alwayes  go  safely  in  the  company 
of  caravans  from  place  to  place.  A  caravan  is  a  word  much 
used  in  all  Asia  ;  by  which  is  understood  a  great  multitude 
of  people  travelling  together  upon  the  way,  with  camels, 
horses,  mules,  asses,  etc.,  on  which  they  carry  merchandizes 
from  one  country  to  another,  and  tents  and  pavillions,  under 
whicli  instead  of  houses  they  shelter  themselves  in  open  fields, 
being  furnished  also  with  all  necessary  provision,  and  con- 

s2 


■2G0  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

venient  implements  to  dresse  the  same  ;  in  which  caravans 
I  have  ever  most  securely  passed  betwixt  Jerusalem  and  this 
towne,  a  journey  of  fiftccne  months  and  odde  dayes  ;  whereof 
foure  (wanting  a  weeke)  spent  in  Aleppo,  and  two  and  five 
and  od  dayes  spent  in  Spahan,  the  metropolitan  eilty  of 
Persia,  where  the  Persian  King  most  eonunonly  keepeth  his 
court.  And  the  occasion  of  my  s[)ending  of  sixe  moneths  of 
the  foresaide  fifteene  in  those  two  citties,  was  to  waite  for  an 
opportunity  of  caravans  to  travaile  withall  ;  which  a  traveller 
is  not  sure  to  ftnde  presently  when  he  is  ready  to  take  his 
journey,  but  must  with  patience  expect  a  convenient  time  ; 
and  the  caravan  in  which  I  travelled  betwixt  Spahan  and 
India  contained  2000  camels,  1500  horses,  1000  and  odde  mules, 
800  asses,  and  sixe  thousand  people.  Let  this  therefore  (deer 
mother)  minister  unto  you  a  strong  hope  of  my  happy  returne 
into  England. 

Notwithstand  all  these  lines  for  provision  for  your  funerall, 
I  hope  for  to  see  you  alive  and  sound  in  body  and  minde,  about 
foure  yeares  hence  ;  and  to  kneele  before  you  with  effusion 
of  teares,  for  joy.  Sweet  mother,  pray  let  not  this  wound 
your  heart,  that  I  say  four  yeares  hence,  and  not  before  ; 
I  humbly  beseech  you,  even  upon  the  knees  of  my  heart,  with 
all  submissive  supplications,  to  pardon  me  for  my  long  absence  ; 
for  verily,  I  have  resolved,  by  the  favour  of  the  supernall 
powers,  to  spend  4  entire  yeares  more  before  my  returne,  and 
so  to  make  it  a  pilgrimage  of  7  yeares,  to  the  end  I  may  very, 
effectually  and  profitably  contemplate  a  great  part  of  this 
worldly  fabricke  ;  determining,  by  Gods  special  help,  to  go 
from  India  into  the  countrey  of  Scythia,  now  called  Tartaria, 
to  the  cittie  Samarcanda,  to  see  the  sepulcher  of  the  greatest 
conqueror  that  ever  was  in  the  worlde,  Tamberlaine  the  Great  ; 
thither  it  is  a  journey  of  two  months  from  the  place  I  now 
remaine.  From  that  I  meane  to  return  into  Persia  ;  and  there- 
thence,  by  the  way  of  Babylon  and  Ninivy,  and  the  mountaine 
Ararat,  where  Noahs  arke  rested,  to  Aleppo,  to  my  country- 
men. From  that,  by  the  way  of  Damascus,  and  once  agani  to 
Gaza  in  the  land  of  the  Philistims  unto  Cairo  in  Egypt  ;  from 
that  downe  the  Nilus  to  Alexandria  ;  and  therehence  finally 
I  hope  to  be  imbarked  for  some  part  of  Christendome,  as  either 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1612-17  261 

Venice,  or  etc.  After  mine  arrivall  in  Christendome,  I  shall 
desire  to  travel]  two  yeares  in  Italy,  and  both  High  and  Low 
Germany,  and  then  with  all  expedition  into  England,  and 
to  see  yon  (I  hope)  with  as  great  joy  as  ever  did  any  travailer 
his  father  or  mother.  Going  in  that  manner  as  I  do,  like 
a  poore  pilgrime,  I  am  like  to  passe  with  undoubted  securitie 
and  very  small  charge  ;  for  in  my  tenne  months  travailes 
betwixt  Aleppo  and  this  Mogids  court,  I  spent  but  three 
pounds  sterling,  and  yet  had  sustenance  enough  to  maintaine 
nature,  living  reasonably  well,  oftentimes  a  whole  day  for  so 
much  of  their  money  as  doeth  countervaile  two  pence  sterling. 
But  least  I  be  over  tedious  unto  you,  I  will  heere  make  an 
end,  etc. 

I  will  now  commend  you  to  the  most  blessed  protection  of 
our  Saviour  .Jesus  Christ  ;  before  whose  ^oly  sepulcher  at 
Jerusalem  I  have  poured  foorth  mine  ardent  orisons  for  you 
to  the  most  sacrosanct  Trinity,  beseeching  It,  with  all  humilitie 
of  heart,  to  blesse  and  preserve  you  in  a  solid  health,  etc. 

Your  loving  Sonne, 

Tho.  Cory  ate. 


V 

To   His   Mother. 

From  Agra,  the  eapitall  city  of  the  dominion  of 
the  Great  Mogoll,  in  the  Easterne  India,  the  last  of 
October,  1616. 

Most  deare  and  welbeloved  Mother, 

Though  I  have  superscribed  my  letter  from  Azmere,  the 
court  of  the  greatest  monarch  of  the  East  called  the  Great 
Magoll,  in  the  Eastern  India,  which  I  did  to  this  end,  that 
those  that  have  the  charge  of  conveiance  thereof,  perceiving 
such  a  title,  may  be  the  more  carefull  and  diligent  to  convey 
it  safely  to  your  hands  :  yet  in  truth  the  place  from  which  I 
wrote  this  letter  is  Agra,  a  city  in  the  said  Eastern  India  which 
is  the  metropolitan  of  the  whole  dominion  of  the  foresaid 


262  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

King  Mocrol.  and  10  dales  jonrny  from  his  oonrl.  at  llio  said 
Azinere. 

From  the  same  Azmere  I  departed  the  12  day  of  September, 
An.  IGIG,  after  my  abode  there  12  moneths  and  60  daies  ; 
whieh  though  I  eonfesse  it  were  a  too  long  time  to  remaine  in 
one  and  tlie  selfe  same  place,  yet  for  two  principal]  causes  it 
was  very  requisite  for  me  to  remaine  there  some  reasonable 
time  :  first,  to  learne  the  languages  of  those  countries  through 
which  I  am  to  passe  betwixt  the  bounds  of  the  territories  of 
this  prince  and  Cliristendome,  namely  these  three,  the  Persian, 
Turkish,  and  Arab  (which  I  have  in  some  competent  measure 
attained  unto  by  my  labour  and  industry  at  the  said  Kings 
court),  matters  as  availeable  unto  me  as  mony  in  my  purse, 
as  being  the  cheifest  or  rather  onelj^  meane  to  get  me  mony  if 
I  should  happen  to  be  destitute,  a  matter  very  incidental!  to 
a  poore  footman  pilgrim  as  my  selfe,  in  these  heathen  and 
Mahometan  countries  through  which  I  travell ;  secondly,  that 
by  the  helpe  of  one  of  those  languages  (I  meane  the  Persian) 
I  might  both  procure  unto  my  selfe  accesse  unto  the  King, 
and  be  able  to  expresse  my  mind  unto  him  about  the  matter 
for  the  which  I  should  have  occasion  to  discours  with  him. 
These  were  the  reasons  that  moved  me  so  long  to  tarry  at  the 
Mogols  court  ;  during  Avhich  time  I  abode  in  the  house  of  the 
English  merchants,  my  deare  countrimen,  not  spending  one 
little  peece  of  mony,  either  for  diet,  washing,  lodging,  or  any 
other  thing.  And  as  for  the  Persian  tongue,  which  I  studied 
very  earnestly,  I  attained  to  that  reasonable  skill  (and  that  in 
a  fewe  moneths)  that  I  luade  an  oration  unto  the  King  before 
many  of  his  nobles  in  that  language,  and,  after  I  had  ended  the 
same,  discoursed  with  His  Majesty  also  in  that  tongue  very 
readily  and  familiarly  ;  the  coppy  of  which  speech,  though 
the  tong  it  selfe  wil  seem  to  an  Englishman  very  strange  and 
uncuth,  as  having  no  kind  of  affinity/  with  any  of  our  Christian 
languages,  I  have  for  novelty  sake  written  out  in  this  letter, 
together  with  the  translation  thereof  in  English,  that  you  may 
shew  it  to  some  of  my  lerned  friends  of  the  clergy  and  also  of 
the  temporalty  in  Euil  and  elswere,  who,  belike,  will  take  some 
pleasure  in  reading  so  rare  and  unusuall  a  tongue  as  this  is. 
The  Persian  is  this  that  followeth  : 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  263 

The  Copie  of  an  Oration  that  I  made,  in  the  Persian  tongue, 
to  the  Great  Mogoll,  before  divers  of  his  Nobles.^ 
Hazaret  Aalluin  pennah  salamet,  fooker  Darxices  ve  tehaiin- 
geshta  hastam  keniia  emadam  az  wellagets  door,  ganne  az 
iniilk  Inglizan  :  ke  kessanaion  petheen  iniishacas  cardand  ke 
wellagets,  mazeoor  der  akers  niagrub  bood,  ke  niader  hamma 
iezzaerts  diinmast.  Sabebbe  amadane  mari  mia  boosti  char 
cheez  ast  auval  be  dedane  mobarreck  deedars.  Hazaret  ke 
seete  earamat  ba  hamma  Trankestan  reeseedast  ooba  tamam 
mulk  Musulmanan  der  sheenedan  awsaffe.  Hazaret  daueeda 
amadam  be  deedane  astawne  akdas  musharaf  geshtam  duum 

1  The  Persian  has  been  printed  exactly  as  it  appears  in  the  original 
text,  printer's  errors  and  all.  The  late  Sir  Charles  Lyall  kindly  fur- 
nished the  following  transcrijit,  which  does  not,  however,  attempt  to 
correct  Coryat's  wording  or  grammar  : — 

Hazarat-i  'alam-panah  sahimat  !  Faqlr  darvlsh  u  jahangashta 
hastam,  ki  Inja  amadiim  az  wilayat-i  dfir,  ya'nl  az  mulk-i  Inglistan, 
ki  qissa-navlsfm-i  (?)  pishin  mushakhkhas  karda-and  ki  wilayat-i 
mazkur  dar  akhir-i  maghrib  bud,  ki  madar-i  hamah  jaza'ir-i  dunya-st. 
Sabab-i  amadan-i  man  inja  ba-wasita-e  (?)  char  chiz  ast  :  awwal  ba- 
dldan-i  mubarak  didar-i  Hazarat,  ki  sit-i  karamat  ba-hamah  Farangistan 
rasidast  u  batamilm  mulk-i  Musalmanan :  dar  shanidan-i  awsafi 
Hazarat  davida  amadam  ;  ba-didan-i  astan-i  aqdas  musharraf  gashtam. 
Duwam  bara-e  didan-i  fil-ha-e  Hazarat,  ki  chunin  janwar  dar  Inch 
mulk  na-dldam.  Siwam  bara-e  didan-i  darya-e  namwar-i  shuma 
Ganga,  ki  sardar-i  hamah  daryaha-e  dunya-st.  Chaharum  In  ast,  ki 
yak  farman-i  'ali-shan  'infiyat  farmayand,  ki  bituwanam  darwilayat-i 
Uzbak  raftan  ba-shahr-i  Samarqand,  bara-e  ziyarat  kardan-i  qabr-i 
Sahib-Qiran  ki  awsafi  jang  u  musakhkhara-e  u  dar  tamiim  'alam 
mashhiar  ast,  balki  dar  wilayat-i  Uzbak  in-qadar  mashhur  nist  chunan 
ki  dar  mulk-i  Inglistan  ast.  Digar,  bisyar  ishtiyaq  daram  ba-dldan-i 
mubarak  mazar-i  Sahib-Qiran-ra  bara-e  in  sabab,  ki  an  zaman  ki  faqir 
dar  shahr-i  IstambOl  biidam,  yak  'ajib  kuhna  'imarat  didam  dar 
miyan-i  yak  khush  bagh  nazdik-i  shahr-i  mazkur,  kuja  ki  padshah-i 
'  Isa'Iyan  ki  namash  Manuel  bud  ki  Sahib-Qiran-ra  khush-mihmanl-yi 
'azim  karda  biid,  ba'd  az  giriftan-i  Sultan  Bayazid-ra  az  jang-i  'azim 
ki  shuda  bud  nazdik-i  shahr-i  Bursa,  kianja  ki  Sahib-Qiran  Sultan 
Bayazid-ra  dar  zanjir-i  tila'i  bastand  u  dar  kafas  nihadand.  In  char 
chiz  mara  az  mulk-i  man  jumbanid  ta  inja,  az  mulk-i  Rum  u  'Iraq 
piyada  gashta,  az  diir  dar  in  mulk  rasidam,  ki  char  hazar  farsang  rah 
darad  :  bisyar  dard  u  mihnat  kashidam,  ki  hich  kas  dar  in  dunya  in 
qadar  mihnat  na  kashidast,  bara-e  didan-i  mubarak  didar-i  Hazaratat 
an  ruz  ki  ba  takht-i  shahanshahi  musharraf  farmQdand. 


264.  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

bray  deedane  feelhay  Ilazaret,  kin  olumm  ianooar  der  heech 
mulk  ne  dedain  sen  in  bray  deedane  namwer  daryaee  sliumma 
Gaiiga,  ke  Serdarc  liamma  daryalia  diimiest.  Chalianim  een 
ast,  keyec  fermawne  alishaion  amayet  fermoyand,  ke  betwanam 
der  wellayetts  Vzbeck  raftan  ba  shalire  Samareand,  bray 
zeerat  cardan  cabbre  mobarrec  Saheb  crawncah  awsaffe  tang 
oo  mosacliere  oo  der  tamam  aallum  meshoor  ast  belkder 
wellagette  Vzbec  eencader  meshoor  neest  chunan  che  der  mule 
Inglisan  ast  digr,  bishare  esliteeac  daram  be  deedane  mobarrec 
mesare  Saheb  erawnca  bray  een  saheb,  che  awne  saman  che 
focheer  de  shabr  Stambol  boodam,  ycaiaeb  cohua  amarat 
deedam  dermean  yecush  bawg  nasdec  shaht  mascoor  coia  che 
padshaw  Eezawiawn  che  namesh  Manuel  bood  che  Saheb 
erawnca  cush  mehmannec  aseem  carda  bood,  baad  as  gristane 
Sulten  Baiasetra  as  iange  aseem  che  shuda  bood  nas  dec  shahre 
Bursa,  coimaclie  Saheb  crawn  Sultan  Baiasetra  de  Zenicera 
tellaio  bestand,  oo  der  cafes  nahadond  een  char  chees  meera 
as  mulche  man  ium  baneed  tamia,  as  mule  Room  oo  Arrac 
peeada  geshta,  as  door  der  een  mule  reseedam,  che  char  hasar 
pharsang  raw  darad,  beshare  derd  oo  mohuet  casheedam  che 
heech  ches  der  een  dunnia  een  cader  mohuet  ne  casheedast 
bray  deedune  mobarrec  dedare  Haseretet  awn  roos  che  be 
tacte  shaugh  ne  shaughee  musharaf  fermoodand. 

'  The  English  of  it  is  this. 

Lord  ^  Protector  of  the  World,  all  haile  to  you.  I  am  a  poore 
traveller  and  world-seer,  which  am  come  hither  from  a  farre 
country,  namely  England,  which  auncient  historians  thought 
to  have  been  scituated  in  the  farthest  bounds  of  the  West,  and 
which  is  the  queene  of  all  the  ilands  in  the  world.  The  cause 
of  my  comming  hither  is  for  foure  respects.  First,  to  see  the 
blessed  face  of  Your  Majesty,  whose  wonderfull  fame  hath 
resounded  over  all  Europe  and  the  Mahometan  countries  ; 
when  I  heard  of  the  fame  of  Your  Majesty,  I  hastened  hither 
with  speed,  and  travelled  very  cherefully  to  see  your  glorious 
court.    Secondly,  to  see  Your  Majesties  elephants,  which  kind 

1  '  This  is  the  ordinary  title  that  is  given  him  by  all  strangers  ' 
{marginal  note). 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  265 

of  beasts  I  have  not  seen  in  any  other  country.  Thirdly,  to 
see  your  famous  river  Ganges,  which  is  the  captaine  of  all  tlie 
riever[s]  of  the  world.  The  fourth  is  this  :  to  intreat  Your 
Majesty  that  you  woidd  vouchsafe  to  grant  mee  your  gracious 
passe  that  I  may  travell  into  the  country  of  Tartaria  to  the 
city  of  Samarcand,  to  visit  the  blessed  sepulcher  of  the  Lord 
of  the  Corners  ^  (this  is  a  title  that  is  given  to  Tamberlaine  in 
this  country  in  that  Persian  language,  and  wheras  they  call 
him  the  Lord  of  the  Corners,  by  that  they  meane  that  he  was 
lord  of  the  corners  of  the  world,  that  is,  the  highest  and  supreme 
monarch  of  the  universe),  whose  fame,  by  reason  of  his  warres 
and  victories,  is  published  over  the  whole  world  :  perhaps  he 
is  not  altogether  so  famous  in  his  own  country  of  Tartaria  as 
in  England.  Moreover,  I  have  a  great  desire  to  see  the  blessed 
toombe  of  the  Lord  of  the  Corners  for  this  cause;  for  that  when 
I  was  at  Constantinople,  I  saw  a  notable  old  building  in  a 
pleasant  garden  neer  the  said  city,  where  the  Christian 
Emperor  that  was  called  Emanuell  [Manuel  Palaeologus]  made 
a  sumptuous  great  banquet  to  the  Lord  of  the  Corners,  after 
he  had  taken  Sultan  Bajazet  in  a  great  battell  that  was  fought 
neere  the  city  of  Bursia  [Brusa],  where  the  Lord  of  the  Corners 
bound  Sultan  Bajazet  in  fetters  of  gold,  and  put  him  in  a  cage 
of  iron.-  These  four  causes  moved  me  to  come  out  of  my 
native  country  thus  farre,  having  travelled  a  foote  through 
Turky  and  Persia.  So  farre  have  I  traced  the  world  into  this 
country  that  my  pilgrimage  hath  accomplished  three  thousand 
miles  ;  wherin  I  have  sustained  much  labour  and  toile,  the 
like  whereof  no  mortall  man  in  this  world  did  ever  performe, 
to  see  the  blessed  face  of  Your  Majesty  since  the  first  day 
that  you  were  inaugurated  in  your  glorious  monarchall 
throne. 


1  Sahib  Kirdn  (properly  Qiran),  a  title  largely  used  by  Timur.  Coryat 
is  wrong  as  to  its  meaning,  which  is  really  '  Lord  of  the  (auspicious) 
Conjunction  ' — alluding  to  the  grand  conjunction  of  the  planets  at  the 
time  of  Timur's  birth.  Coryat  has  evidently  confused  qiran  with  karan 
('  boundary  '  or  '  limit '). 

2  The  reference  is  to  the  battle  of  Angora  (1402),  in  which  Timiir 
defeated  and  captured  Bayazid  I.  The  story  of  the  iron  cage  is  a  myth 
(see  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  65). 


266  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

After  I  had  ended  my  speech,  I  liad  some  sliort.  discourse 
with  him  in  the  Persian  tonpjiie,  who  amongst  other  tilings 
tohl  me  that,  coneerning  my  travell  to  tlie  city  of  Samureand, 
he  was  not  able  to  do.^  me  any  good,  Ijeeause  there  was  no  great 
amity  betwixt  the  Tartarian  princes  and  himselfe  ;  so  that 
liis  commendatory  letters  would  doe  me  no  good.  Also  he 
added  that  the  Tartars  did  so  deadly  hate  all  Christians  that 
they  would  certainely  kill  them  when  they  came  into  their 
country  ;  so  that  he  earnestly  diswaded  me  from  tlie  journy, 
if  I  loved  my  life  and  welfare.  At  last  lie  concluded  his 
discourse  with  me  by  a  sum  of  mony  that  he  threw  downe  from 
a  windowe  through  which  he  looked  out,  into  a  sheete  tied  up 
by  the  foure  corners,  and  hanging  very  neer  the  ground,  a 
hundred  peeces  of  silver,  each  worth  two  shillings  sterling, 
which  countervailed  ten  pounds  of  our  English  mony.  This 
busines  I  carried  so  secretly,  by  the  help  of  my  Persian,  that 
neither  our  English  Ambassador,  nor  any  other  of  my  eountri- 
men  (saving  one  speciall,  private,  and  intrinsical  friend)  had 
the  least  inkling  of  it  till  I  had  throughly  accomplished  my 
designe  ;  for  I  well  knew  that  our  Ambassador  would  have 
stopped  and  barracadoed  all  my  proceeding  therein,  if  he 
might  have  had  any  notice  thereof ;  as  indeed  he  signified 
unto  me  after  I  had  effected  my  project,  aleaging  this  forsooth 
for  his  reason  why  he  would  have  hindered  me,  because  it 
would  redound  some  what  to  the  dishonour  of  our  nation  that 
one  of  our  countrey  should  present  himselfe  in  that  beggarly 
and  poore  fashion  to  the  King,  out  of  an  insinuating  humor  to 
crave  mony  of  him  ;  but  I  answered  our  Ambassador  in  that 
stout  and  resolute  manner,  after  I  had  ended  my  busines, 
that  he  was  contented  to  cease  nibling  at  me.  Never  had  I 
more  need  of  mony  in  all  my  life  then  at  that  time  ;  for  in 
truth  I  had  but  twenty  shillings  sterling  left  in  my  purse,  by 
reason  of  a  mischance  I  had  in  one  of  the  Turkes  cities  called 
Emert,^  in  the  coimtry  of  Mesopotamia,  where  a  miscreant 
Turke  stripped  me  of  almost  all  niy  monies,  according  as  I 
wrote  unto  you  in  a  very  large  letter  the  last  yeer,  which  I 

1  Coryat  has  already  stated  (p.  250)  that  this  incident  took  place  at 
Diarbekr.  Apparently  he  is  here  giving  that  town  its  alternative  name 
of  (Kara)  Amid. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  267 

sent  from  the  court  of  this  mighty  monarcli  liy  one  of  my 
countrimen  that  went  home  by  sea  in  an  English  shippo  laden 
with  the  commodities  of  this  India  ;  which  letter  I  hope  came 
to  yonr  hands  long  since. 

After  I  had  been  with  the  King,  I  went  to  a  certaine  noble 
and  generous  Christian  of  the  Armenian  race/  two  daies 
journy  from  the  Mogols  court,  to  the  end  to  observe  certain 
remarkable  matters  in  the  same  place  ;  to  whom  by  means  of 
iTiy  Persian  tongue  I  was  so  welcome  that  hee  entertained  me 
with  very  civill  and  courteous  complement,  and  at  my  depar- 
ture gave  mee  very  bountifully  twenty  peeces  of  such  kind  of 
mony  as  the  King  had  done  before,  countervailing  40  shillings 
sterling.  About  ten  daies  after  that,  I  departed  from  Azmere, 
the  court  of  the  Mogol  Prince,  to  the  end  to  begin  my  pilgrimage 
after  my  long  rest  of  fourteen  moneths  back  againe  into  Persia  ; 
at  what  time  our  Ambassador  gave  mee  a  peece  of  gold  of 
this  Kings  coine  worth  foure  and  twenty  shillings, ^  which  I  will 
save  (if  it  be  possible)  till  my  arivall  in  England.  So  that 
I  have  received  for  benevolences  since  I  came  into  this  country 
twenty  markes  sterling  [13s.  4rf.  each]  saving  two  shillings 
eight  pence  ;  and  by  the  way  uppon  the  confines  of  Persia 
a  litle  before  I  came  into  this  covmtry  three  and  thirty  shillings 
foure  pence  ^  in  Persian  mony  of  my  Lady  Sherly.  At  this 
present  I  have  in  the  city  of  Agra,  where  hence  I  wrote  this 
letter,  about  twelve  pounds  sterling,  which,  according  to  my 
maner  of  living  uppon  the  way  at  two-pence  sterling  a  day 
(for  with  that  proportion  I  can  live  pretty  well,  such  is  the 
cheapnes  of  all  eatable  things  in  Asia,  drinkable  things  costing- 
nothing,  for  seldome  doe  I  drinke  in  my  pilgrimage  any  other 
liquor  then  pure  water),  will  mainetaine  mee  very  competently 
three  yeeres  in  my  travell  with  meate,  drinke  and  clothes. 
Of  these  gratuities  which  have  been  given  me,  willingly  would 
I  send  you  some  part  as  a  demonstration  of  the  filiall  love  and 

*  This  was  probably  the  well-known  Mirza  Ziilkamain,  who  farmed 
the  salt  works  at  the  Sambhar  Lake,  about  forty  miles  north-east  of 
Ajmer.  See  Father  Hosten's  article  on  him  in  Memoirs  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Bengal,  vol.  v,  no.  4,  p.  122. 

^  A  gold  mohur,  valued  by  Coryat  at  twelve  rupees. 

^  Doubtless  a  himdred  shahis     On  p.  243  Coryat  gives  the  sum  as  40«. 


268  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

arfcction  which  every  ehild  bred  in  civility  and  humility  ought 
to  jierforme  to  his  loving  and  good  mother  ;  but  the  distance 
of  space  lietwixt  this  place  and  England,  the  hazard  of  mens 
lives  in  so  long  a  journey,  and  also  the  infidelity  of  many  men, 
wlio  though  they  live  to  come  home,  are  unwilling  to  render 
I  an  account  of  the  things  they  have  received,  doe  not  a  little 
discourage  me  to  send  any  precious  token  imto  you  ;  but  if 
I  live  to  come  one  day  to  Constantinople  againe  (for  thither 
doe  I  resolve  to  goe  once  more,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  and 
therehence  to  take  my  passage  by  land  into  Christendom  over 
renouned  Greece),  I  wil  make  choice  of  some  substantial  and 
faithfull  countriman,  by  whom  I  will  send  some  prety  token 
as  an  expression  of  my  dutifull  and  obedient  respect  unto  you. 

I  have  not  had  the  oppertimity  to  see  the  King  of  Persia  as 
yet  since  I  came  into  this  country,  but  I  have  resolved  to  goe 
to  him  when  I  come  next  into  his  territories,  and  to  search  him 
out  wheresoever  I  can  find  him  in  his  kingdome  ;  for,  seeing 
I  can  discourse  with  him  in  his  Persian  tongue,  I  doubt  not 
but  that,  going  unto  him  in  the  forme  of  a  pilgrime,  he  will  not 
onely  entertaine  me  with  good  words,  but  also  bestow  some 
worthy  reward  upon  me,  beseeming  his  dignity  and  person  ; 
for  which  cause  I  am  provided  before  hand  with  an  excellent 
thing,  written  in  the  Persian  tongue,  that  I  meane  to  present 
unto  him.  And  thus  I  hope  to  get  benevolences  of  worthy 
persons  to  maintaine  me  in  a  competent  maner  in  my  whole 
pilgrimage  till  I  come  into  England  ;  which  I  hold  to  be  as 
laudable  and  a  more  secure  course  then  if  I  did  continually 
carry  store  of  mony  about  mee. 

In  the  letter  which  I  wrote  unto  you  by  an  English  ship  the 
last  yeere,  I  made  relation  unto  you  both  of  my  journy  from 
the  once  holy  Hierusalem  hither,  and  of  the  state  of  this  Kings 
court,  and  the  customes  of  this  country  ;  therfore  I  hold  it 
superfluous  to  repeat  the  same  things  againe.  But  what  the 
countryes  are  that  I  meane  to  see  betwixt  this  and  Christen- 
dome,  and  how  long  time  I  will  spend  in  each  country,  I  am 
unwilling  to  advertise  you  of  at  this  present,  desiring  rather 
to  signify  that  unto  you  after  I  have  performed  my  designe 
then  before.  Howbeit,  in  few  words  I  will  tell  you  of  certainc 
cities  of  great  renown  in  former  times,  but  now  partly  ruined, 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  269 

that  I  resolve  (by  Gods  help)  to  see  in  Asia,  where  I  now  am, 
namely,  ancient  Babilon  and  Nymrods  Tower,  some  few  miles 
from  Ninive,  and  in  the  same  the  sepulcher  of  the  prophet 
Jonas,  spacious  and  goodly  ;  Caire  in  Egypt,  heretofore 
Memphis,  upon  the  famous  river  Nilus,  where  Moises,  Aron, 
and  the  Children  of  Israel  lived  with  King  Pharaoh,  whose 
ruined  palace  is  shewed  there  til  this  day,  and  a  world  of  other 
movable  things  as  memorable  as  any  city  of  the  whole  world 
yeeldeth,  saving  only  Jerusalem.  But  in  none  of  these  or  any 
other  cities  of  note  do  I  determin  to  linger  as  I  have  done  in 
other  places,  as  in  Constantinople,  and  Azmere  in  this  Easterne 
India  ;  onely  some  few  dales  will  I  tarry  in  a  principall  city  of 
fame,  to  observe  every  principal  matter  there,  and  so  be  gone. 
In  this  city  of  Agra  where  I  am  now,  I  am  to  remaine  about 
six  weekes  longer,  to  the  end  to  expect  an  excellent  oportunity 
which  then  will  offer  it  selfe  imto  me  to  goe  to  the  famous 
river  Ganges,  about  five  dales  journy  from  this,  to  see  a  memor- 
able meeting  of  the  gentle  people  of  this  country,  called 
Baieans,^  whereof  about  foure  hundred  thousand  i)eople  go 
thither  of  purpose  to  bathe  and  shave  themselves  in  the  river, 
and  to  sacrifice  a  world  of  gold  to  the  same  river,  partly  in 
stamped  mony,  and  partly  in  massy  great  lumpes  and  wedges, 
throwing  it  into  the  river  as  a  sacrifice,  and  doing  other  strange 
ceremonies  most  worthy  the  observation.'-  Such  a  notable 
spectacle  it  is,  that  no  part  of  all  Asia,  neither  this  which  is 
called  the  Great  Asia  nor  the  Lesser,  which  is  now  called 
Natolia,  the  like  is  to  be  seen.  This  shew  doe  they  make  once 
every  yeere,  comming  thither  from  places  almost  a  thousand 
miles  off,  and  honour  their  river  as  their  God,  Creator,  and 
Saviour ;  superstition  and  impiety  most  abominable  in  the 
highest  degree  of  these  brutish  etlmicks,  that  are  aliens  from 
Christ  and  the  common-wealth  of  Israel. .  After  I  have  seen 

I  A  misprint  for  '  Banians  ',  meaning  Hindus. 

-  Coryat  appears  to  be  referring  to  tlie  annual  bathing  festival  at 
Hardwar,  held  on  the  first  day  of  the  Hindu  sidereal  year  (in  1617  this 
would  fall  about  the  end  of  March).  Terry  (ed.  1655,  p.  88)  expressly 
states  that  Coryat  visited  Hardwar.  The  latter's  informant  seems  to 
have  exaggerated  the  amount  of  gold  offered  on  such  occasions,  though 
Dr.  William  Crooke,  C.I.E.,  tells  me  that  he  has  known  of  small  coins,  and 
sometimes  sand  gold,  being  dropped  into  the  pool. 


270  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

this  shew,  I  wil  with  all  expedition  repaire  to  the  city  of  Lahore, 
twenty  dales  journy  from  this,  and  so  into  Persia,  by  the  helpe 
of  my  blessed  Christ. 

Thus  have  I  imported  unto  you  some  good  accidents  that 
happened  unto  me  since  I  wrote  a  letter  unto  you  the  last  yeere 
from  the  Kings  court,  and  some  litle  part  of  my  resolution  for 
the  disposing  of  a  part  of  my  time  of  abode  in  Asia  ;  therefore 
noAv  I  will  draw  to  a  conclusion.  The  time  I  cannot  limit  when 
I  shall  come  home,  but  as  my  mercifuU  God  and  Saviour  shall 
dispose  of  it.  A  long  rabble  of  commendations,  like  to  that 
which  I  wrote  in  my  last  letter  to  you,  I  hold  not  so  requisite 
to  make  at  this  present  ;  therefore,  with  remembrance  of 
some  fewe  friends  names,  I  will  shut  up  my  present  epistle. 
I  pray  you  recommend  me  first  in  Odcombe  to  Master  GoUop, 
and  every  good  body  of  his  family,  if  he  livetii  yet  ;  to  Master 
Berib,  his  wife  and  all  his  family;  to  all  the  Knights,^  William 
Cliunt,  John  Selly,  Hugh  Donne,  and  their  wives ;  to  Master 
Atkins  and  his  wife  at  Norton.  I  pray  conunend  me  in  Euill 
to  these  ;  to  old  Mr.  Seward,^  if  he  liveth,  his  wife  and  children, 
the  poore  Widow  Darby,  old  Master  Dyer,  and  his  sonne  John, 
Master  Ewins,  old  and  young,  with  their  wives.  Master  Phelpes 
and  his  wife,  Master  Starre  and  his  wife,  with  the  rest  of  my 
good  friends  there.  I  had  almost  forgotten  your  husband  " : 
to  him  also,  to  Ned  Barber  and  his  wife,  to  William  Jenings. 
Commend  me  also,  I  pray  you,  and  that  with  respectfuU  and 
dutifull  termes,  to  the  godly  and  reverent  fraternitie  of 
preachers  that  every  second  Friday  meet  at  a  religious  exercise 
at  Euill  ;  at  the  least,  if  that  exercise  doth  continue,  pray  read 
this  letter  to  them,  for  I  thinke  they  wilbe  well  pleased  with 
it,  by  reason  of  the  novelties  of  things.  And  so  finally  I  commit 
you  and  all  them  to  the  blessed  protection  of  Almighty  God. 

Your  dutifull,  loving,  and  obedient  sonne,  now  a 
desolate  pilgrim  in  the  world. 

Thomas  Cokiat. 

'  Probably  Sir  Edward  and  Sir  Robert  Pheliiis. 

-  The  Rev.  John  Seward,  of  Yeovil,  to  whom  Laurence  Whitaker 
addressed  a  letter  in  praise  of  the  Crudities,  printed  as  an  introduction  to 
that  work. 

^  Coryat's  mother  had  evidently  married  again  (see  a  passage  in  the 
c  ommendatory  verses  i^rehxed  to  the  1618  pamphlet). 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  271 

The  copy  of  a  speech  that  I  made  to  a  Mahometan  in  the  Italian 

tongue. 

The  coppy  of  a  speech  that  I  made  extempore  in  the  Italian 
tongue  to  a  Mahometan  at  a  citie  called  Moltan,  in  the  Easterne 
India,  two  daies  journy  beyond  the  famous  river  Indus,  which 
I  have  passed,  against  Mahomet  and  his  accursed  religion, 
upon  the  occasion  of  a  discurtesie  offered  unto  mee  by  the 
said  Mahometan  in  calling  me  Giaur,i  that  is  infidell,  by  reason 
that  I  was  a  Christian.  1  The  reason  why  I  spake  to  him  in 
Italian  was  because  he  understood  it,  having  been  taken  slave 
for  many  yeeres  since  by  certaine  Florentines  in  a  galley 
wherein  hee  passed  from  Constantinople  towards  Alexandra  ; 
but  being  by  them  interrupted  by  the  way,  he  was  carried  to 
a  citie  called  Ligorne  [Leghorn]  in  the  Duke  of  Florences 
dominions,  where  after  two  yeeres  he  had  learned  good  Italian  ; 
but  he  was  an  Indian  borne  and  brought  up  in  the  Mahometan 
religion.  I  pronounced  the  speech  before  an  hundred  people, 
whereof  none  understood  it  but  himselfe  ;  but  hee  afterward 
told  the  meaning  of  some  part  of  it  as  far  as  he  could  remember 
it  to  some  of  the  others  also.  If  I  had  spoken  thus  much  in 
Turky  or  Persia  against  Mahomet,  they  would  have  rosted 
me  upon  a  spitt  ;  but  in  the  Mogols  dominions  a  Christian  may 
speake  much  more  freely  then  hee  can  in  any  other  Mahometan 
country  in  the  world.  The  speech  was  this,  as  I  afterward 
translated  it  into  English  : 

But  I  pray  thee,  tell  me,  thou  Mahometan,  dost  thou  in 
sadnes  [i.  e.  in  seriousness]  call  me  Giaur  ?  That  I  doe,  quoth 
he.  Then  (quoth  I)  in  very  sobersadnes  I  retort  that  shamefull 
word  in  thy  throate,  and  tell  thee  plainly  that  I  am  a  Musulman 
and  thou  art  a  Giaur.  For  by  that  Arab  word  Musulman  thou 
dost  understand  that  which  cannot  be  properly  applied  to  a 
Mahometan,  but  onely  to  a  Christian  ;  so  that  I  doe  conse- 
quently inferre  that  there  are  two  kindes  of  Muselmen,  the  one 
an  orthomusulman,  that  is  a  true  Musulman,  which  is  a 
Christian,  and  the  other  a  pseudo-musulman,  that  is,  a  false 
Musulman,  which  is  a  Mahometan.     What  thy  Mahomet  was, 

'  Giaour,  au  inliclel,  from  the  Persian  gaur  or  fjabr,  through  the 
Turkish  gyaur 


272  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

from  whom  thou  dost  derive  thy  religion,  assure  thy  selfc  I 
know  better  tlien  any  one  of  the  Mahometans  amongst  many 
millions  ;  yea,  all  the  particular  oireumstanees  of  his  life  and 
death,  his  nation,  liis  parentage,  his  driving  camels  through 
Egipt,  Siria,  and  Palestina,  the  marriage  of  his  mistris,  by 
whose  death  he  raised  himselfe  from  a  very  base  and  contem- 
tible  estate  to  groat  honor  and  riches,  his  manner  of  cozening 
the  sottish  people  of  Arabia,  partly  by  a  tame  pigeon  that 
did  lly  to  his  care  for  meat,  and  [)artly  by  a  tame  bidl  that  hee 
fed  by  hand  every  day,  with  the  rest  of  his  actions  l)oth  in 
])eacc  and  warre,  I  know  aswell  as  if  I  had  lived  in  his  time,  or 
had  beene  one  of  his  neighbours  in  Mecca.  The  truth  whereof 
if  thou  didst  know  aswell,  I  am  perswaded  thou  woiddest  spit 
in  the  face  of  thy  Alcaron  [al-Kurdn],  and  trample  it  under 
thy  feete,  and  bury  it  under  a  jaxe  [i.  e.  priv-yj,  a  booke  of  that 
strange  and  weake  matter  that  I  my  selfe  (as  meanely  as  thou 
dost  see  me  attired  now)  have  already  written  tAvo  better 
bookes  (God  be  thanked),  and  will  hereafter  this  (by  Gods 
gratious  permission)  write  another  better  and  truer.  Yea, 
I  wold  have  thee  know  (thou  Mahometan)  that  in  that  renouncd 
kingdome  of  England  where  I  was  borne,  learning  doth  so 
flourish  that  there  are  many  thousand  boies  of  sixteene  yecres 
of  age  that  are  able  to  make  a  more  learned  booke  then  thy 
Alcaron.  Neither  was  it  (as  thou  and  the  rest  of  you  Mahome- 
tans doe  generally  beleve)  composed  wholy  by  Mahomet,  for 
hee  was  of  so  dull  a  wit  as  he  was  not  able  to  make  it  without 
the  helpe  of  another,  namely  a  certaine  renegade  monke  of 
Constantinople,  called  Sergis.^  So  that  his  Alcoran  was  like 
an  arrow  drawne  out  of  the  quiver  of  another  man.  / 1  perceive 
thou  dost  wonder  to  see  me  so  much  inflamed  with  anger  ; 
But  I  would  have  thee  consider  it  is  not  without  great  cause 
I  am  so  moved,  for  what  greter  indignity  can  there  be  offered 
to  a  Christian  which  is  an  Arthomusulman  then  to  be  called 
Giaur  by  a  Giaur  ;  for  Christ  (whose  religion  I  professe)  is  of 
that  incomparable  dignity  that,  as  thy  Mahomet  is  not  worthy 
to  be  named  that  yeere  wherein  my  blessed  Christ  is,  so  neither 

'  Sergius  or  Georgius,  known  to  Muhammadaiis  as  Balilra  :  see  the 
Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  s.  n.,  and  Hughe.s's]Z)/c//'o«ar)/  of  Islam,  p.515. 
The  assertion  in  the  text  ia  not  accepted  by  modern  scholars. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  273 

is  his  Alcoroii  worthy  to  be  named  that  yeere  wherein  the 
Injeel  ^  of  my  Christ  is.  I  have  observed  among  the  Mahome- 
tans such  a  foolish  forme  of  praier  ever  since  my  departure 
from  Spahan  (which  I  confesse  was  no  novelty  unto  me,  for 
that  I  had  observed  the  like  before,  both  in  Constantinople  and 
divers  other  Turkish  cities)  that  what  with  your  vain  repeti- 
[ti]ons  and  divers  other  prophane  fooleries  contained  therein, 
I  am  certaine  your  praiers  doe  even  stinke  before  God,  and  are 
of  no  more  force  then  the  cry  of  thy  camell  when  thou  doest 
lade  or  unlade  him.  But  the  praiers  of  Christians  have  so 
prevailed  with  God  that  in  time  of  drougth  they  have  obtained 
convenient  aboundance  of  raine,  and  in  time  of  pestilence  a 
suddaine  cessation  from  the  plague,  such  an  effect  of  holy  and 
fervent  praier  as  never  did  the  Scojferalahs,  or  the  Allamissel- 
alow  -  of  any  Mahometan  produce.  Yet  must  wee,  whose 
praiers  like  a  sweete  smelling  sacrifice  are  acceptable  to  God, 
be  esteemed  Giaurs  by  those  whose  praiers  are  odious  unto 
His  Divine  Majestic.    O  times  !   O  maners  ! 

Now,  as  I  have  told  thee  the  difference  betwixt  the  effect  of 
our  Christian  and  your  Mahometan  praiers,  so  I  pray  thee 
observe  another  difference  betwixt  you  and  us,  that  I  wil 
presently  intimate  unto  thee.  Thou  by  the  observation  of  the 
law  of  thy  ridiculous  Alcaron  dost  hope  for  Paradice,  wherein 
thy  master  Mahomet  hath  promised  rivers  of  rice,  and  to 
virgins  the  imbracing  of  angels  under  the  shaddowe  of  spacious 
trees,  though  in  truth  that  Paradice  be  nothing  else  then  a 
filthy  quagmire,  so  full  of  stincking  dung-hils  that  a  man  cannot 
walke  two  spaces  there  but  he  shall  stumble  at  a  dung-hill  and 
defile  himselfe  ;  but  where  this  Paradice  is,  not  one  amongst 
a  thousand  of  you  knoweth  ;  therefore  I  will  tell  thee.  It 
standeth  in  a  country  scituate  betwixt  heaven  and  earth  called 
Utopia,  whereof  there  is  mention  in  the  third  book  of  thy 

1  '  This  doe  all  Mohametans  call  our  Gospell  or  the  History  of  our 
Saviour,  written  by  the  foure  Evangelists '  {marginal  note).  The  word 
is  injil  {  =  evangeliuni,). 

2  '  Words  that  the  Mahometans  doe  often  repeat  in  their  praiers ' 
(marginal  note).  The  first  phrase  is  Astaghjiru4-ldh  ('  I  ask  pardon'')  ; 
the  second  may  be  all  that  Coryat  could  catch  of  the  muttered  formula 
La  ildJiu  illa-l-lah,  Muhammadur-Basulu-lldh  (see  i).  315). 

T 


274  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Alcarou  and  in  the  seven  and  thirty  Asaria,^  but  expressed  with 
those  niisticall  and  obscnre  termes  that  is  very  dillicult  to 
understand  it.  For  this  Utopian  Paradice,  I  say,  as  the 
reward  of  al  your  superstitious  mumbling  in  your  praiers  and 
the  often  duelling  downe  of  your  lieads,  when  you  kisse  the 
ground  Avitli  such  a  devoute  liumilitie  forsootii,  doe  you  Maho- 
metans liope  in  another  world  !  But  wee  Christians  hope  to 
live  with  God  and  His  blessed  angels  for  ever  and  ever  in 
Heaven,  as  being  a  proper  and  peculiar  inheritance  purchased 
unto  us  by  the  precious  blood  of  our  Christ.  Yet  must  wee  be 
reputed  Giaurs  by  those  that  are  Giaurs  ? 

One  thing  more  will  I  tell  thee  (O  thou  Mahometan),  and  so 
I  will  conclude  this  tedious  speech,  whereunto  thy  discurtious 
calling  of  me  Giaur  hath  inforced  mee  ;  and  I  prethee  observe 
this  my  conclusion.  Learning  (which  is  the  most  precious 
Jewell  that  man  hath  in  this  life,  by  which  he  attaineth  to  the 
knowledge  of  divine  and  humane  things)  commeth  to  man 
either  by  revelation,  which  we  otherwise  cal  inspiration,  or  by 
industry.  Learning  by  revelation  I  cal  that  which  God  doth 
infuse  from  above  by  His  special  grace,  unto  those  whom  He 
will  use  as  the  instruments  of  His  glory  ;  who  without  labour 
or  travell  doe  aspire  to  a  most  eminent  degree  of  knowledge. 
Learning  by  industry,  I  call  it  that  which  a  man  doth  purchase 
to  himselfe  by  continuall  writing  and  reading,  by  practise  and 
meditation.  Now  by  neither  of  these  meanes  have  the  Maho- 
metans acciuired  any  meane,  much  less  any  singular,  learning  ; 
for  as  Mahomet  himselfe  Avas  a  man  of  a  very  superficial!  and 
meane  learning,  so  never  was  there  any  one  of  his  disciples  in 
any  part  of  the  world  that  was  indued  with  any  profound 
knowledge.  But  wee  Christians,  by  the  one  and  the  other 
meane,  have  attained  to  the  most  exquisite  science  that  can 
be  incident  to  man.-  Some  of  our  men  that  never  were  brought 
up  in  studies  having  been  so  expert  in  a  generall  learning  (onely 
by  Gods  special  illumination)  as  those  have  spent  forty  yeeres 

-  The  Kurfui  is  uoL  divided  into  books  but  into  chapters,  known  as 
surahs.  '  Asaria '  is  apparently  meant  for  some  form  of  al-surah 
(as-surah),  which,  in  the  Latin  translation  of  1550,  appears  as  '  azoara  '. 
The  37tli  surah  is  tlie  one  describing  Paradise. 

-  '  I  mean  the  blessed  Apostles  of  our  Saviour'  [marginal  note). 


THOMAS  CORY  AT,  1612-17  275 

in  the  practise  thereof ;  and  others,  by  continuall  practise  of 
writing  and  reading,  have  beene  so  excellent  that  they  became 
the  very  lampes  and  stars  of  the  countries  wherein  they  lived. 
These  things  being  so,  it  cannot  possible  come  to  passe  that 
the  Omnipotent  God  should  deale  so  partially  with  mankind 
as  to  reveale  His  will  to  a  people  altogether  misled  in  ignorance 
and  blindnes  as  you  Mahometans  are,  and  conceale  it  from  us 
Christians  that  bestowe  all  our  lifetime  in  the  practise  of 
divine  and  humane  disciplines,  and  in  the  ardent  invocation 
of  God's  holy  name  with  all  sincerity  and  purity  of  heart. 
Goe  to,  then,  thou  pseudomusulman,  that  is,  thou  false- 
beleever,  since  by  thy  injurious  imputation  laid  upon  mee,  in 
that  thou  calledst  mee  Giaur,  thou  hast  provoked  mee  to  speake 
thus.  I  pray  thee,  let  this  mine  answere  be  a  warning  for  thee 
not  to  scandalize  mee  in  the  like  manner  any  more  ;  for  the 
Christian  religion  which  I  professe  is  so  deare  and  tender  unto 
mee  that  neither  thou  nor  any  other  Mahometan  shal  scotfree 
call  me  Giaur,  but  that  I  will  quit  you  with  an  answer  much  to 
the  wonder  of  those  Mahometans.    Dixi. 

I  pray  you,  mother,  expect  no  more  letters  from  me  after 
this  till  my  arrivall  in  Christendom  ;  because  I  have  resolved 
to  write  no  more  while  I  am  in  the  Mahometans  countries, 
thinking  that  it  will  be  a  farre  greater  comfort,  both  to  you 
and  to  all  my  friends  whatsoever,  to  heare  newes  that  I  have 
accomplished  my  travellcs  in  Mahomctisme,  then  that  I  am 
comming  up  and  down,  to  and  fro  in  the  same,  without  any 
certainty  of  an  issue  thcrof.  Therfore,  I  pray,  have  patience 
for  a  time.  About  two  yeers  and  a  halfe  hence  I  hope  to  finish 
these  Mahometan  travelles,  and  then  either  from  the  citie  of 
Raguzi  [Ragusa]  in  Sclavonia,  which  is  a  Christian  citie  and 
the  first  we  enter  into  Christendome  from  those  parts  of  Turky 
by  land  nere  unto  the  same,  or  from  fanious  Venice,  I  will  very 
dvitifully  reniember  you  againc  with  lines  full  of  hliall  piety 
and  officious  respect. 

1  have  written  two  letters  to  my  Uncle  Williams  since  1  came 
forth  of  England,  and  no  more  ;  whereof  one  from  the  Mogols 
court  the  last  yeere,  just  at  the  same  time  that  I  wrote  unto 
you  ;    and  another  now,  which  I  sent  jointly  by  the  same 

t2 


276  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

messenger  that  carried  yours  out  of  India  by  sea.  Once  more 
I  recommend  you  and  all  our  hearty  wel-willers  and  friends 
to  the  gratious  tuition  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts.  I  pray  you, 
remember  my  duty  to  Master  Hancoke,  that  reverend  and 
apostolicall  good  old  man,  and  his  wife,  if  they  are  yet  living  ; 
to  their  sonnes  Thomas  and  John,  and  their  wives. 

Certaine  observations  written  by  Thomas  Coryat.^ 

Whereas  the  beggers  begge  in  this  countrey  of  a  Christian 
in  the  name  of  Bibee  [Blbi,  Lady]  Maria,  and  not  of  Hazaret 
Eesa  [see  p.  246],  thereby  we  may  gather  that  the  Jesuits  have 
preached  Mary  more  then  Jesus. 

A  great  Raja,  a  Gentile,  a  notorious  atheist  and  contemner 
of  all  deitie  (glorying  to  professe  he  knew  no  other  God  then 
the  King,  nor  beleeving  nor  fearing  none),  sitting  dallying 
with  his  women,  one  of  them  plucked  a  haire  from  his  brest  ; 
which,  being  fast  rooted,  plucked  off  a  little  of  the  skinne, 
that  bloud  appeared.  This  small  skarre  -  festered  and  gan- 
grened incurably  ;  so  that  in  few  dayes  he  despaired  of  life. 
And  beeing  accompanied  with  all  his  friends  and  divers 
courtiers,  he  brake  out  into  these  excellent  words  :  Which  of 
you  would  not  have  thought  that  I,  being  a  man  of  warre, 
should  have  dyed  by  the  stroke  of  a  sword,  speare,  or  bow  ? 
But  now  I  am  inforced  to  confesse  the  power  of  that  great  God 
whom  I  have  so  long  despised  :  that  Hee  needs  no  other  lance 
then  a  little  haire  to  kill  so  blasphemous  a  wretch  and  con- 
tenmer  of  His  majestic  as  I  have  beene.^ 

Ecbar  Shaugh  had  learned  all  kind  of  sorcery ;  who,  beeing 
once  in  a  strange  humour,  to  shew  a  spectacle  to  his  nobles, 
brought  forth  his  chiefest  queene,  with  a  sword  cut  off  her 
head,  and  after  the  same,  perceiving  the  heavinesse  and  sorrow 
of  them  for  the  death  of  her  (as  they  thought),  caused  the  head, 

1  From  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  part  i,  bk.  iv,  chap.  17. 

-  A  term,  now  obsolete,  for  a  crack  or  incision.  It  is  quite  distinct 
from  our  ordinary '  scar  '. 

^  For  an  account  of  other  versions  of  this  story  see  2'hc  Embassy  of 
SirT.  Roe,^.  311  n. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  277 

by  vertne  of  his  exorcismes  and  conjunctions,  to  be  set  on 
againe,  no  signe  appearing  of  any  stroke  with  bis  sword. 

Sultan  Cursaroo  ^  Iiath  but  one  wife  ;  for  which  one  princi]iall 
reason  is  that  during  his  imjjrisonment  the  King,  intending  to 
make  a  hunting  progresse  of  foure  moneths,  consulted  how  to 
keepe  him  safe  in  his  absence  ;  at  last  resolved  to  build  a  towre 
and  immure  him  within  it,  without  gate,  doore,  or  window, 
except  some  small  holes  to  let  in  ayre,  higher  then  he  could 
come  unto  ;  putting  in  all  sorts  of  provision  whatsoever,  both 
fire,  clothes,  etc.,  with  some  servants  to  abide  with  him  for 
that  time.  While  this  was  building,  his  wife  came  and  fell 
at  the  Kings  feete,  and  never  would  let  goe  till  shee  had 
obtayned  leave  to  bee  shut  up  with  him.  The  King  much 
perswading  to  enjoy  her  libertie,  she  utterly  '•efused  any  other 
comfort  then  to  be  the  companion  of  her  husbands  miseries 
amongst  which  this  was  the  greatest,  that  if  any  of  those  that 
were  immured  (beeing  in  number  fiftie)  should  have  dyed  in 
the  Kings  absence,  there  was  no  meanes  to  burie  them,  for 
that  no  man  was  admitted  to  come  neere  the  towre. 

The  fountaine  found  the  first  day  by  one  of  My  Lords  people. 
Master  Herbert  (brother  to  Sir  Edward  Herbert)  ^  ;  which  if 
he  had  not  done,  he  [i.e.  Roe]  must  have  sent  ten  course  every 
day  for  water  to  a  river  called  Narbode  [Narbada],  that  falleth 
into  the  Bay  of  Cambaya  at  Buroch  [i.  e.  Broach]  ;  the  custome 
being  such  that  whatsoever  fountaine  or  tanke  is  found  by  any 
great  man  in  time  of  drought,  hee  shall  keepe  it  proper  and 
peculiar  to  himselfe,  without  the  interruption  of  any  man 
whatsoever.    The  day  after,  one  of  the  Kings  haddys  finding 

'  Khusrau's  devotion  to  his  wife  (a  daughter  of  Aziz  Koka)  is  said 
to  have  cost  him  his  chance  of  the  succession  and  consequently  his  life. 
The  story  is  that  Nur  Mahal  was  willing  to  lend  him  her  support  against 
Khurram,  on  condition  that  he  would  also  espouse  her  daughter  by  her 
former  husband — a  proposal  he  scornfully  rejected  (see  Ddla  Voile, 
Grey's  edition,  vol.  i,  p.  56,  where  also  it  is  stated  that  his  wife  insisted 
on  sharing  his  imprisonment). 

-  This  is  an  incident  of  Roe's  stay  at  Mandu  :  see  The  Embassy,  p.  393. 
For  the  Thomas  Herbert  here  mentioned,  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,  Letters  Received  (vol.  v,  p.  126),  and  Terry's  Voynqe  (ed.  \&^5, 
p.  176)  may  be  consulted. 


278  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

t.lio  same,  und  strivins;  for  it.  was  taken  by  My  Lords  jx'ojjle 
and  hound  all.  etc.,  a  jrrcat  conlroversic  J)('in<>;  about,  it,  el.o. 

Ronieinbcr  the  cliaril.ie  of  two  great  men  that,  in  the  time 
of  this  great  drouaht,i  were  at  the  ehurge  of  sending  ten  camels 
with  twentie  persons  every  day  to  the  said  river  for  water,  and 
did  distribute  the  water  to  the  poore  ;  which  was  so  deare 
that  they  sold  a  little  skinne  for  eight  pise. 

Ecbar  Shaugh  a  very  fortunate  prince,  and  pious  to  his 
mother  ;  his  pietie  appearing  in  this  particular,  that  when  his 
mother  was  carried  once  in  a  palankeen  betwixt  Labor  and 
Agra,  he,  travelling  with  her,  tooke  the  palankeen  upon  his 
owne  shoulders,  commanding  his  greatest  nobles  to  doe  the 
like,  and  so  carried  her  over  the  river  from  one  side  to  the 
other.  And  never  denyed  her  any  thing  but  this,  that  shee 
demanded  of  him,  that  our  Bible  might  be  hanged  about  an 
asses  necke  and  beaten  about  the  towne  of  Agra,  for  that  the 
Portugals,  having  taken  a  ship  of  theirs  at  sea,  in  which  was 
found  the  Alcoran  amongst  the  Moores,  tyed  it  about  the 
necke  of  a  dogge  and  beat  the  same  dogge  about  the  towne  of 
Ormuz.  But  bee  denyed  her  request,  saying  that,  if  it  were 
ill  in  the  Portugals  to  doe  so  to  the  Alcoran,  being  it  became 
f  ^7  \  not  a  King  to  requite  ill  with  ill,  for  that  the  contempt  of  any 

religion  was  the  contempt  of  God,  and  he  woidd  not  be  revenged 
upon  an  innocent  booke  ;    thejnorall  being  that  God  would 

i     not  suffer  the  sacred  booke  of  His  truth  to  be  contemned 

s     amongst  the  infidels. 

One  day  in  the  yeere,  for  the  solace  of  the  Kings  women,  all 
the  trades-mens  wives  enter  the  Mohal  [see  p.  148]  with  some- 
what to  sell,  in  manner  of  a  faire  ;  where  the  King  is  broker 
for  his  women  and  with  his  gaines  that  night  makes  his  supper, 
no  man  present. ^  (Observe  that  whatsoever  is  brought  in  of 
virill  shape,  as  instance  in  reddishes,  so  great  is  the  jealousie, 

»  At  Mandu,  caused  by  Jahangir's  heedlessness  in  fixing  his  camp  in 
this  deserted  city.  Roe  (loc.  cit.)  speaks  of  the  pitiful  misery  caused  by 
the  scarcity  of  water. 

-  For  accounts  of  these  fairs  see  the  Atn,  vol.  i,  p.  276,  Constable's 
trans,  of  Bernier,  p.  272,  and  The  Travels  of  Peter  3Iundy,  vol.  ii,  p.  238. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  279 

and  so  frequent  the  wickednesse  of  this  people,  that  they  are 
out  and  jagged  for  feare  of  converting  the  same  to  some 
unnaturall  abuse.)  By  this  meanes  hee  attaines  to  the  sight 
of  all  the  prettie  wenches  of  the  towne.  At  such  a  kind  of 
faire  he  got  his  beloved  Normahal. 

After  Shaof  Freed  [Shaikh  Farid]  had  woime  the  battle  of 
Lahor  ^  by  a  stratagem,  the  captaines  being  taken  by  the  King 
and  hanged  upon  flesh-hookes  and  stakes  made  an  entrance 
for  the  King  to  Lahor.  His  sonne  Cursaroo  being  then  taken 
prisoner  and  riding  bare-footed  upon  an  elephant,  his  father 
demanded  him  how  hee  liked  that  spectacle  of  his  valiant  and 
faithfull  captaines  hanging  in  that  manner,  to  the  number  of 
two  thousand.  Hee  answered  him  that  hee  was  sorrie  to  see 
so  much  crueltie  and  injustice  in  his  father,  mi  executing  them 
that  had  done  nothing  but  their  dutie,  for  that  they  lived  upon 
his  bread  and  salt  ;  but  hee  should  have  done  right  if  hee  had 
saved  them  and  punished  him,  which  was  their  master  and 
the  authour  of  the  rebellion. 

For  more  cleere  declaration  of  this  excellent  vertue,  upbraid- 
ing the  coldnesse  of  our  charitie,  you  shall  understand  a  custonie 
of  this  King,  who  sleeping  in  his  Gusle-can,-  often  when  hee 
awakes  in  the  night,  his  great  men  (except  those  that  watch) 
being  retired,  cals  for  certaine  poore  and  old  men,  making  them 
sit  by  him,  with  many  questions  and  familiar  speeches  passing 
the  time  ;  and  at  their  departure  cloathes  them  and  gives  them 
bountifull  almes  often,  whatsoever  they  demand,  telling  the 
money  into  their  hands. 

For  a  close  of  this  discourse,  I  cannot  forget  that  memorable 

'  The  victory  by  which  Khusrau's  rebellion  was  crushed.  The 
stratagem  seems  to  be  that  mentioned  on  p.  150,  of  pretending  that 
Jahanglr  had  arrived  on  the  scene  with  all  his  forces  (see  also  Herbert's 
(Some  Yeares  Travels,  p.  73).  Tlie  conversation  between  Khusrau  and 
his  father  is  recorded  by  Terry  (ed.  1655,  p.  430),  doubtless  on  Coryat's 
authority.  Manucci  (vol.  i,  p.  131)  lias  a  similar  story,  but  makes  it 
relate  to  Jahangir's  rebellion  against  Akbar. 

-  Ghnzl-li-hann,  '  bath-room  ',  and  hence  a  private  apartment.  For 
examples  of  Jahangir's  respect  for  such  devotees,  see  Roe,  pp.  3fi6,  3Stj 


280  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

pietie,  when  at  Asmere  hee  ^  went  afoot  to  the  tombe  of  the 
prophet  Hod.  Mundin  there  buried,  and  kindling  a  fire  witli 
Ills  owno  hands  and  his  Normahal  under  that  immense  and 
Heidelbergian-aequipollent  -  brasse-pot,  and  made  kiteherie  ^ 
for  five  thousand  poore,  taking  out  the  first  platter  with  his 
owne  hands  and  serving  one  ;  Normahal  the  second  ;  and  so 
his  ladies  all  the  rest.  Cracke  mee  this  nut,  all  the  *  Papall 
charitie  vaunters. 

An  Armenian,  desirous  to  turne  Moore,  procured  a  noble-man 
to  bring  him  to  the  King  ;  whom  the  King  asked  why  hee 
turned  Moore  :  whether  for  preferment  ?  Hee  answered  :  No. 
Some  few  monethes  after,  craving  some  courtesie  of  the  King, 
hee  denyed  it  him,  saying  that  hee  had  done  him  the  greatest 
favour  that  could  bee,  to  let  him  save  his  soule  ;  but  for  his 
bodie,  hee  himselfe  should  provide  as  well  as  he  could. 

The  King  likes  not  those  that  change  their  religion  ;  hee 
himselfe  beeing  of  none  but  of  his  owne  making,  and  therefore 
suffers  all  religions  in  his  kingdome  ;  which  by  this  notable 
example  I  can  make  manifest.  The  King  had  a  servant  that 
was  an  Armenian,  by  name  Scander  ^  ;  to  whom,  upon  occasion 
of  speech  of  religion,  the  King  asked  if  hee  thought  either  hee 
or  the  Padres  had  converted  one  Moore  to  bee  a  true  Christian, 
and  that  was  so  for  conscience  sake  and  not  for  money ;  who 
answered  with  great  confidence  that  hee  had  one  which  was 
a  perfect  Christian  and  for  no  worldly  respect  would  bee  other  ; 
whom  the  King  caused  presently  to  bee  sent  for,  and,  bidding 
his  master  depart,  demanded  why  hee  was  become  a  Christian  ; 
who  rendred  certaine  feeble,  implicite,  Jesuiticall  reasons,  and 

^  Jahanglr.  The  reference  is  to  the  ceremony  still  observed  during 
the  Urs  Mela  festival  at  the  shrine  of  Khwaja  Mulnuddin  Chishti  at 
Ajmer,  when,  at  the  expense  of  some  rich  devotee,  a  gigantic  mixture  of 
rice,  spices,  &c.,  is  cooked  in  a  large  cauldron  and  distributed  to  the 
pilgrims. 

*  Equal  in  capacity  to  the  Great  Tun  of  Heidelberg  (a  description 
of  which  was  one  of  the  features  of  Coryat's  Crudities). 

^  Khichri  (whence  '  kedgeree  '),  the  common  Indian  dish  of  rice, 
cooked  with  pulse  and  butter. 

*  Probably  this  should  be  '  ye  '. 

'"'  Possibly  this  was  Mirza  Sikandar,  father  of  MIrza  Zulkarnain  (see 
p.  267«.).    Father  Hosten  takes  this  view. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  281 

avowed  that  hee  would  never  be  other.  Whereupon  the  King 
practised  by  faire  speeclies  and  large  promises  to  withdraw  him 
to  the  folly  of  Mahomet,  offering  him  pensions,  meanes,  and 
command  of  horse,  telling  him  hee  had  now  but  foure  rupias 
a  moneth  wages,  which  was  a  poore  reward  for  quitting  his 
praepuced  faith  ;  but  if  hee  would  recant,  hee  would  heape 
upon  him  many  dignities  ;  the  fellow  answering  it  was  not 
for  so  small  wages  hee  became  Christian,  for  hee  had  limbes 
and  could  earne  so  much  of  any  Mahometan,  but  that  hee  was 
a  Christian  in  his  heart,  and  would  not  alter  it.  This  way  not 
taking  effect,  the  King  turned  to  threatnings  and  menacings 
of  tortures  and  whippings  ;  but  the  proselyte  manfully 
resolving  to  suffer  any  thing,  answered  hee  was  readie  to 
endure  the  Kings  pleasure.  Upon  this  resolution,  when  all 
men  expected  present  and  severe  castigation,  ihe  King  changed 
his  tune,  highly  commending  his  constancie  and  honestie, 
bidding  him  goe  and  returne  to  his  master,  and  to  serve  him 
faithfully  and  truely  ;  giving  him  a  rupia  a  day  pension  for 
his  integritie.  About  two  monethes  after,  the  King,  having 
beene  a  hunting  of  wilde  hogges  (a  beast  odious  to  all  Moores), 
and  accustomed  to  distribute  that  sort  of  venison  among 
Christians  and  Razbootes,  sent  for  this  Armenian,  master  of 
this  converted  catechumen  or  Mahometan,  to  come  and  fetch 
part  of  his  quarrie.  The  Armenian  not  beeing  at  home,  this 
his  principall  servant  came  to  know  the  Kings  pleasure  ;  who 
commanded  him  to  take  up  a  hogge  for  his  master  (which  no 
Moore  will  touch)  ;  which  hee  did  and,  being  gone  out  of  the 
court-gate,  was  so  hooted  at  by  the  Mahometans  that  hee 
threw  downe  his  present  in  a  ditch  and  went  home,  concealing 
from  his  master  what  had  passed.  About  foure  dayes  after, 
the  Armenian  comming  to  his  watch,  the  King  demanded  of 
him  whether  the  hogge  he  sent  him  were  good  meat  or  no  ; 
who  replyed  hee  neyther  heard  of  nor  see  any  hogge.  Whereat 
the  King,  remembring  to  whom  this  hogge  was  delivered, 
caused  the  fellow  to  be  sent  for  ;  and  examining  the  matter, 
had  it  confessed  how  he  threw  away  the  hogge  and  never 
carryed  it  home.  The  King  pressing  to  know  the  reason,  the 
poore  fellow  answered  how  he  was  mocked  for  touching  it,  and 
(it  being  a  thing  odious  to  the  Moores)  for  shame  he  threw  it 


282  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

away.  At.  wliich  he  replyed  :  By  your  law  tliere  is  no  differenoe 
of  meat s.  and  are  you  ashamed  of  your  lawes  ?  Or,  to  Hatter 
the  Mahumetans,  doe  you  in  outward  things  forsake  it  ?  Now 
I  see  thou  art  neither  good  Christian  nor  good  Mahumetaii. 
but  a  dissembling  knave  with  both.  While  I  foiuid  thee 
sincere,  I  gave  thee  a  pension  ;  which  now  I  take  from  thee, 
and  for  thy  dissimulation  doe  command  thee  to  have  a  hundred 
stripes  (which  were  presently  given  him  in  stead  of  his  money)  ; 
and  bade  all  men  by  his  example  take  heed  that,  seeing  hee 
gave  libertie  to  all  religions,  that  which  they  choose  and 
professe  they  may  sticke  unto.^^ 

Terry's  Account  of  Coryat.- 

And  now.  Reader,  I  would  have  thee  to  suppose  me  setting 
my  foot  upon  the  Kast-Indian  shore  at  Swally  before  named  ; 
on  the  banks  whereof,  amongst  many  more  English  that  lye 
there  interred,  is  laid  up  the  body  of  Mr.  Thomas  Coryat,  a 
man  in  his  time  notus  nimis  omnibus,  very  sufTiciently  known. 
He  lived  there,  and  there  died  while  I  was  in  those  parts,  and 
was  for  some  months  then  with  my  Lord  Embassadour  ; 
during  which  time  he  was  either  my  chamber- fellow  or  tent- 
mate,  which  gave  me  a  full  acquaintance  of  him.  .  .  .  If  he  had 
lived,  he  would  have  written  his  last  travels  to  and  In  and  out 
of  East-India  ;  for  he  resolved  (if  God  had  spared  him  life) 
to  have  rambled  up  and  down  the  world  (as  sometimes  Ulysses 
did)  ;  and  though  not  so  long  as  he,  yet  ten  full  years  at  least 
before  his  return  home  ;  in  which  time  he  purposed  to  see 
Tartaria,  in  the  vast  parts  thereof,  with  as  much  as  he  could 
of  China  and  those  other  large  places  and  provinces  interposed 
betwixt  East-India  and  China,  whose  true  names  we  might 
have  had  from  him,  but  yet  have  not.  He  had  a  purpose  after 
this  to  have  visited  the  court  of  Prester  John  in  .^Ithiopia,  who 
is  there  called  by  his  own  people  IIo  Blot,  the  King  ;  and  after 
this  it  was  in  his  thoughts  to  have  east  his  eyes  upon  many 

»  This  anecdote  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  one  recorded  in  a  letter 
from  Father  Jerome  Xavier  in  1604,  which  is  reproduced  by  Sir  Edward 
Maelagan  in  his  article  on  JefiuU  Missionfi  tn  the  Emperor  Ahhar.  In  tlia* 
version  the  present  was  a  live  pig  and  was  intended  for  a  Portuguese. 

-  From  the  16.55  edition  of  the  Voyage  to  East-India,  p.  57 


JjV. 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  283 

other  places  :  wliich  if  ho  had  done,  and  lived  to  write  tliose 
relations,  seeins;  (as  he  did  or  should)  such  variety  of  countries, 
cities,  nations,  tilings,  and  been  as  particular  in  them  as  he 
was  in  his  Venetian  journal,  they  must  needs  have  swoln  into 
so  many  huge  volumns  as  would  have  prevented  the  perishing 
of  paper.  But  undoubtedly,  if  he  had  been  continued  in  life 
to  have  written  them,  there  might  have  been  made  very  good 
use  of  his  observations  ;  for,  as  he  was  a  very  particular,  so 
was  he  without  question  a  very  faithful,  relator  of  things  he 
saw  ;  he  ever  disclaiming  that  bold  liberty  which  divers 
travellers  have  and  do  take  by  speaking  and  writing  any 
thing  they  please  of  remote  parts,  when  they  cannot  easily 
be  contradicted,  taking  a  pride  in  their  feigned  relations  to 
overspeak  things.  .  .  .  And  because  he  could  not  live  to  give 
an  accouiit  unto  the  world  of  his  own  travels,  I  shall  here  by 
the  way  make  some  little  discovery  of  his  footsteps  and  flittings 
up  and  down,  to  and  fro  ;  with  something  besides  of  him  in 
his  long  peregTinations,  to  satisfie  very  many  yet  living,  who, 
if  they  shall  please  to  read  this  discourse,  may  recall  that  man 
once  more  into  their  remembrance  ;  who,  while  he  lived,  was 
like  a  perpetual  motion,  and  therefore  now  dead  should  not  be 
quite  forgotten.  .  .  .^ 

From  hence  [Shlrfiz]  they  journied  afterwards  to  Candahor, 
the  first  province  north  east  imder  the  subjection  of  the  Great 
Mogol ;  and  so  to  Lahore,  the  chiefest  city  but  one  belonging 
to  that  great  empire  ;  a  place  (as  I  have  been  often  told  by 
Tom.  Coryat  and  others)  of  very  great  trade,  wealth,  and 
delight,  lying  more  temi)erately  out  of  the  parching  sun  than 
any  other  of  his  great  cities  do.  And  to  this  city  he  wanted 
not  company,  nor  afterwards  to  Agra,  the  Mogol's  metropolis 
or  chief  city.  And  here  it  is  very  observable  that  from  Lahore 
to  Agra  it  is  four  hundred  English  miles,  and  that  the  countrey 
betwixt  both  these  great  cities  is  rich,  even,  pleasant,  and  flat, 
a  camjxinia  ;  and  the  rode-way  on  both  sides  all  this  long 
distance   planted   with   great   trees,   which   are   all   the   year 

>  Terry's  lengthy  account  of  the  earlier  stages  of  Coryat's  journey 
has  been  omitted,  partly  because  they  are  sufficiently  described  in  his 
letters  and  the  introduction,  and  partly  because  the  reverend  gentleman's 
statements  are  unreliable. 


i>8l  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

cloathed  with  leaves,  exceeding  beneficial  unto  travellers  for 
the  shade  they  afford  them  in  those  hot  elimes.  Tins  very 
much  extended  length  of  way  'twixt  these  two  places  is  called 
by  travellers  the  Long  Walk,  very  full  of  villages  and  towns 
for  passengers  every  where  to  find  provision. 

At  Agra  our  traveller  made  an  halt,  being  there  lovingly 
received  in  the  English  factory,  where  he  staid  till  he  had 
gotten  to  his  Turkish  and  Morisco  or  Arabian  languages  some 
good  knowledge  in  the  Persian  and  Indostan  tongues  ;  in 
which  study  he  was  alwaies  very  apt,  and  in  little  time  shewed 
much  proficiency.  The  first  of  those  two,  the  Persian,  is  the 
more  quaint  ;  the  other,  the  Indostan,  the  vulgar  language 
spoken  in  East-India.  In  both  these  he  suddenly  got  such 
a  knowledge  and  mastery  that  it  did  exceedingly  afterwards 
advantage  him  in  his  travels  up  and  down  the  Mogol's  terri- 
tories ;  he  wearing  alwaies  the  habit  of  that  nation  and 
speaking  their  language.  In  the  first  of  these,  the  Persian 
tongue,  he  made  afterwards  an  oration  to  the  Great  Mogol. 
•  .  .  Then,  larding  his  short  speech  with  some  other  pieces  of 
flattery,  which  the  Mogol  liked  well,  concluded.  And  when  he 
had  done,  the  Mogol  gave  him  one  hundred  roopies,  which 
amounts  to  the  value  of  twelve  pounds  and  ten  shillings  of 
our  English  money  ;  looking  upon  him  as  a  derveese  or  votary 
or  pilgrim  (for  so  he  called  him),  and  such  as  bear  that  name 
in  that  countrey  seem  not  much  to  care  for  money  ;  and  that 
was  the  reason  (I  conceive)  that  he  gave  him  not  a  more 
plentiful  reward. 

After  this,  he  having  got  a  great  mastery  likewise  in  the 
Indostan  or  more  vulgar  language,  there  was  a  woman,  a 
landress  belonging  to  my  Lord  Embassadors  house,  who  had 
such  a  freedome  and  liberty  of  speech  that  she  would  some- 
times scould,  brawl,  and  rail  from  the  sunrising  to  sun-set. 
One  day  he  undertook  her  in  her  own  language,  and  by  eight 
of  the  clock  in  the  morning  so  silenced  her  that  she  had  not 
one  word  more  to  speak. 

.  .  .  He  was  a  man  of  a  very  coveting  eye,  that  could  never  be 
satisfied  with  seeing  (as  Salomon  speaks,  Eccles.  i.  8.),  though 
he  had  seen  very  much  ;  and  I  am  perswaded  that  he  took 
as  much  content  in  seeing  as  many  others  in  the  enjoying  of 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  285 

great  and  rare  things.  He  was  a  man  that  had  got  the  mastery 
of  many  hard  languages  (as  before  I  observed)  to  the  Latine 
and  Greek  he  brought  forth  of  England  with  him  ;  in  which, 
if  he  had  obtained  wisdome  to  husband  and  manage  them  as 
he  had  skill  to  speak  them,  he  had  deserved  more  fame  in  his 
generation.  But  his  knowledge  and  high  attainments  in  several 
languages  inade  him  not  a  little  ignorant  of  himself  ;  he  being 
so  covetous,  so  ambitious  of  praise  that  he  would  hear  and 
endure  more  of  it  than  he  could  in  any  measure  deserve  ;  being- 
like  a  ship  that  hath  too  niuch  sail  and  too  little  ballast.  Yet 
if  he  had  not  fall'n  into  the  smart  hands  of  the  wits  of  those 
times,  he  might  have  passed  better.  That  itch  of  fame  which 
engaged  this  man  to  the  undertakings  of  those  very  hard  and 
long  and  dangerous  travels  hath  put  thousands  more  (and 
therefore  he  was  not  alone  in  this)  into  strange  attempts  onely 
to  be  talked  of.  .  .  .  'Twas  fame,  without  doubt,  that  stirred 
uji  this  man  unto  these  voluntary  but  hard  undertakings,  and 
'tTie~hope  of  that  glory  which  he  should  reap  after  he  had 
Tmished  his  long  travels  made  him  not  at  all  to  take  notice  of 
tfie  hardship  he  found  in  them.  That  hope  of  name  and  repute 
for  the  time  to  come  did  even  feed  and  feast  him  for  the  time 
"present.  And  therefore  any  thing  that  did  in  any  measure 
eclipse  him  in  those  high  conceivings  of  his  own  worth  did  too 
too  much  trouble  him  ;  which  you  may  collect  from  these 
following  instances.  Upon  a  time  one  Mr.  Richard  Steel  ^,  a 
merchant  and  servant  to  the  East-India  Company,  came  unto 
us  from  Surat  to  Mandoa,  the  place  then  of  the  Mogol's 
residence  ...  at  which  time  Mr.  Coryat  was  there  with  us. 
This  merchant  had  not  long  before  travelled  over-land  from 
East-India  through  Persia  and  so  to  Constantinople,  and  so 
for  England  ;  who  in  his  travel  homeward  had  met  with 
Tom.  Coryat,  as  he  was  journeying  towards  East-India. 
Mr.  Steel  then  told  him  that,  when  he  was  in  England,  King 

'  His  journey  in  pursuit  of  Mildenhall  has  been  mentioned  on  p.  51. 
From  Surat  he  was  sent  back  to  Persia  at  the  end  of  1614,  and  j)roceeded 
thence  overland  to  England,  arriving  in  May,  l(il6.  He  came  out  again 
to  India  in  the  1617  fleet,  and  was  sent  from  Surat  to  Roe's  camp,  carrying 
with  Mm  some  valuable  pearls.  He  arrived  on  Nov.  2,  and  left  again 
for  Surat  a  few  days  later.  For  his  subsequent  proceedings  see  The 
Embassy  of  Sir  T.  Roe. 


286  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN   INDIA 

James  (then  living)  enquired  after  liim,  and  wlien  lie  had 
certified  the  King  of  his  meeting  him  on  the  way,  the  King 
replied  :  Is  that  fool  yet  living  ?  Which  when  our  pilgrim 
heard,  it  seemed  to  trouble  him  very  much,  because  the  King 
spake  no  more  nor  no  better  of  him  ;  saying  that  kings  would 
speak  of  poor  men  what  they  pleased. 

At  another  time,  when  he  was  ready  to  depart  from  us,  my 
Lord  Embassadour  gave  him  a  letter,  and  in  that  a  bill  to 
receive  ten  pounds  at  Aleppo  when  he  should  return  thither. 
The  letter  was  directed  unto  Mr.  Libbeus  Chapman,  there 
consul  at  that  time  ;  in  which  that  which  concerned  our 
traveller  was  thus  :  Mr.  Chapman,  When  you  shall  hand  these 
letters,  I  desire  you  to  receive  the  bearer  of  them,  Mr.  Thomas 
Coryat,  with  curtesy,  for  you  shall  find  him  a  very  honest  poor 
wretch.  And  further  I  must  intreat  you  to  furnish  him  with 
ten  pounds,  which  shall  be  repayed,  etc.  Our  pilgrim  lik'd  the 
gift  well,  but  the  language  by  which  he  should  have  received 
it  did  not  at  all  content  him  ;  telling  me  that  my  Lord  had 
even  spoyled  his  curtesy  in  the  carriage  thereof ;  so  that,  if 
he  had  been  a  very  fool  indeed,  he  could  have  said  very  little 
less  of  him  than  he  did  (Honest  poor  wretch)  ;  and  to  say  no 
more  of  him  was  to  say  as  much  as  nothing.  And  furthermore 
he  then  told  me  that,  when  he  was  formerly  undertaking  his 
journey  to  Venice,  a  person  of  honour  wrote  thus  in  his  behalf 
unto  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  then  and  there  Embassadour  :  My 
Lord,  Good  wine  needs  no  bush,  neither  a  worthy  man  letters 
conmiendatory,  because  whithersoever  he  comes  he  is  his  own 
epistle,  etc.  There  (said  he)  was  some  language  on  my  behalf  ; 
but  now  for  my  Lord  to  write  nothing  of  me  by  way  of  conunen- 
dation  but  Honest  poor  wretch  is  rather  to  trouble  me  than  to 
please  me  with  his  favour.  And  therefore  afterwards  his  letter 
was  phras'd  up  to  his  mind  ;  but  he  never  liv'd  to  receive  the 
money.  By  which  his  old  acquaintance  may  see  how  tender 
this  poor  man  was  to  be  touched  in  any  thing  that  might  in  the 
least  measure  disparage  him.  O  what  pains  this  poor  man  took 
to  make  himself  a  subject  for  present  and  after  discourse  ; 
being  troubled  at  nothing  for  the  present,  unless  with  the  fear 
of  not  living  to  reap  that  fruit  he  was  so  ambitious  of  in  all  his 
undertakings.    And  certainly  he  was  surprized  with  some  such 


THOMAS  CORYAT,  1612-17  287 

thoughts  and  fears  (for  so  he  told  us  afterwards),  when  upon 
a  time,  he  being  at  Mandoa  with  us,  and  tliere  standing  in  a 
room  against  a  stone  pillar,  where  the  Embassadour  was  and 
myself  present  with  them,  upon  a  sudden  he  fell  into  such  a 
swoon  that  we  had  very  much  ado  to  recover  him  out  of  it. 
But  at  last  come  to  himself,  he  told  us  that  some  sad  thoughts 
had  immediately  before  presented  themselves  to  his  fancy, 
which  (as  he  conceived)  put  him  into  that  distemper  ;  like 
Fannius  in  Martial  ^  :  Ne  moriare  mori,  to  prevent  death  by 
dying.  For  he  told  us  that  there  were  great  expectations  in 
England  of  the  large  accounts  he  should  give  of  his  travels 
after  his  return  home  ;  and  that  he  was  now  shortly  to  leave 
us,  and  he  being  at  present  not  very  well,  if  he  should  dye  in 
the  way  toward  Surat,  whither  he  was  now  intended  to  go 
(which  place  he  had  not  as  yet  seen),  he  might  be  buried  in 
obscurity  and  none  of  his  friends  ever  know  what  became  of 
him,  he  travelling  now,  as  he  usually  did,  alone.  Upon  which 
my  Lord  willed  him  to  stay  longer  with  us  ;  but  he  thankfully 
refused  that  offer,  and  turned  his  face  presently  after  towards 
Surat,  which  was  then  about  three  hundred  miles  distant  from 
us.  And  he  lived  to  come  safely  thither  ;  but  there  being 
over-kindly  used  by  some  of  the  English,  who  gave  him  sack 
which  they  had  brought  from  England  ;  he  calling  for  it  as 
soon  as  he  first  heard  of  it,  and  crying  :  Sack,  sack  ;  is  there 
such  a  thing  as  sack  ?  I  pray  give  me  some  sack  ;  and  drinking 
of  it,  though,  I  conceive,  moderately  (for  he  was  a  very  tem- 
perate man),  it  increased  his  flux  which  he  had  then  upon  him. 
And  this  caused  him  within  a  few  daies,  after  his  very  tedious 
and  troublesome  travels  (for  he  went  most  on  foot)  at  this 
place  to  come  to  his  journies  end  ;  for  here  he  overtook  Death 
in  the  month  of  December,  1617,  and  was  buried  (as  aforesaid) 
under  a  little  monument,  like  one  of  those  are  usually  made  in 
our  church-yards."^ 

'  Epigrammata,  bk.  ii,  no.  80. 

-  Terry  adds  a  poetical  epitaph  (from  his  own  pen)  which,  he  suggests, 
might  have  commemorated  Coryat, '  if  it  could  have  been  there  engraved 
upon  liis  torn  be  '. 


1616-19 
EDWARD  TERRY 

Terry's  account  of  India,  which,  to  adopt  the  quaint 
language  of  his  editor  Purchas,  is  here  offered  as  '  a  good 
fare-well  draught  of  English-Indian  liquor  ',  was  the  outcome 
chiefly  of  his  own  observations  during  the  two  and  a  half  years 
which  he  spent  in  that  country  as  chaplain  to  Sir  Thomas  Roe. 
It  owes  something  to  Coryat,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the 
reverend  gentleman's  companion  for  a  considerable  period  : 
something  also  to  the  gossip  of  other  members  of  the  ambassa- 
dor's suite  or  of  the  merchants  at  Surat  ;  but  in  the  main  it  is 
a  record  of  what  the  author  himself  had  observed.  It  bears 
traces  of  a  vigorous  and  penetrating  mind,  stimulated  by  a 
strong  interest  in  its  strange  surroundings — an  interest  further 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that,  although  he  had  no  intention 
of  staying  in  the  country,  Terry  took  the  pains  to  acquire 
some  laiowledge  of  the  Persian  language. 

The  opportunity  of  seeing  the  East  at  close  quarters  came 
to  our  author  almost  as  a  matter  of  chance.  Born  in  1590, 
and  educated  at  Rochester  School  and  Christ  Church,  Oxford, 
in  the  spring  of  1616  he  accepted  an  engagement  for  a  voyage 
to  the  Indies  and  back  as  one  of  the  chaplains  in  thfe  fleet 
commanded  by  Captain  Benjamin  Joseph.  On  the  way  out 
a  Portuguese  carrack  was  overtaken  and  destroyed,  after  a 
smart  encounter  in  which  the  English  commander  was  slain  ; 
and  Swally  Road  was  safely  reached  on  September  25,  after 
a  voyage  of  nearly  eight  months.  Roe's  chaplain  had  died 
a  month  earlier,  and  he  had  written  to  the  Surat  factors  to 
provide  him  with  another.  As  Terry  was  well  commended 
and  was  willing  to  remain  in  India,  he  was  engaged  for  the 
post.  He  joined  the  ambassador  near  Ujjain  towards  the 
end  of  February  1617,  and  accompanied  him  to  Mandu,  where 
the  Emperor  fixed  his  court  until  October  of  that  year,  when 
he  removed  to  Ahmadabad.  Roe  and  his  suite  followed  him 
thither  and  spent  about  nine  months  in  attendance  upon  him 
in  that  city.  Then,  in  September  1618,  the  ambassador  took 
his  leave  and  proceeded  to  Surat  to  enjoy  a  few  months'  rest 
before  embarking  for  England  on  February  17,  1619.  Thus 
Terry  had  only  himself  seen  parts  of  Malwa  and  Gujarat — a  fact 
to  be  borne  in  mind  when  reading  his  generalizations  about 
India. 


Ill  E  UIIOPE  ,  A  F  R  F  C-K,  A  SI  A  li  avc  I  gon  jj^l 
One  journey  luoiv    .;,!  t]icn  my  hvivcisdme 


"■/'..,     7V,/v^,^~^ 


ED\rARD  TERRY 


P.  288 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  289 

The  Anne,  in  which  the  ambassador  and  his  suite  returned, 
anchored  in  the  Downs  about  the  middle  of  September  1619. 
The  next  we  hear  of  Terry  is  on  October  22,  when  he  appeared 
before  the  Court  of  Committees  of  the  East  India  Company 
to  beg  to  be  released  from  paying  freight  on  a  quantity  of 
calicoes  he  had  brought  home.  His  action  was,  in  fact,  a  breach 
of  the  regulations,  since  the  trade  in  piece-goods  was  reserved 
to  the  Company  ;  but  on  hearing  Roe's  commendations  of 
Terry's  '  sober,  honest,  and  civill  life  '  in  India,  the  Committees 
'  were  contented  to  pas  over  this  fault '  and  to  excuse  him 
from  any  payment  of  freight.  Further,  on  learning  that  he 
had  spent  about  £14  on  books,  most  of  which  he  had  given 
to  the  factors  in  India,  they  ordered  that  this  sum  should  be 
made  good  to  him. 

The  reverend  gentleman  now  went  back  for  a  while  to  his 
Oxford  college.  Probably  it  was  there  that  he  wrote  the 
results  of  his  observations  in  India,  as  now  reprinted.  This 
document  in  1622  he  presented  in  manuscript  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  afterwards  King  Charles  I.  How  it  came  into  the 
possession  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Purchas,  who  published  it 
three  years  later  in  his  Pilgrimes  (part  ii,  book  ix,  chap.  6),  is 
not  known  ;  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Prince  himself  (to 
whom,  by  the  way,  the  first  volume  of  the  Pilgrimes  is  dedi- 
cated) had  made  it  over  to  that  editor.  That  Terry  himself 
was  not  consulted  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that,  in  the  preface 
to  his  own  edition  of  1655,  he  makes  no  allusion  to  the  previous 
appearance  of  the  work  in  Purchas's  volumes  ;  and  it  may  be 
that  he  was  further  aggrieved  by  the  pruning  (slight  as  it  was) 
to  which  the  editor  had  subjected  his  manuscript,  on  the  plea 
that  part  of  its  contents  had  been  anticipated  in  the  narratives 
of  Roe  and  others. 

However  this  may  be,  Terry  did  not  trouble  about  the 
matter,  but  settled  down  contentedly  to  his  pastoral  duties 
as  Rector  of  Great  Greenford,  near  London,  a  living  which 
he  held  from  1629  till  his  death.  There  his  ministrations 
appear  to  have  afforded  general  satisfaction,  to  judge  from 
the  account  given  of  him  by  Anthony  a  Wood  in  his  Athenae 
Oxonienses,  as  '  an  ingenious  and  polite  man,  of  a  pious  and 
exemplary  conversation,  a  good  preacher,  and  much  respected 
by  the  neighbourhood  '.  Only  once,  so  far  as  we  know,  did 
the  East  India  Company  take  any  notice  of  their  former 
chaplain.  This  was  in  1649,  when  they  paid  him  the  compli- 
ment of  asking  him  to  preach  before  them  on  the  occasion  of 
the  almost  simultaneous  return  of  no  less  than  seven  of  their 
ships  from  the  East  Indies.  The  sermon  was  duly  delivered 
at  the  Church  of  St.  Andrew  Undershaft  in  Leadenhall  Street, 
on  September  6,  and  was  afterwards  printed  under  the  title 
of  The  Merchants  and  Mariners  Preservation  and  Thanksgiving  ; 


290  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

while  the  occasion  was  further  celebrated  by  a  dinner  at  a 
tavern  in  Bishopsgate  Street,  to  which  the  preaclicr  was 
doubtless  invited. 

Six  years  later  Terry's  account  of  his  experiences  reappeared 
in  separate  form  as  a  dumpy  volume  of  571  pages,  under  the 
title  of  A  Voyage  to  East-India.  In  the  preface  he  tells  us  that 
the  initiative  in  the  matter  had  been  taken  by  a  printer,  who 
had  somehow  acquired  his  original  manuscript  and  had 
persuaded  him  to  revise  it.  Terry  certainly  made  the  most 
of  his  opportunity,  for,  not  content  with  amplifying  his  previous 
statements  and  adding  fresh  details  (in  some  of  which  his 
memory  evidently  betrayed  him),  on  all  possible  pegs  he  hung 
long  moral  and  religious  disquisitions,  in  the  avowed  hope 
that  '  tliey  who  fly  from  a  sermon  and  will  not  touch  sound 
and  wholesom  and  excellent  treatises  in  divinity,  may  happily 
(if  God  so  please)  be  taken  before  they  are  aware,  and  overcome 
by  some  divine  truths  that  lie  scattered  up  and  down  in  manie 
places  of  this  narrative  '.  With  such  zest  did  the  reverend 
gentleman  moralize  that  he  expanded  his  work  to  seven  or 
eight  times  the  length  of  its  original  form  as  given  by  Purchas 
and  made  it  exceedingly  wearisome  to  readers  who  have  no 
taste  for  seventeenth-century  divinity.  It  is  largely  on  this 
account,  but  partly  also  because  the  earlier  text  contains 
some  interesting  details  which  were  struck  out  in  the  revised 
version,  that  we  have  here  preferred  to  reprint  the  narrative 
as  we  find  it  in  Purchas's  collection.  At  the  same  time  we 
have  given  in  notes  many  extracts  from  the  1655  edition, 
where  these  correct  or  amplify  in  any  important  respect  the 
author's  earlier  statements.  The  rather  lengthy  account  of 
the  voyage  out,  which  appears  in  both  versions,  is  here  omitted, 
as  having  no  bearing  on  Terry's  experiences  in  India  itself. 

Despite  its  didactic  prosiness,  the  work  in  its  separate  form 
attained  a  considerable  degree  of  popularity,  as  was  shown  by 
its  republication  ten  years  later  (slightly  condensed  and  with- 
out the  author's  name)  in  a  folio  volume  containing  also 
Havers's  translation  of  the  letters  of  Delia  Valle ;  while  long 
afterwards  (1777)  a  reprint  of  the  1655  edition  was  issued. 
Terry  himself  lived  on  quietly  at  Great  Greenford,  just  long 
enough  to  witness  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy — an  event 
he  celebrated  by  the  publication  of  A  Character  of  King 
Charles  II — and  then  died  in  October  1660.  Under  the 
portrait  prefixed  to  his  Voyage  he  had  written  : 

In  Europe,  Africk,  Asia  have  I  gonne  ; 

One  journey  more,  and  then  my  travel 's  donne. 

And  now  he  had  set  out  on  that  long  last  journey. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  291 

The  large  empire  of  the  Great  Mogol  is  bounded  on  the  East 
with  the  kingdome  of  Maug  [see  p.  26]  ;  west  with  Persia, 
and  tlie  mayne  ocean  southerly  ;  north  with  the  mountaynes 
of  Caucasus  and  Tartaria  ;  south  with  Decan  and  the  Gulfe  of 
Bengala.  Decan,  lying  in  the  skirts  of  Asia,  is  divided  between 
three  Mahoinetan  kings  and  some  other  Indian  Rhajaes.  This 
spacious  monarchic,  called  by  the  inhabitants  Indostan, 
dividing  it  selfe  into  thirtie  and  seven  severall  and  large 
provinces,  which  anciently  were  particular  kingdomes  ;  whose 
names,  with  their  principall  cities  and  rivers,  their  situation 
and  borders,  their  extent  in  length  and  breadth,  I  first  set 
downe,  beginning  at  the  north-west.^ 

First,  Candahor  ;  the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  It  lyes  from  the 
heart  of  all  his  territorie  north-west.  It  confines  with  the 
King  of  Persia,  and  was  a  province  belonging  to  him.  2.  Cabul  ; 
the  chiefe  citie  so  called  ;  the  extreamest  north-west  part  of 
this  emperours  dominions.  It  confineth  with  Tartaria.  The 
river  Nilab  ^  hath  its  beginning  in  it,  whose  current  is  southerly 
till  it  discharge  it  selfe  in  Indus.  3.  Multan  ;  the  chiefe  citie 
so  called.    It  lyes  south  from  Cabul  and  Candahor,  and  to  the 

'  This  list  of  provinces  is  closely  related  to  the  list  given  by  Roe 
{Embassy,  p.  531)  and  to  the  map  of  India  {ibid.,  p.  542)  which  was 
compiled  and  published  in  1619  by  William  Baffin,  the  Arctic  navigator, 
wlio  was  serving  on  board  the  ship  in  wliich  the  ambassador  returned 
to  England.  That  Terry  had  this  map  before  him,  when  making  his 
list,  is  evident  from  the  general  coincidence  of  the  spelling  of  the  names 
(often  differing  materially  from  Roe),  and  also  from  the  fact  that  in  botli 
a  province  of  '  Jeselmeere  '  (not  mentioned  by  Roe)  is  inserted,  while 
'  Roch  '  (i.  e.  Kuch  Bihar),  which  was  included  by  Roe,  is  omitted.  (Jn 
the  other  hand  Terry  was  careful  to  keep  the  number  of  provinces  the 
same  as  in  Roe's  list,  from  which  he  also  copied  some  of  his  descriptions. 

The  list  corresponds  but  sUghtly  with  the  familiar  one  of  the  various 
stibahs  of  the  Mughal  Empire.  It  is  in  fact  a  rough  enumeration  of  the 
various  states  which  had  fallen  imder  the  sway  of  Akbar  and  his  succes- 
sor, and  this  accounts  in  part  for  its  errors  and  want  of  proportion.  The 
reader  will  find  it  fully  discussed  in  The  Emba.ssy  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe 
.  {loc.  cit.).  Here  it  is  only  possible  to  give  brief  identifications  of  the  more 
obscure  names. 

The  map  given  in  the  1655  edition  of  Terry  is  a  poor  version  of 
Baffin's,  on  a  reduced  scale. 

^  Properly  the  upper  Indus,  but  apparently  here  the  Kabul  River  is 
meant. 

U3 


292  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

west  joynes  with  Persia.  4.  Hajacan,^  the  kingdome  of  the 
Baloohcs  (a  stout  warlike  people).  It  hath  no  renowned  citie. 
The  famous  river  Indus  (called  by  the  inhabitants  Skind) 
borders  it  on  the  east  ;  and  Lar  (a  province  belonging  to  Sha- 
Abas,  the  present  King  of  Persia)  meetes  it  on  the  west. 
5.  Buckor  - ;  the  chiefe  citie  called  Buckorsuccor.  The  river 
Indus  makes  a  way  through  it,  greatly  enriching  it.  6.  Tatta  ; 
the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  The  river  Indus  makes  many  ilands 
in  it,  exceeding  fruitful!  and  pleasant.  The  chiefe  arme  meetes 
with  the  sea  at  Synde,^  a  place  very  famous  for  curious  handi- 
crafts. 7.  Soret  [Sorath,  in  Kathiawar]  ;  the  chiefe  citie  is 
called  Janagar  [Junagarh].  It  is  a  little  province,  but  rich, 
lyes  west  from  Guzarat,  and  hath  the  ocean  to  the  south. 
8.  Jeselmeere  [Jaisalmer,  in  Rajputana]  ;  the  chiefe  citie  so 
called.  It  joyneth  with  Soret,  Buckor,  and  Tatta,  lying  to 
the  west  of  it.  9.  Attack  [Attock]  ;  the  chiefe  citie  so  called. 
It  lyeth  on  the  east  side  of  Indus,  which  parts  it  from  Hajacan. 
10.  Penjab,  which  signifieth  five  waters,  for  that  it  is  seated 
among  five  rivers,  all  tributaries  to  Indus,  which  somewhat 
south  of  Labor  make  but  one  current.  It  is  a  great  kingdome, 
and  most  fruitfuU,  etc.  Labor,  the  chiefe  citie,  is  well  built, 
very  large,  populous,  and  rich  ;  the  chiefe  citie  of  trade  in  all 
India.  11.  Chishmeere  [Kashmir]  ;  the  chiefe  citie  is  called 
Siranakar  [Srinagar].  The  river  Phat  [Bihat :  see  p.  169] passetli 
through  it,  and  so,  creeping  about  many  ilands,  slides  to 
Indus.  12.  Banchish  ;  the  chiefe  citie  is  called  Bishur.*  It 
lyeth  east  southerly  from  Chishmeere,  from  which  it  is  divided 
by  the  river  Indus,  13.  Jengapor  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  so  called. 
It  lyeth  upon  the  river  Kaul,  one  of  the  five  rivers  that  water 

*  Baluchistan,  or  more  specifically  the  lower  Derajat,  ruled  by  the 
descendants  of  Haji  Khan,  whose  overlordship  was  recognized  by  all  the 
Baloch  tribes. 

2  The  district  round  the  fortress  of  Bukkur,  on  the  Indus.  It  was 
a  sarkar  of  the  province  of  Multan. 

^  '  Sindee  '  (i.  e.  Diul-Sind,  or  Lahribandar)  in  the  1655  edition. 

*  Professor  Blochmann  identified  Banchish  with  Bangash,  in  N.W. 
Kohat,  and  Bishur  with  Bajaur,  a  district  still  farther  north.  Possibly, 
however,  Peshawar  is  intended. 

»  Roe's  '  Jenupar  '.  It  is  probably  Jaunpur.  The  '  Kaul '  (i.  e.  Kali) 
is  the  Gogra,  a  tributary  of  the  Ganges  ;  but  Jaunpur  is  on  another 
tributary  (the  Giimti). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  293 

Penjab.  14.  Jenba  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  It  lyeth  east 
of  Penjab.  15.  Delli  ;  the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  It  lyeth 
twixt  Jenba  and  Agra.  The  river  Jemni  (which  runneth 
through  Agra,  and  falleth  into  Ganges)  begins  in  it.  Delli  is 
an  ancient  great  citie,  the  seate  of  the  Mogols  ancestors,  where 
most  of  them  lye  interred.  16.  Bando  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  so 
called.  It  confineth  Agra  on  the  west.  17.  Malway  [Malwa], 
a  very  fruitful!  province  ;  Rantipore  ^  is  the  chiefe  citie.  18. 
Chitor,  an  ancient  and  great  kingdome  ;  the  chiefe  citie 
so  called.  19.  Guzarat,  a  goodly  kingdome  and  exceeding 
rich,  inclosing  the  Bay  of  Cambaya.  The  river  Tapte  watereth 
Surat.  It  trades  to  the  Red  Sea,  to  Achin,  and  to  divers  other 
places.  20.  Chandis  [Ivliandesh]  ;  the  chiefe  citie  called 
Brampoch  [Burhanpur],  which  is  large  and  populous.  Adjoyn- 
ing  to  this  province  is  a  petie  prince  called  Partapsha  [see 
p.  136],  tributarie  to  the  Mogol  ;  and  this  is  the  southermost 
part  of  all  his  territories.  21.  Berar  ;  the  chiefe  citie  is  called 
Shapore,*  the  southermost  part  whereof  doth  likewise  bound 
this  empire.  22.  Narvar  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  called  Gehud.  It 
is  watered  by  a  faire  river  which  emptieth  itselfe  in  Ganges. 

23.  Gwaliar  ;  the  chiefe  citie  so  called,  where  the  King  hath 
a  great  treasury  of  bullion.  In  this  citie  likewise  there  is  an 
exceeding  strong  castle,  wherein  the  Kings  prisoners  are  kept. 

24.  Agra,  a  principall  and  great  province  ;  the  chiefe  citie 
so  called.  From  Agra  to  Labor  (the  two  choise  cities  of  this 
empire)  is  about  foure  hundred  English  miles  ;  the  countrey 
in  all  that  distance  even  without  a  hill,  and  the  high  way 
planted  on  both  sides  with  trees,  like  to  a  delicate  walke. 

25.  Sanbal  ;  ®  the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  The  river  Jemni 
parts  it  from  Narvar  ;  and  after,  at  the  citie  Helabass  [Allah- 
abad], falls  into  Ganges,  called   by  the  inhabitants   Ganga. 

'  Chamba,  one  of  the  Punjab  hill  states. 

^  Banda  district  in  the  United  Provinces,  south-west  of  the  Jumna. 

^  Ranthambhor  seems  to  be  meant ;  but  it  is  not  in  Malwa. 

*  Shahpur,  about  eleven  miles  south  of  Balapur  (see  p.  16).  After 
the  annexation  of  Berar  to  the  Mughal  Empire  in  1596,  Prince  Murad 
established  his  quarters  there,  and,  according  to  Abfd  Fazl,  the  place 
grew  into  a  fine  city.    It  is  now  quite  insignificant. 

^  Narwar,  in  Gwalior  territory.    '  Gehud  '  seems  to  be  Uohad. 

"  Sambhal,  in  Moradabad  district,  United  Provinces. 


294  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

26.  Bakar  [Bikaner,  in  Rajputana]  ;  the  chiefe  eitie  called 
Bikaneer.  It  lyeth  on  the  west  side  of  Ganges.  27.  Nagra- 
cutt  [sec  p.  179] ;  the  chief  citie  so  called,  in  which  there  is  a 
chappel  most  richly  set  forth,  both  seeled  and  paved  with 
plate  of  pure  gold.^  In  this  place  they  keepe  an  idoU,  which 
they  call  Matta,  visited  yeerly  by  many  thousands  of  the 
Indians,  who  out  of  devotion  cut  off  part  of  their  tongues  to 
make  a  sacrifice  for  it.^  In  this  province  there  is  likewise 
another  famous  pilgrimage  to  a  place  called  Jallamakae,^ 
where  out  of  cold  springs  and  hard  rocks  there  are  dayly  to 
be  scene  incessant  eruptions  of  fire,  before  which  the  idolatrous 
people  fall  downe  and  worship.  28.  Syba  ;  *  the  chiefe  citie 
is  called  Hardwair,  where  the  famous  river  Ganges  seemed  to 
begin,  issuing  out  of  a  rocke  which  the  superstitious  Gentiles 
imagine  to  bee  like  a  cowes  head,^  which  of  all  sensible  creatures 
they  love  best.  Thither  they  likewise  goe  in  troopes  daily  for 
to  wash  their  bodies.  29.  Kakares  ;  ^  the  principall  cities  arc 
called  Dankalee  [Dangali]  and  Purhola  [Pharwala].  It  is  very 
large  and  exceeding  mountaynous,  divided  from  Tartaria  by 
the  mountaynes  of  Caucases.  It  is  the  farthest  part  north 
under  the  Mogols  subjection.    30.   Gor  [Gaur,  in  Bengal]  ;  the 

*  In  his  1655  edition  (p.  86),  Terry  substitutes  '  silver  '  for  '  gold  ',  and 
adds  :  '  most  curiously  imbossed  over  head  in  several  figures,  which 
they  keep  exceeding  bright  by  often  rubbing  and  burnishing  it '. 
Coryat  was  his  authority  for  these  statements,  as  also  for  his  account 
of  Jawala  Mukhi  and  Hardwar. 

-  The  reference  is  to  the  famous  temple  of  Mata  Devi  or  Bajreswari 
Devi  at  Bhawan,  a  suburb  of  Kangra.  For  the  sacrifice  of  tongues,  see 
Finch  {.supra,  p.  180),  the  Alri,  vol.  ii,  p.  313,  and  the  account  published 
by  John  Oranus  in  1601  of  the  labours  of  the  Jesuits  in  India,  China,  and 
Japan. 

=•  Jawala  Mukhi  ('  she  of  the  flaming  mouth  '),  a  temple  built  over  some 
jets  of  combustible  gas,  believed  to  be  a  manifestation  of  the  goddess 
Devi.    See  the  Ain,  vol.  ii,  p.  314. 

*  Siba,  now  part  of  the  Kangra  district,  but  formerly  an  independent 
principality.  The  town  of  that  name  is  about  seventeen  miles  S.W.  of 
Kangra.  Baffin  in  his  map  wrongly  extended  Siba  to  include  Hardwar, 
and  Terry  improved  upon  this  by  making  the  latter  the  capital  of  the 
former. 

^  The  (jau-mukh,  or  cow's  mouth,  is  the  glacier  cavern  from  wliich  the 
head-waters  issue.    It  is  at  Gangotri,  in  the  state  of  Tehri. 

*  The  country  of  the  Ghakkars,  in  the  north  of  the  Punjab. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  295 

chiefe  citie  so  called.  It  is  full  of  inountaynes.  The  river 
Persiiis,^  which  dischargeth  it  selfe  in  Ganges,  beginnes  in  is 
31.  Pitan  ;  -  the  chiefe  citie  so  called.  The  river  Kanda  watert 
it,  and  falls  into  Ganges  in  the  confines  thereof.  32.  Kan- 
duana  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  is  called  Karhakatenka.  The  river 
Sersily  parts  it  from  Pitan.  That  and  Gor  are  the  north-east 
boundsof  this  great  monarchic.  33.  Patna  [Bihar]  ;  the  chiefe 
citie  so  called.  The  river  Ganges  bounds  it  on  the  west, 
Sersily  on  the  east.  It  is  a  very  fertile  province.  34.  Jesual ;  * 
the  chiefe  citie  called  Rajapore  [Rajpiira,  near  Amb].  It  lyeth 
east  of  Patna.  35.  Meuat  ;  ^  the  chiefe  citie  called  Narnol. 
It  is  very  mountaynous.  36.  Udessa  [Orissa]  ;  the  chiefe 
citie  called  Jokanat  [Jagannath].  It  is  the  most  remote  part 
east  of  all  this  kingdome.  37.  Bengala  ;  a  most  spacious  and 
fruitfuU  kingdome,  limited  by  the  gulfe  of  the  same  name, 
wherein  the  river  Ganges,  divided  in  foure  great  currents, 
loseth  it  selfe. 

And  here  a  great  errour  in  our  geographers  must  not  escape 
mee  ;  Avho  in  their  globes  and  maps  make  India  and  China 
neighbours,  when  many  large  countries  are  interposed  betwixt 
them  ;  which  great  distance  will  appeare  by  the  long  travell 
of  the  Indian  merchants,  who  are  usually  in  their  journey  and 
returne  more  then  two  yeeres  from  Agra  to  the  walls  of  China. 
The  length  of  those  forenamed  provinces  is,  north-west  to 
south-east,  at  the  least  one  thousand  courses,  every  Indian 
course  being  two  English  miles.  North  and  south,  the  extent 
thereof  is  about  fourteene  hundred  miles  ;  the  southermost 
part  lying  in  twentie  degrees,  the  northermost  in  fortie  three 
of  north  latitude.®  The  breadth  of  this  empire  is,  north-east 
to  south-west,  about  fifteene  hundred  miles. 

Now,   to   give   an   exact   account   of  all  those   forenamed 

•  As  shown  by  Baffin's  map,  this  is  an  error  for  '  Sersily  '  [i.  e,  the 
Saraswati],  as  under  no.  32. 

^  Paithan  or  Pathankot,  in  Kangra.  The  Gandak  river  runs  nowhere 
near  it. 

^  Gondwana,  in  the  Central  Provinces.  It  is  absurdly  misplaced  in  the 
text.    '  Karhakatenka  '  is  Garhakatanka,  near  Jabalpur. 

*  Jaswan,  in  Hoshiarpur  district  (Punjab). 

^  Mewat,  lying  to  the  south  of  Delhi.    Narnaul  was  its  chief  town 
^  This  is  quite  wrong,  but  he  is  following  Baffin's  map. 


296  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

provinces  vvcre  more  then  I  am  able  to  undcr-take  ;  yet  out 
of  that  I  have  observed  in  some  few  I  will  adventure  to  ghesse 
at  all ;  and  thinke  for  my  particular  that  the  Great  Mogol, 
considering  his  territories,  his  wealth,  and  his  rich  commodities, 
is  the  greatest  knowne  king  of  the  East,  if  not  of  the  world." 
To  make  my  owne  conjecture  more  apparent  to  others.  This 
wide  monarchic  is  very  rich  and  fertile  ;  so  much  abounding  in 
all  necessaries  for  the  use  of  man  as  that  it  is  able  to  subsist 
and  flourish  of  it  selfe,  without  the  least  helpe  from  any 
neighbour.  To  speake  first  of  that  which  nature  requires 
most,  foode.  This  land  abounds  in  singular  good  wheate, 
rice,  barley,  and  divers  other  kindes  of  graine  to  make  bread 
(the  staffe  of  life).  Their  wheate  growes  like  ours,  but  the 
graine  of  it  is  somewhat  bigger  and  more  white  ;  of  which  the 
inhabitants  make  such  pure  well-relished  bread  that  I  may 
speake  that  of  it  which  one  said  of  the  bread  in  the  Bishoprick 
of  Leige  ;  it  is  pcmis  pane  melior.^  The  common  people  make 
their  bread  up  in  cakes,  and  bake  it  on  small  iron  hearths, 
which  they  carry  with  them  when  as  they  journey,  making  use 
of  them  in  their  tents  ;  it  should  seeme  an  ancient  custome, 
^  I  as  may  appeare  by  that  president  of  Sarah,  when  shee  enter- 
*  j  tayned  the  angels  {Genes.  18).  To  their  bread  they  have  great 
*  abundance  of  other  good  provision,  as  butter  and  cheese,  by 
reason  of  their  great  number  of  kine,  sheepe,  and  goats. 
Besides  they  have  a  beast  very  large,  having  a  smooth,  thicke 
skinne  without  haire,  called  a  buffelo,  which  gives  good  milke  ; 
the  flesh  of  them  is  like  beefe,  but  not  so  wholsome.  They 
have  no  want  of  venison  of  divers  kinds,  as  red  deare,  fallow 
deare,  elkes,  and  antelops  ;  but  nowhere  imparked.  The 
whole  kingdome  is  as  it  were  a  forrest,  for  a  man  can  travell 
no  way  but  he  shall  see  them,  and  (except  it  bee  within  a  small 
distance  off  the  King)  they  are  every  mans  game.  To  these 
they  have  great  store  of  hares  ;  and,  further  to  furnish  out 
their  feasts,  varietie  of  fish  and  fowle.  It  were  as  infinite  as 
needlesse  to  relate  particulars  :  to  write  of  their  geese,  duckes, 
pigeons,  partridges,  quailes,  peacockes,  and  many  other 
singular  good  fowle,  all  which  are  bought  at  such  easie  rates 
as  that  I  have  seeue  a  good  mutton  [i.e.  a  sheep]  sold  for  the 
'  A  super-bread,  in  the  jargon  of  the  ^jreaent  day. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  297 

value  of  one  shilling,  foure  couple  of  hennes  at  the  same  price, 
one  hare  for  the  value  of  a  penie,  three  partridges  for  as  little, 
and  so  in  proportion  all  the  rest.  J  There  are  no  capons  amongst 
them  but  men.  The  beeves  [oxen]  of  that  countrey  differ  frbni' 
"ours,  in  that  tliey  have  each  of  them  a  great  bunch  of  grisselly 
flesh  which  growes  upon  the  meeting  of  their  shoulders.  Their 
sheepe  exceed  ours  in  great  bob-tayles,  Avhich  cut  off  are  very 
ponderous.  Their  wooll  is  generally  very  course  ;  but  the 
flesh  of  them  both  is  altogether  as  good  as  ours. 

Now,  to  season  this  good  provision,  there  is  great  store  of 
salt  ;  and  to  sweeten  all,  abundance  of  sugar  growing  in  the 
countrey,  which,  after  it  is  well  refined,  may  be  bought  for  two 
pence  the  pound  or  under.  Their  fruits  are  very  answerable 
to  the  rest  ;  the  countrey  full  of  musk-melons,  water-melons, 
pomegranats,  pome-citrons,^  limons,  oranges,  dates,  figs, 
grapes,  plantans  (a  long  round  yellow  fruit,  in  taste  like  to 
a  Norwich  peare),  mangoes  (in  shape  and  colour  like  to  our 
apricocks,  but  more  luscious),  and,  to  conclude  with  the  best 
of  all,  the  ananas  or  pine,^  which  seemes  to  the  taster  to  be  a 
pleasing  compound  made  of  strawberries,  claret-wine,  rose- 
water,  and  sugar,  well  tempered  together.  In  the  northermost 
parts  of  this  empire  they  have  varietie  of  apples  and  peares  ; 
every  where  good  roots,  as  carrets,  potatoes,^  and  others  like 
them  as  pleasant.  They  have  onions  and  garlicke,  and  choyce 
herbs  for  salads  ;  and  in  the  southermost  parts,  ginger  growing 
almost  in  every  place.  And  here  I  cannot  choose  but  take 
notice  of  a  pleasant  cleere  liquor  called  Taddy  [toddy],  issuing 
from  a  spongie  tree  that  growes  straight  and  tall,  without 
boughs  to  the  top,  and  there  spreads  out  in  branches  (some- 

1  The  lime,  or  possibly  the  pomelo.  In  his  later  edition  Terry  added  to 
this  list  of  fruits  '  prunelloes  '  [i.  e.  dried  plums],  almonds,  coco-nuts,  and 
myrobalans. 

^  The  pine-apple  {ananas),  which  had  been  introduced  into  India  from 
America  by  the  Portuguese. 

'  In  the  1655  edition  Teriy  mentions  (p.  210)  '  potatoes  excellently 
well  dressed  '  as  having  been  served  at  a  banquet  given  by  Asaf  Khan  to 
Sir  Thomas  Roe  in  Nov.  1617.  According  to  Sir  George  Watt  {Commer- 
cial Products  of  India,  p.  1028),  this  is  the  first  mention  of  the  ordinary 
potato  in  connexion  with  India.  It  is,  however,  possible  that  Terry  was 
referring  to  the  sweet  potato,  which  was  common  in  India  at  that  time 
and  was  well  known  in  England  under  the  name  of  '  potato  '. 


298  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

what  like  to  an  English  colewort),  where  they  make  incisions, 
under  which  they  hang  small  earthen  pots  to  preserve  the 
influence.^  That  which  distills  forth  in  the  night  is  as  pleasing 
to  the  taste  as  any  white  wine,  if  drunke  betimes  in  the 
morning  ;  but  in  the  heat  of  the  day  the  sunne  alters  it  so  as 
that  it  becomes  heady,  ill  relished,  and  unwholsome.  It  is  a 
piercing  medicinable  drinke,  if  taken  early  and  moderately, 
as  some  have  found  by  happie  experience,  thereby  eased  from 
their  torture  inflicted  by  that  shame  of  physicians  and  tyrant 
of  all  maladies,  the  stone. 

At  Surat,  and  to  Agra  and  beyond,  it  never  raines  but  one 
season  of  the  yeere,  which  begins  neere  the  time  that  the 
sunne  comes  to  the  Northerne  Tropicke,  and  so  continues  till 
his  returne  backe  to  the  Line.  These  violent  raines  are  ushered 
in,  and  take  their  leave,  with  most  fearefull  tempests  of  thunder 
and  lightning,  more  terrible  then  I  can  expresse,  yet  seldome 
doe  harme.  The  reason  in  Nature  may  be  the  subtiltie  of  the 
aire,  wherein  there  are  fewer  thunderstones  made  then  in  such 
climates  where  the  aire  is  grosse  and  cloudy.  In  those  three 
moneths  it  raines  every  day  more  or  lesse,  sometimes  one  whole 
quarter  of  the  moone  scarce  with  any  intermission  ;  which 
aboundance  of  raine,  with  the  heat  of  the  sunne,  doth  so 
enrich  the  ground  (wliich  they  never  force)  as  that,  like  Egypt 
by  the  inundation  of  Nilus,  it  makes  it  fruitfull  all  the  yeere 
after.  But  when  this  time  of  raine  is  passed  over,  the  skie  is 
so  cleere  as  that  scarcely  one  cloud  is  scene  in  their  hemisphere 
the  nine  moneths  after.  And  here  the  goodnesse  of  the  soyle 
nmst  not  escape  my  pen  ;  most  apparent  in  this,  for  when  the 
ground  hath  beene  destitute  of  raine  nine  moneths,  and  lookes 
like  to  barren  sands,  within  seven  dayes  after  the  raine  begins 
to  fall  it  puts  on  a  greene  coate.  And  further  to  confirme  this, 
amongst  many  hundred  acres  of  corne  I  have  beheld  in  those 
parts,  I  never  saw  any  but  came  up  as  thicke  as  the  land  could 
well  beare  it.  They  till  their  ground  with  oxen  and  foot- 
ploughs.  Their  seed-time  is  in  May  and  the  beginning  of  June  ; 
their  harvest  in  November  and  December,  the  most  temperate 
moneths  in  all  their  yeere.  Their  ground  is  not  enclosed, 
unlesse  it  be  neere  townes  and  villages,  which  (though  not 

'  i.  e.  that  wliich  flows  in. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  299 

expressed  in  the  map,  for  want  of  their  true  names)  stand  very 
thicke.  They  mowe  not  their  grasse  (as  we)  to  make  hay,  but 
cut  it  either  greene  or  withered  on  tlie  ground  as  they  have 
occasion  to  use  it.  They  sowe  tobacco  in  abundance  ;  but 
know  not  liow  to  cure  and  make  it  strong,  as  those  in  the 
Westerne  India  [i.e.  the  West  Indies]. 

The  countrey  is  beautified  with  many  woods  and  great 
varietie  of  faire  goodly  trees  ;  but  I  never  saw  any  there  of 
those  kinds  which  England  affoords.  Their  trees  in  general! 
are  sappie,  which  I  ascribe  to  the  fatnesse  of  the  soyle.  Some 
of  them  have  leaves  as  broad  as  bucklers  ;  others  are  parted 
small  as  feme,  as  the  tamarine  trees,  which  beare  a  sowre 
fruit  that  growes  somewhat  like  our  beanes,  most  wholesome 
for  to  coole  and  cleanse  the  bloud.  There  is  one  tree  amongst 
them  of  speciall  observation,  out^^of  whose  branches  grow 
little  sprigs  downeward  till  they  take  root,  and  so  at  length 
prove  strong  supporters  unto  the  armes  that  yeeld  them  ; 
whence  it  comes  to  passe  that  these  trees  in  time  grow  unto 
a  great  height  and  extend  themselves  to  an  incredible  bredth.^ 
All  the  trees  in  those  southerne  parts  of  India  still  keepe  on 
their  greene  mantles.  For  their  flowres,  they  rather  delight 
the  eye  then  affect  the  sense  ;  in  colour  admirable,  but  few  of 
them,  unlesse  roses  and  one  or  two  kinds  more,  that  are  any 
whit  fragrant. 

This  region  is  watered  with  manj'  goodly  rivers.  The  two 
principall  are  Indus  and  Ganges.  Where  this  thing  remarkable 
must  not  passe  :  that  one  pinte  of  the  water  of  Ganges  weigheth 
lesse  by  an  once  then  any  in  the  whole  kingdome  ^  ;  and  there- 
fore the  Mogol,  wheresoever  hee  is,  hath  it  brought  to  him  that 
he  may  drinke  it.^  Besides  their  rivers,  they  have  store  of  wells, 
fed  with  springs,  upon  which  in  many  places  they  bestow  great 
cost  in  stone-worke.    To  these  they  have  many  ponds,  which 

*  Needless  to  say,  this  is  the  Banyan  or  Indian  Fig-tree. 

^  Ovington  ( Voyage  to  Suratt,  1689)  says  that  '  a  quart  of  it  is  lighter 
by  much  than  any  other  water  '  (p.  209). 

'  The  1655  edition  adds  :  '  The  water  is  brought  to  the  King  in  fine 
copper  jars,  excellently  well  tin'd  on  the  inside,  and  sealed  up  when  they 
are  delivered  to  the  water-bearers  for  the  King's  use  ;  two  of  which 
j  arse  very  one  carries,  hanging  upon  slings  fitted  for  the  porter's  shoulders.' 


300  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

they  call  tankes  ;  some  of  them  more  then  a  mile  or  two  in 
compasse,  made  round  or  square,  girt  about  with  faire  stone- 
walls, within  which  are  steps  of  well-squared  stone  which 
encompasse  the  water,  for  men  every  way  to  goe  downe  and 
take  it.  These  tankes  are  filled  when  that  abundance  of  raine 
falls,  and  keepe  water  to  relieve  the  inhabitants  that  dwell 
farre  from  springs  or  rivers,  till  that  wet  season  come  againc. 
'  This  ancient  drinke  of  the  world  is  the  common  drinke  of 
India.  It  is  more  sweet  and  pleasant  then  ours,  and  in  those 
liot  countries  agreeth  better  with  mens  bodies  then  any  other 
liquor.  Some  small  quantitie  of  wine  (but  not  common)  is 
made  among  them.  They  call  it  Raack  [arrack],  distilled  from 
sugar  and  a  spicie  rinde  of  a  tree,  called  Jagra.^  It  is  very 
wholsome,  if  taken  moderately.  Many  of  the  people  who  are 
strict  in  their  religion  drinke  no  wine  at  all.  They  use  a  liquor 
more  healthfull  then  pleasant,  they  call  Cohha  [coffee  :  Arabic 
kahwa]  :  a  blacke  seed  boyled  in  water,  which  doth  little  alter 
the  taste  of  the  water.  Notwithstanding,  it  is  very  good  to 
helpe  digestion,  to  quicken  the  spirits,  and  to  dense  the  bloud. 
There  is  yet  another  helpe  to  comfort  the  stomacke  for  such 
as  forbeare  wine,  an  herbe  called  Beetle  or  Paune  [see  p.  143]. 
It  is  in  shape  somewhat  like  an  ivie  leafe,  but  more  tender. 
They  chew  it  with  an  hard  nut  some-what  like  a  nut-megge, 
and  a  little  pure  white  lime  among  the  leaves  ;  and  when  they 
have  sucked  out  the  juyce,  put  forth  the  rest.  It  hath  many 
rare  qualities  ;  for  it  preserves  the  teeth,  comforts  the  braine, 
strengthens  the  stomacke,  and  cures  or  prevents  a  tainted 
breath. 

Their  buildings  are  generally  base,  except  it  be  in  their 
cities,  wherein  I  have  observed  many  faire  piles.  Many  of 
their  houses  are  built  high  and  flat  on  the  toppe,  from  whence 
in  the  coole  seasons  of  the  day  they  take  in  fresh  ayre.  They 
have  no  chimnies  to  their  houses,  for  they  never  use  fire  but 
to  dresse  their  meate.  In  their  upper  roomes  they  have  many 
lights  and  doores  to  let  in  the  ayre,  but  use  no  glasse.  The 
materials  of  their  best  buildings  are  bricke  or  stone,  well 
squared  and  composed  ;   which  I  have  observed  in  Amadavar 

'  Jagra  is  a  coarse  sugar  made  from  the  sap  (not  the  rind)  of  various 
palms  (see  p.  13). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1610-19  301 

(that  one  instance  may  stand  for  all),  which  is  a  most  spacious 
and  rich  citie,  entred  by  twelve  faire  gates,  and  compassed 
about  with  a  flrme  stone  wall.  Both  in  their  villages  and  cities 
are  usually  many  faire  trees  among  their  houses,  which  are 
a  great  defence  against  the  violence  of  the  sunne.  They 
commonly  stand  so  thicke  that,  if  a  man  behold  a  citie  or 
towne  from  some  conspicuous  place,  it  will  seeme  a  wood 
rather  then  a  citie. 

The  staple  commodities  of  this  kingdome  are  indico  ^  and 
cotton-wooll.  For  cotton-wooU  they  plant  seedes  which  grow 
up  into  shrubs  like  unto  our  rose-bushes.  It  blowes  first 
into  a  yellow  blossome,  which  falling  off,  there  remaynes  a 
cod  about  the  bignesse  of  a  mans  thumbe,  in  which  the 
substance  is  moyst  and  yellow,  but,  as  it  ripens,  it  swels 
bigger  till  it  breake  the  covering,  and  so  in  short  time  becomes 
white  as  snow,  and  then  they  gather  it.  These  shrubs  beare 
three  or  foure  yeares  ere  they  supplant  them.  Of  this  wool! 
they  make  divers  sorts  of  pure  white  cloth,  some  of  which  I 
have  scene  as  fine,  if  not  purer  then,  our  best  lawne.  Some  of 
the  courser  sort  of  it  they  dye  into  colours,  or  else  stayne  in  it 
varietie  of  curious  figures. 

The  ship  that  usually  goeth  from  Surat  to  Moha  [Mokha]  is 
of  exceeding  great  burthen.  Some  of  them,  I  beleeve,  at  the 
least  fourteene  or  sixteene  hundred  tunnes  ;  but  ill  built,  and, 
though  they  have  good  ordnance,  cannot  well  defend  them- 
selves. In  these  ships  are  yeerely  abundance  of  passengers  ; 
for  instance,  in  one  ship  returning  thence,  that  yeere  we  left 
India,  came  seventeene  hundred,  the  most  of  which  number 
goe  not  for  profit  but  out  of  devotion  to  visite  the  sepulchre 
of  Mahomet  at  Medina,  neere  Meche,  about  one  hundred  and 
fiftie  leagues  from  Moha.  Those  which  have  beene  there  are 
ever  after  called  Hoggeis  [Haji],  or  holy  men.  The  ship  bound 
from  Surat  to  the  Red  Sea  beginnes  her  voyage  about  the 
twentieth  of  March,  and  finisheth  it  towards  the  end  of 
September  following.     The  voyage  is  but  short    and  might 

*  Purchas  omitted  Terry's  account  of  indigo  culture,  referring  the 
reader  instead  to  Finch's  narrative  (see  j).  153).  The  omitted  portion 
will  be  found  in  the  1655  edition  (p.  113),  but  it  scarcely  merits  quota- 
tion here. 


302  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

easily  bee  made  in  two  moneths  ;  but  in  the  long  season  of 
raine,  and  a  little  before  and  after  it,  the  winds  are  commonly 
so  violent  tliat  there  is  no  eomming,  but  with  great  hazard, 
into  the  Indian  Sea.  The  ship  returning  is  usually  worth  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling,  most  of  it  in  gold  and 
silver.  Besides,  for  what  quantitie  of  monies  comes  out  of 
Europe  by  other  meanes  into  India,  I  cannot  answere  ;  this 
I  am  sure  of,  that  many  silver  streames  runne  thither,  as  all 
rivers  to  the  sea,  and  there  stay,  it  being  lawfull  for  any  nation 
to  bring  in  silver  and  fetch  commodities,  but  a  crime  not  lesse 
then  capitall  to  carry  any  great  summe  thence.  The  coyne  or 
bullion  brought  thither  is  presently  melted  and  refined,  and  then 
the  Mogols  stampe  (which  is  his  name  and  title  in  Persian 
letters)  put  upon  it.  This  coyne  is  more  pure  then  any  I  know, 
made  of  perfect  silver  without  any  allay  ;  so  that  in  the 
Spanish  riall  (the  purest  money  of  Europe)  there  is  some  losse. 
They  call  their  pieces  of  money  roopees,  of  which  there  are 
some  of  divers  values  ;  the  meanest  worth  two  shillings, ^  and 
the  best  about  two  sliillings  and  nine  pence  sterling.  By  these 
they  account  their  estates  and  payments.  There  is  a  coyne 
of  inferiour  value  in  Guzarat  called  mamoodies  [see  p.  77], 
about  twelve  pence  sterling.  Both  the  former  and  these  are 
made  likewise  in  halfes  and  quarters  ;  ^  so  that  three  pence  is 
the  least  piece  of  silver  currant  in  the  countrey.^  That  which 
passeth  up  and  downe  for  exchange  under  this  rate  is  brasse  * 
money,  which  they  call  pices  ;  whereof  three  or  thereabouts 
countervaile  a  peny.  They  are  made  so  massie  as  that  the 
brasse  in  them,  put  to  other  uses,  is  well  worth  the  silver  they 
are  rated  at.  Their  silver  coyne  is  made  either  round  or  square, 
but  so  thicke  that  it  never  breakes  nor  weares  out.^ 

Now,  farther  for  commodities,  the  countrey  yeelds  good 
store  of  silke,  which  they  weave  curiously,  sometimes  mingled 
with  silver  or  gold.  They  make  velvets,  sattins,  and  taffataes  ; 
but  not  so  rich  as  those  of  Italy.    Many  drugs  and  gummes  are 

'  This  is  amended  in  the  1655  edition  to  2s.  3d. 
^  '  Some  few  in  quarters  '  (1655  edition). 
'  '  And  very  few  of  them  to  be  seen  '  (ibid. ). 

*  '  Or  copper  '  (ibid.). 

*  '  They  have  pure  gold  coyn  likewise,  some  pieces  of  great  vahie ; 
but  these  are  not  very  ordinarily  seen  amongst  them  '  (1655  edition). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  303 

found  amongst  them,  especially  gum-lac,  with  which  they 
make  their  hard  wax.  The  earth  yeelds  good  minerals  of  lead, 
iron,  copper,  and  brasse,  and  they  say  of  silver  ;  which,  if  true, 
they  neede  not  open,  being  so  enriched  by  other  nations.  The 
spices  they  have  come  from  other  places,  from  the  Hands  of 
Sumatra,  Java,  and  the  Moluccoes.  For  places  of  pleasure 
they  have  curious  gardens,  planted  with  fruitfull  trees  and 
delightfuU  flowers,  to  which  Nature  daily  lends  such  a  supply 
as  that  they  seeme  never  to  fade.  In  these  places  they  have 
pleasant  fountaynes  to  bathe  in  and  other  delights  by  sundrie 
conveyances  of  water,  whose  silent  murmure  helps  to  lay  their 
senses  with  the  bonds  of  sleepe  in  the  hot  seasons  of  the  day. 

But  lest  this  remote  countrey  should  seeme  like  an  earthly 
Paradise  without  any  discommodities,  I  must  needes  take 
notlceT  there  of  many  lions,  tygres,  wolves,  jackals  (which 
seeme  to  be  wild  dogs),  and  many  other  harmefull  beasts.  In 
their  rivers  are  many  crocodiles,  and  on  the  land  over-growne 
snakes,  with  other  venimous  and  pernicious  creatures.  In  our 
houses  there  we  often  meete  with  scorpions,  whose  stinging 
is  most  sensible  and  deadly,  if  the  patient  have  not  presently 
some  oyle  that  is  made  of  them,  to  anoint  the  part  affected  ; 
which  is  a  present  cure.  The  aboundance  of  flyes  in  those  parts 
doe  likewise  much  annoy  us  ;  for  in  the  heate  of  the  day  their 
numberlesse  number  is  such  as  that  we  can  be  quiet  in  no  place 
for  them.  They  are  ready  to  cover  our  meate  assoone  as  it  is 
placed  on  the  table  ;  and  therefore  wee  have  men  that  stand 
on  purpose  with  napkins  to  fright  them  away  when  as  wee  are 
eating.  In  the  night  likewise  we  are  much  disquieted  with 
musquatoes,  like  our  gnats,  but  somewhat  lesse.^  And  in  their 
great  cities  there  are  such  aboundance  of  bigge  hungrie  rats 
that  they  often  bite  a  man  as  he  lyeth  on  his  bed. 

The  windes  in  those  parts,  which  they  call  the  Monson,  blow 
constantly,  altering  but  few  points  ;  sixe  moneths  southerly, 
the  other  sixe  northerly.  The  moneths  of  Aprill  and  May,  and 
the  beginning  of  June  till  the  rayne  fall,  are  so  extreme  hot  as 
tliat  the  winde,  blowing  but  gently,  receives  such  heate  from 
the  parched  ground  that  it  much  offends  those  that  receive 

*  The  1655  edition  adds  that  '  chinches  '  (i.  e.  bugs)  were  a  further 
nuisance. 


;304  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

the  breath  of  it.    But  God  doth  so  provide  for  those  parts  that 

most  commonly  he  sends  such  a  strong  gale  as  well  tempers  the 

hot  ayre.     Sometimes  the  winde  blowes  very  high  in  those 

hot  and  drie  seasons,  raysing  up  thick  clouds  of  dust  and  sand, 

which  appeare  like  darke  clouds  full  of  rayne.    They  greatly 

,'  annoy  the  people  when  they  fall  amongst  them.    But  there  is 

i  no  countrey  without  some  discommodities  ;   for  therefore  the 

j  wise  Disposer  of  all  things  hath  tempered  bitter  things  with 

I  sweet,  to  teach  man  that  there  is  no  true  and  perfect  content 

\  to  be  found  in  any  kingdom  but  that  of  God. 

But  I  will  returne  againe  whence  I  disgressed,  and  looke 
farther  into  the  qualitie  of  the  countrey  ;  that  affords  very 
good  horses,  which  the  inhabitants  know  well  to  manage. 
Besides  their  owne,  they  have  many  of  the  Persian,  Tartarian, 
and  Arabian  breede,  which  have  the  name  to  be  the  choise 
ones  of  the  world.  They  are  about  the  bignesse  of  ours,  and 
valued  among  them  as  deare,  if  not  at  a  higher  rate  then  we 
usually  esteeme  ours.  They  are  kept  daintily,  every  good 
horse  being  allowed  a  man  to  dresse  and  feede  him  ;  their 
provender  a  kind  of  graine,  called  Donna  [Dana,  grain],  some- 
what like  our  pease,  which  they  boyle,  and  when  it  is  cold, 
give  them  mingled  with  course  sugar  ;  and  twise  or  thrise  in 
the  weeke  butter  to  scoure  their  bodies.  Here  are  likewise  a 
great  number  of  camels,  dromedaries,  mules,  asses,  and  some 
rhynocerots,  which  are  large  beasts  as  bigge  as  the  fayrest 
oxen  England  affords  ;  their  skins  lye  platted,  or  as  it  were  in 
wrinkles  upon  their  backs.  They  have  many  elephants  ;  the 
King  for  his  owne  particular  being  master  of  fourteene 
thousand,  and  his  nobles  and  all  men  of  qualitie  in  the  countrey 
have  more  or  lesse  of  them,  some  to  the  number  of  one  hundred. 
The  elephants,  though  they  bee  the  largest  of  all  creatures  the 
earth  brings  forth,  yet  are  so  tractable  (unlesse  at  times  when 
they  are  mad)  that  a  little  boy  is  able  to  rule  the  biggest  of 
them.  Some  of  them  I  have  scene  thirteene  foot  high  ;  but 
there  are  amongst  them  (as  I  have  beene  often  told)  flfteene 
at  the  least.  The  colour  of  them  all  is  black  ;  their  skins 
thick  and  smooth  without  haire.  They  take  much  delight  to 
bathe  themselves  in  water,  and  swim  better  then  any  beast 
I  know.    They  lye  downe  and  arise  againe  at  pleasure,  as  other 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  005 

beasts  doe.  Their  pace  is  not  swift,  about  tliree  mile  an  houre  ; 
but  of  all  beasts  in  the  world  are  most  sure  of  foot,  for  they 
never  fall  nor  stumble  to  endanger  their  rider.  They  are  most 
docile  creatures  and,  of  all  those  we  account  meerely  sensible, 
come  neerest  unto  reason.  Lipsius  ^  in  his  Epistles  (1  Cent. 
Epist.  50)  out  of  his  observations  from  others  writes  more  of  ^ 
them  then  I  can  confirme,  or  any  (I  perswade  my  selfe)  beleeve  ; 
yet  many  things  remarkable,  which  seeme  indeed  acts  of  reason 
rather  then  sence,  I  have  observed  in  them.  For  instance,  an 
elephant  will  doe  any  thing  almost  that  his  keeper  commands 
him  ;  as,  if  he  would  have  him  affright  a  man,  he  will  make 
towards  him  as  if  hee  would  tread  him  in  pieces,  and  when  he 
is  come  at  him,  doe  him  no  hurt  ;  if  he  would  have  him  to 
abuse  or  disgrace  a  man,  he  will  take  dirt  or  kennell  water  in 
his  trunke  and  dash  it  in  his  face.  Their  trunks  are  long 
grisselly  snouts  hanging  downe  twixt  their  teeth,  by  some 
called  their  hand,  which  they  make  use  of  upon  all  occasions. 

An  English  merchant  of  good  credit  upon  his  owne  knowledge 
reported  this  of  a  great  elephant  in  Adsmeere  (the  place  then 
of  the  Mogols  residence),  who  being  brought  often  through  the 
bazar  or  market  place,  a  woman  who  sate  there  to  sell  herbs 
was  wont  usually  to  give  him  a  handfull  as  he  passed  by.  This 
elephant  afterward,  being  mad,  brake  his  fetters  and  tooke  his 
way  through  the  market  place.  The  people,  all  affrighted, 
made  haste  to  secure  themselves  ;  amongst  whom  was  this 
herbe-woman,  who  (for  feare  and  haste)  forgat  her  little  child. 
The  elephant,  come  to  the  place  where  shee  usually  sate, 
stopt,  and,  seeing  a  child  lie  about  her  herbs,  tooke  it  up  gently 
with  his  trunke,  not  doing  it  the  least  harme,  and  layed  it 
upon  a  stall  under  a  house  not  farre  off  ;  and  then  proceeded 
in  his  furious  course.  Acosta  (a  travelling  Jesuite)  relates  the 
like  of  an  elephant  in  Goa,  from  his  owne  experience.^  Some 
elephants  the  King  keeps  for  execution  of  malefactors  ;  who 
being  brought  to  suffer  death  by  that  mightie  beast,  if  his 
keeper  bid  him  dispatch  the  offender  speedily,  will  presently 
with  his  foot  pash  him  into  pieces  ;    if  otherwise  he  would 

'  Justus  Lipsius  (Joest  Lips),  the  Dutch  humanist,  1547-1C06. 
^  See  Christoval  Acosta's  Tradado  de  las  Drogas  y  Medecinas  de  las 
Indias  Orientales  (Burgos,  1578),  p.  417. 

X 


306  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

have  liim  tortured,  this  vast  ereatnre  will  breake  his  joynts 
by  degrees  one  after  the  other,  as  men  are  broken  upon  the 
wheele. 
\       The  Mogol  takes  much  delight  in  those  stately  creatures,  and 
therefore  oft  when  hee  sits  forth  in  his  majestic  calls  for  them, 
especially  the  fairest  ;    who  are  taught  to  bend  to  him  as  it 
were  in  reverence,  when  they  first  come  into  his  presence. 
They  often  fight  before  him,  beginning  their  combat  like  rams, 
by  running  fiercely  one  at  the  other  ;  after,  as  boares  with  their 
tusks,  they  fight  with  their  teeth  and  trunks.    In  this  violent 
opposition  they  are  each  so  careful!  to  preserve  his  rider,  as 
that  very  few  of  them  at  those  times  receive  hurt.    They  are 
governed  with  an  hook  of  Steele,  made  like  the  iron  end  of  a 
boat-hook,  with  wliich  their  keepers,  sitting  on  their  neekes, 
put  them  back  or  pricke  them  forward  at  their  pleasure.    Tlie 
i'King  traines  up  many  of  his  elephants  for  the  warre  ;    who 
carrie  each  of  them  one  iron  gunne  about  sixe  foot  long,  lying 
upon  a  square  strong  frame  of  wood,  fastned  with  girts  or 
ropes  upon  him,  which  like  an  harquebuse  is  let  into  the  timber 
with  a  loop  of  iron.     At  the  foure  corners  of  this  frame  are 
banners  of  silke,  put  upon  short  poles  ;    within  sits  a  gimner 
to  make  his  shot  according  to  his  occasion.    The  peece  ean'ieth 
a  bullet  about  the  bignesse  of  a  little  tennis-ball.    Wlien  the 
King  travels,   he  hath  many  elephants  thus  appointed  for 
guard.    Hee  keeps  many  of  them  for  state  to  goe  before  him, 
who  are  adorned  with  bosses  of  brasse,  and  some  of  them  are 
made  of  massie  silver  or  gold,  having  likewise  divers  bells 
about  them,  in  which  they  delight.    They  have  faire  coverings, 
either  of  cloth  or  velvet  or  cloth  of  silver  or  gold  ;    and  for 
greater  state,  banners  of  silke  carried  before  them,  in  which  is 
the  ensigne  of  their  great  king  (a  lion  in  the  sunne)  ^  imprinted. 
These  are  allowed  each  three  or  foure  men  at  the  least,  to  waite 
upon  them.    Hee  makes  use  of  others  to  carrie  himselfe  or  his 
women,  who  sit  in  pretie  convenient  receptacles  fastned  on 
their  backes  (which  our  painters  describe  like  to  castles),  made 
of  slight  turn'd  pillars,  richly  covered,  that  will  hold  foure 
sitters.     Others  he  employes  for  carriage  of  his  necessaries. 

*  See  The  Embassy  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  vol.  ii,  p.  563. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  307 

Onely  lie  hatli  one  faire  elephant,  which  is  content  to  be 
fettered,  but  would  never  indure  man  or  other  bxirthen  on 
his  backe. 

These  vast  beasts,  though  the  countrey  be  very  fruitfuU  and 
all  provision  cheape,  yet  by  reason  of  their  huge  bulke  are  very 
chargeable  in  keeping  ;  for  such  as  are  well  fed  stand  their 
masters  in  foure  or  five  shillings  each  of  them  the  day.  They 
are  kept  without  doores,  where  by  a  sollid  chaine  upon  one 
of  their  hind  legges  they  fasten  thein  to  a  tree  or  some  strong 
post.  As  they  stand  in  the  sunne,  the  flyes  often  vex  them  ; 
wherefore  with  their  feete  they  make  dust,  the  ground  being- 
very  dry,  and  with  their  truncks  cast  it  about  their  bodies  to 
drive  away  the  flyes.  Whenas  they  are  mad  (as  usually  the 
males  are  once  a  yeare  for  their  females,  when  they  are  lustie, 
but  in  few  dayes  after  come  againe  in  temj^^er),  they  are  so 
mischievous  that  they  will  strike  any  thing  (but  their  keeper) 
that  comes  in  their  way  ;  and  their  strength  is  such  as  that 
they  will  beate  an  horse  or  camell  dead  with  their  truncke  at 
one  blow.  At  these  times,  to  prevent  mischiefe,  they  are  kept 
apart  from  company,  fettered  with  chaines.  But  if  by  chance 
iti  tlieir  plirensie  they  get  loose,  they  will  make  after  every 
thing  they  see  stirre  ;  in  which  case  there  is  no  meanes  to  stop 
them  in  their  violent  course  but  by  lighting  of  wild-fire, 
prepared  for  that  purpose,  whose  sparkling  and  cracking- 
makes  them  stand  still  and  tremble.  The  King  allowes  every 
one  of  his  great  elephants  foure  females,  which  in  their  language 
they  call  wives.  The  males  testicles  lye  about  his  fore-head  ; 
the  females  teates  are  betwixt  her  fore-legges.  Shee  carrieth 
her  young  one  whole  yeare  ere  she  bring  it  forth.  Thirtie  yeares 
expire  ere  they  come  to  their  full  growth,  and  they  fulfill  the 
accustomed  age  of  man  ere  they  dye.  Notwithstanding  the 
great  plentie  of  them,  they  are  valued  there  at  exceeding  great 
rates  ;  some  of  them  prized  at  one  thousand  pounds  sterling 
and  more.  — , 

/Now,  for  the  inhabitants  of  Indostan,  they  were  anciently    | 
Gentiles,  or  notorious  idolaters,  called  in  general!  Hindoos  ;    ' 
Uiit  ever  since  they  were  subdued  by  Tamberlaine,  have  beene 
mixed  with  Mahometans.     There  are  besides  many  Persians 
and  Tartars,  many  Abissines  and  Annenians,  and  some  few 

x2 


308  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

almost  of  every  people  in  Asia,'  if  not  of  Europe,  tliat  have 
residence  here.  Amongst  tliem  are  some  Jewes,  but  not 
beloved,  for  their  very  name  is  a  proverbe  or  word  of  reproch. 
For  the  stature  of  these  Easterne  Indians,  they  are  like  us, 
but  generally  very  streight,  for  I  never  beheld  any  in  those 
parts  crooked.  They  are  of  a  tawnie  or  olive  colour  ;  their 
haire  blacke  as  a  raven,  but  not  curl'd.  They  love  not  a  man 
or  woman  that  is  very  white  or  faire,  because  that  (as  they  say) 
is  the  colour  of  lepers  (common  amongst  them).  Most  of  the 
Mahometans,  but  the  Moolaes  (which  are  their  priests)  or  those 
that  are  very  old  and  retyred,  keepe  their  chinnes  bare,  but 
suffer  the  haire  on  their  upper  lip  to  grow  as  long  as  Nature 
will  feed  it.^  They  usually  shave  off  all  the  haire  from  their 
heads,  reserving  onely  a  locke  on  the  crowne  for  Mahomet  to 
pull  them  into  Heaven.  Both  among  the  Mahometans  and 
Gentiles  are  excellent  barbers.  The  people  often  wash  their 
bodies,  and  anoint  themselves  with  sweet  oyles. 

The  habits  both  of  the  men  and  women  are  little  different, 
made  for  the  most  part  of  white  cotton-cloth.  For  the  fashion, 
they  are  close,  streight  to  the  middle,  hanging  loose  downward 
below  the  knee.  They  weare  long  breeches  underneath,  made 
close  to  their  bodies,  that  reach  to  their  ankles,  ruffling  like 
boots  on  the  smal  of  their  legs.  Their  feet  are  bare  in  their 
shooes,  which  most  commonly  they  weare  like  slippers,  that 
they  may  the  more  readily  put  them  off  when  they  come  into 
their  houses,  whose  floores  are  covered  with  excellent  carpets 
(made  in  that  kingdom,  good  as  any  in  Turkic  or  Persia)  or 
somwhat  else  (according  to  the  qualitie  of  the  man)  more  base, 
upon  which  they  sit,  when  as  they  conferre  or  eate,  like  taylors 
on  their  shop-boards.  The  mens  heads  are  covered  with  a  long 
thinne  wreathe  of  cloth,  white  or  coloured,  which  goes  many 
times  about  them  ;  they  call  it  a  shash.  They  uncover  not 
their  heads  when  as  they  doe  reverence  to  their  superiours,  but 
in  stead  of  that  bow  their  bodies,  putting  their  right  hands  to 
the  top  of  their  heads,  after  that  they  have  touched  the  earth 

'  In  the  later  edition  Terry  avers  that  he  saw  some  Chinese  and 
Japanese  in  India. 

2  The  1655  edition  says  that  the  hair  is  kept  black  '  by  combing  it 
continually  with  black  lead  combes  '. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  309 

with  them  ;  as  much  as  to  say,  the  partie  they  salute  shall,  if 
he  please,  tread  upon  them.  Those  that  bee  equals  take  one 
the  other  by  the  chinne  or  beard,  as  Joab  did  Amasa  (2  Sam,  20),  : 
but  salute  in  love,  not  treacherie.  They  have  good  words  to 
expresse  their  wel-wishes,  as  this  :  Greeh-a  Nemoas  ;  that  is  : 
/  ivish  the  prayers  of  the  jfoore  ;  ^  and  many  other  like  these  most 
significant. 

The  Mahometan  women,  except  they  bee  dishonest  or  poore, 
come  not  abroad.  They  are  very  well  favoured,  though  not 
faire  ;  their  heads  covered  with  veiles.  Their  haire  hangs 
down  behind  them  twisted  with  silke.  Those  of  qualitie  are 
bedecked  with  many  jewels  about  their  neckes  and  wrists. 
Round  about  their  cares  are  holes  made  for  pendants  ;  and 
every  woman  hath  one  of  her  nostrils  pierced,  that  there,  when 
as  sliee  please,  shee  may  weare  a  ring.  It  should  seeme  an 
ancient  ornament  {Es[aiah]  3.  21).  The  women  in  those  parts 
have  a  great  happinesse  above  all  I  know,  in  their  easie 
bringing  forth  of  children  ;  for  it  is  a  thing  common  there,  for 
women  great  with  childe  one  day  to  ride,  carrying  their  infants 
in  their  bodies,  the  next  day  to  ride  againe,  carrying  them  in 
their  armes. 

For  the  language  of  this  empire,  I  meane  the  vulgar,  it  is 
called  Indostan  ;  a  smooth  tongue,  and  easie  to  be  pronounced, 
which  they  write  as  wee  to  the  right  hand.^  The  learned 
tongues  are  Persian  and  Arabian,  which  they  write  backward, 
as  the  Hebrewes,  to  the  left.  There  is  little  learning  among 
them  ;  a  reason  whereof  may  be  their  penury  of  bookes,  which 
are  but  few,  and  they  manuscripts.  But  doubtlesse  they  are 
men  of  strong  capacities,  and,  were  there  literature  among 
tliem,  would  be  the  authors  of  many  excellent  workes.  They 
Tiave  heard  of  Aristotle  (whom  they  call  Aplis  ^),  and  have  some 

^  The  phrase  is  really  a  form  of  address  :  (jharib-nawaz,  '  considerate 
to  the  poor  '.  Sir  Charles  Lyall  points  out  that  Terry  has  confused 
nawdz  with  narihaz  (prayers). 

^  '  It  is  expressed  by  letters  wluch  arc  very  much  different  from  those 
alphabets  by  which  the  Persian  and  Arabian  tongues  are  formed  ' 
(1655  edition,  j).  232).  Terry  is  referring  to  either  Hindi  or  Gujarati, 
written  in  the  ndgari  characters. 

'  Possibly  Terry  had  heard  him  referred  to  as  al  failsuf,  i.  e.  the 
philosopher. 


# 


310  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

of  his  bookes  translated  into  Arabian.  Avicenna,  that  noble 
physician,  was  borne  in  Samarcandia,  the  countrey  of  Tamer- 
laine  ;  in  whose  science  they  have  good  skill.  The  common 
diseases  of  the  countrey  are  bloudie  fluxes,  hot  fevers  and 
calentures  ;  in  all  which  they  prescribe  fasting  as  a  principal} 
remedie.  That  filthy  disease,  the  consequence  of  inconti- 
nencie,  is  common  amongst  them.  The  people  in  generall 
'  live  about  our  ages  ;  but  they  have  more  old  men.  They 
delight  much  in  musicke,  and  have  many  stringed  and  wind 
instruments,  which  never  seemed  in  my  care  to  bee  any  thing 
but  discord.  They  write  many  wittie  poems,  and  compose 
stories  or  annals  of  their  owne  countrey  ;  and  professe  them- 
selves to  have  good  skill  in  astrologie.  And  in  men  of  that 
profession  the  King  puts  so  much  confidence  that  hee  will  not 
undertake  a  journey,  nor  yet  doe  any  thing  of  the  least  conse- 
quence, unlesse  his  wizards  tell  him  tis  a  good  and  prosperous 
houre. 

The  Gentiles  beginne  their  yeare  the  first  of  March.  The 
Mahometans  theirs  at  the  very  instant  (as  the  astrologers 
ghesse)  that  the  sunne  enters  into  Aries  ;  from  which  time  the 
King  keepes  a  feast  that  is  called  the  Nooros,i  signifying 
nine  dayes,  which  time  it  continues  (like  that  Ahasuerus  made 
in  the  third  yeare  of  his  raigne  :  Ester  the  first)  ;  where  all  his 
nobles  assemble  in  their  greatest  pompe,  presenting  him  with 
gifts,  hee  repaying  them  againe  with  princely  rewards  ;  at 
which  time  being  in  his  presence,  I  beheld  most  immense  and 
incredible  riches  to  my  amazement  in  gold,  pearles,  precious 
stones,  jewels,  and  many  other  glittering  vanities.  This  feast 
I  tooke  notice  of  at  Mandoa  [Mandu],  where  the  Mogol  hath 
a  most  spacious  house,  larger  then  any  I  have  scene  ;  in  which 
many  excellent  arches  and  vaults  speake  for  the  exquisite  skill 
of  his  subjects  in  architecture.  At  Agra  hee  hath  a  palace 
wherein  two  large  towers,  the  least  ten  foot  square,  are  covered 
with  plate  of  the  purest  gold.^ 

There  are  no  hangings  on  the  walls  of  his  houses,  by  reason 

'  See  p.  117.  Terry's  explanation  of  the  term  is  of  course  wrong. 
He  has  confused  imu  (new)  with  7mh  (nine). 

=>  In  the  1655  edition  Terry  adds  :  '  this  I  had  from  Tom  Coriat,  as 
from  other  English  merchants  who  keep  in  a  factory  at  that  place  '. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  311 

of  the  heate  ;  the  wals  are  either  painted  or  else  beautified 
with  a  purer  white  lime  then  that  we  call  Spanish.  The  floores, 
paved  with  stone  or  else  made  with  lime  and  sand,  like  our 
playster  of  Paris,  are  spred  with  rich  carpets.  There  lodge 
none  in  the  Kings  house  but  his  women  and  eunuclies,  and  some 
little  boyes  which  hee  keepes  about  him  for  a  wicked  use.  Hee 
alwayes  eates  in  private  among  his  women  upon  great  varietie 
of  excellent  dishes,  which  dressed  and  prooved  by  the  taster 
are  served  in  vessels  of  gold  (as  they  say),  covered  and  sealed 
up,  and  so  by  eunuchs  brought  to  the  King.  He  hath  meate 
ready  at  all  houres,  and  calls  for  it  at  pleasure.  They  feede 
not  freely  on  full  dishes  of  beefe  and  mutton  (as  we),  but  much 
on  rice  boyled  with  pieces  of  flesh  or  dressed  many  other  wayes* 
They  have  not  many  roast  or  baked  meats,  but  stew  most  of 
their  flesh.  Among  many  dishes  of  this  kinde  He  take  notice 
but  of  one  they  call  Deu  Pario,^  made  of  venison  cut  in  slices, 
to  which  they  put  onions  and  herbs,  some  rootes,  with  a  little 
spice  and  butter  :  the  most  savorie  meate  I  ever  tasted,  and 
doe  almost  thinke  it  that  very  dish  which  Jacob  made  ready 
for  his  father,  when  he  got  the  blessing.  ^ 

In  this  kingdome  there  are  no  innes  to  entertaine  strangers. 
Onely  in  great  townes  and  cities  are  faire  houses  built  for  their 
receit  (which  they  call  Sarray),  not  inhabited  ;  where  any 
passengers  may  have  roome  freely,  but  must  bring  with  him 
his  bedding,  his  cooke,  and  other  necessaries  wherein  to  dresse 
his  meate  ;  which  are  usually  carried  on  camels,  or  else  in 
carts  drawne  with  oxen,  wherein  they  have  tents  to  pitch  when 
they  meete  with  no  Sarras.  The  inferior  sort  of  people  ride 
on  oxen,  horses,  mules,  camels,  or  dromedaries  (the  women 
like  the  men)  ;  or  else  in  slight  coaches  with  two  wheeles, 
covered  on  the  top  and  backe,  but  the  fore-part  and  sides 
open,  unlesse  they  carrie  women.  They  will  conveniently  hold 
two  persons,  beside  the  driver.  They  are  drawne  by  oxen,  one 
yoake  in  a  coach,  suted  for  colour,  but  many  of  them  are  white, 
not  very  large.  They  are  guided  with  cords,  which  goe  through 
the  parting  of  their  nostrils  and  so  twixt  their  homes  into  the 
coach-mens  hand.     They  dresse  and  keepe  them  clothed  as 

'  This  seems  to  be  meant  for  dopyaj  or  dupiyazak,  for  which  see  the 
Ain,  vol.  i,  p.  60. 


312  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDLA 

their  horses.  They  are  naturally  nimble  ;  to  wliich  use  makes 
them  so  littiug  to  performe  that  labour,  as  that  they  will  goe 
twentie  miles  a  day  or  more  with  good  speed.  The  better  sort 
ride  on  elephants,  or  else  are  carried  upon  mens  shoulders 
alone,  in  a  slight  thing  they  call  a  palankee  [palanquin],  which 
is  like  a  couch  or  standing  pallat,  but  covered  with  a  cannopie. 
This  should  seeme  an  ancient  effeminacie  sometimes  used  in 
Rome,  Juvenal  ^  thus  describing  a  fat  lawyer  that  fil'd  one  of 
them :  Causidici  nova  cum  veniat  lectlcaMathonisplenaipso . 

For  pastimes  they  delight  in  hawking,  hunting  of  hares, 
deere,  or  wilde  beasts.  Their  dogs  for  chase  are  made  some- 
what like  our  gray-hounds,  but  much  lesse  ;  they  open  not  ^ 
in  the  pursuite  of  the  game.  They  hunt  likewise  with  leopards, 
which  by  leaping  sease  on  that  they  pursue.  They  have  a 
cunning  device  to  take  wild-fowle  ;  where  a  fellow  goes  into 
the  water  with  a  fowle  of  that  kind  he  desires  to  catch,  whose 
skinne  is  stuffed  so  artificially  as  that  it  appeares  alive.  He 
keepes  all  his  body  but  the  face  under  water,  on  which  he  layes 
this  counterfeit  ;  thus  comming  among  them,  plucks  them  by 
the  legs  under  water.^  They  shoote  for  pastime  much  in  bowes, 
which  are  made  curiously  in  the  countrey  of  b'uffeloes  homes, 
glewed  together  ;  to  which  they  have  arrowes  made  of  little 
canes,  excellently  headed  and  feathered.  In  these  they  are  so 
skilfull  that  they  will  kill  birds  flying.  Others  take  delight  in 
managing  their  horses  on  which  they  ride,  or  else  are  otherwise 
carried,  though  they  have  not  one  quarter  of  a  mile  to  goe  ; 
the  men  of  qualitie  holding  it  dishonorable  to  goe  on  foote. 

In  their  houses  they  play  much  at  that  most  ingenious  game 
we  call  chesse,  or  else  at  tables.-*  They  have  cardes,  but  quite 
different  from  ours.     Sometimes  they  make  themselves  merry 

*  '  In  his  first  Satire ',  adds  the  1655  edition ;  where  the  following 
translation  is  given  : 

*  Matho  the  pleader  comes  in  his  new  chaire, 
Fild  with  himself,  when  he  takes  the  air.' 
-  Do  not  give  tongue. 

3  Tliis  practice  is  described  in  the  Ain  (vol.  i,  p.  295) ;  also  by  Ovington 
{  Voyage,  to  Suratt,  p.  274). 

*  The  old  English  name  for  backgammon.  The  Indian  eq[uivalent  here 
referred  to,  viz.  the  game  of  chaupar,  is  described  in  the  Ain  (vol.  i,p.  303). 
An  account  of  Indian  cards  will  be  found  at  j).  300  of  the  same  volume. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  313 

with  cunning  jugglers  or  mountebanlces,  wlio  will  suffer  snakes 
they  keepe  in  baskets  to  bite  them,  and  presently  cure  the 
swelling  with  powders  ;  or  else  they  see  the  trickes  of  apes  and 
monkey  es. 

In  the  southerne  parts  of  Indostan  are  great  store  of  large 
white  apes  ;  some,  I  dare  boldly  say,  as  tall  as  our  biggest 
gray-hounds.  They  are  fearefull  (as  it  should  seeme)  to  birds 
that  make  their  nests  in  trees  ;  wherefore  Nature  hath  taught 
them  this  subtiltie,  to  secure  themselves  by  building  their  little 
houses  on  the  twigs  of  the  utmost  boughs,  there  hanging  like 
purse-nets,  to  which  the  apes  cannot  possibly  come.^ 

Every  great  towne  or  citie  of  India  hath  markets  twice  a  day : 
in  the  coole  season  presently  after  the  sunne  is  risen,  and  a  little 
before  his  setting.    They  sell  almost  every  thing  by  weight.    In 
the  heate  of  the  day  they  keepe  their  houses  ;   where  the  men 
of  better  fashion,  lying  on  couches  or  sitting  on  their  carpets, 
have  servants  stand  about  them  who,  beating  the  ayre  with 
broade  fannes  of  stiffe  leather  or  the  like,  make  winde  to  coole  I   \ 
them.   And  taking  thus  their  ease,  they  often  call  their  barbers,       \ 
who  tenderly  gripe  and  smite  their  armes  and  other  parts  of  |   | 
their  bodies,  instead  of  exercise,  to  stirre  the  bloud.     It  is  a    \   \ 
pleasing  wantonnesse,  and  much  used  in  those  hot  climes. 

jl  must  needes  commend  the  Mahumetans  and  Gentiles  for 
their  good  and  faithfull  service  ;  amongst  whom  a  stranger 
may  travell  alone,  with  a  great  charge  of  money  or  goods,  x: 
quite  through  the  countrey  and  take  them  for  his  guard,  yet  ' 
never  bee  neglected  or  injured  by  them.  They  follow  their 
masters  on  foote,  carrying  swords  and  bucklers  or  bowes  and 
arrowes  for  their  defence  ;  and  by  reason  of  great  plentie  of 
provision  in  that  kingdome,  a  man  may  hire  them  upon  easie 
conditions,  for  they  will  not  desire  above  five  shillings  the 
moone,  paide  the  next  day  after  the  change  {Quibus  hinc  toga, 
calceus  hinc  est ;  et  panis  fumusque  domi  ^),  to  provide  them- 
selves all  necessaries,  and  for  it  doe  most  diligent  service.  Such 

*  He  is  describing  the  nest  of  the  weaver  bird. 

-  Another  quotation  from  Juvenal's  Satires.  The  1655  edition 
translates  the  passage  thus  : 

'  Their  coat,  their  shooes,  their  bread,  their  tire, 
And  all  bcaides,  bought  with  this  hire.' 


314  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

is  their  pietie  to  their  parents  that  those  which  have  no  greater 
meanes  will  impart  halfe  of  it  at  the  least  to  releeve  their 
necessities,  choosing  rather  for  to  famish  themselves  then  to 
see  them  want. 

There  are,  both  among  the  Mahumetans  and  Gentiles,  men 
of  undaunted  courage.  \  Those  of  note  among  the  Mahumetans 
arc  called  Baloches,^  inhabiting  Hajacan,  adjoyning  to  the 
kingdome  of  Persia  ;  or  else  Patans,  taking  their  denomination 
from  a  province  in  the  kingdome  of  Bengala.^  These  will 
looke  an  enemie  boldly  in  the  face  and  maintaine  with  their 
lives  their  reputation  of  valour.  Among  th6  many  sects  of 
Gentiles  there  is  but  one  race  of  fighters,  called  Rashbootes, 
a  number  of  which  live  by  spoyle  ;  who  in  troopes  surprize 
poore  passengers,  cruelly  butchering  those  they  get  under  their 
power.  Those  excepted,  all  the  rest  in  the  countrey  are  in 
generall  pusilanimous,  and  had  rather  quarrell  then  fight ; 
having  such  poore  spirits  in  respect  of  us  Christians  that  the 
Mogol  is  pleased  often  to  use  this  proverbe  :  that  one  Portugal 
will  beate  three  of  them,  and  one  English-man  three  Portugals. 

Touching  their  munition  for  the  warre,  they  have  good 
ordnance,  made  (for  ought  I  could  gather)  very  anciently  in 
those  parts.  Iron  peeces  carried  upon  elephants  (before 
described),  and  lesser  gunnes  made  for  foot-men,  who  are 
somewhat  long  in  taking  their  ayme,  but  come  as  neere  the 
marke  as  any  I  ever  saw.  They  fire  all  their  peeces  with 
match.  As  for  gun-powder,  they  make  very  good.  They  use 
lances  and  swords  and  targets  [shields],  bowes  and  arrowes. 
Their  swords  are  made  crooked  like  a  faulchion,  very  sharpe, 
but  for  want  of  skill  in  those  that  temper  them,  will  breake 
rather  then  bend  ;  and  therefore  wee  often  sell  our  sword- 
blades  at  high  prices  that  will  bow  and  become  streight  againe. 
I  have  scene  horse-men  there,  who  have  carried  whole  armories 
about  them,  thus  appointed  :  at  their  sides  good  swords  ; 
under  them  sheves  of  arrowes  ;  on  their  shoulders  bucklers, 
and  upon  their  backs  guns  fastned  with  belts  ;  at  the  left  side 
bowes  hanging  in  cases,  and  lances  about  two  yards  and  a  halfe 

*  The  Baluchis  were  scattered  all  over  Northern  and  Western  India, 
owing  to  the  general  use  of  their  camels  for  the  transportation  of  goods. 
'^  This  is,  of  course,  a  mistake. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  315 

long  (having  excellent  Steele  heads),  which  they  carrie  in  their 
hands.  Yet  for  all  this  harnesse,  the  most  of  them  dare  not 
resist  a  man  of  courage,  though  he  have  for  his  defence  but  the 
worst  of  those  weapons.  The  armies  in  those  easterne  warres 
oftentimes  consist  of  incredible  multitudes  ;  they  talke  of  some 
which  have  exceeded  that  mightie  host  which  Zerah,  King  of 
Ethiopia,  brought  against  Asa  (2  Chron.  14).  The  musicke 
they  have  when  they  goe  to  battell  is  from  kittle-drums  and 
long  winde  instruments.  The  armies  on  both  sides  usually 
beginne  with  most  furious  onsets  ;  but  in  short  time,  for  want 
of  good  discipline,  one  side  is  routed  and  the  controversie,  not 
without  much  slaughter,  decided. 

The  Mahometans  have  faire  churches,  which  they  call 
Mesquits,  built  of  stone.  The  broade  side  towards  the  west 
is  made  up  close,  like  a  wall ;  that  towards  the  east  is  erected 
on  pillars  ;  so  that  the  length  of  them  is  north  and  south, 
which  way  they  burie  their  dead.  At  the  corners  of  their 
great  churches  which  stand  in  cities  are  high  pinacles,  to 
whose  tops  the  Moolaas  ascend  certain  times  of  the  day  and 
proclaime  their  prophet  Mahomet  thus  in  Arabian  :  La  Alia 
ilia  Alia,  Mahomet  Resul-Alla  ;  ^  that  is  :  No  God  but  one  God, 
and  Mahomet  the  ambassadour  of  God.  This  in  stead  of  bells 
(which  they  endure  not  in  their  temples)  put  the  most  religious 
in  minde  of  their  devotion.  Which  words  Master  Cory  at  often 
hearing  in  Agra,  upon  a  certaine  time  got  up^ihtoa  turret7 
over  against  the  priest,  and" contradicted  him  thus  in  a  loude 
voyce  :  La  Alia,  ilia  Alia,  Hazaret-Eesa  Ehn-Alla  :  -  No  God 
but  one  God,  and  Christ  the  Sonne  of  God  ;  and  further  added 
that  Mahomet  was  an  impostor  ;  which  bold  attempt  in  many 
other  places  of  Asia,  where  Mahomet  is  more  zealously  pro- 
fessed, had  forfetted  his  life  with  as  much  torture  as  tyrannic 
could  invent.  But  here  every  man  hath  libertie  to  professe 
his  owne  religion  freely  and,  for  any  restriction  I  ever  observed, 
to  dispute  against  theirs  with  impunitie. 

"  Now  concerning  their  burials.    Every  Mahometan  of  qualitie 
in  his  life  time  provides  a  faire  sepulcher  for  himselfe  and 

*  The  proper  form  is  :  La  ilaha  iUa-l-ldh,  Muhammadur-Easulu- 
lldh. 

"  Hazarat  lad  Ibn  Allah. 


i 


316  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

kindred,  encompassing  with  a  firme  wall  a  good  circuit  of 
ground,  neere  some  tanke  (about  which  they  delight  for  to 
buric  their  dead)  or  else  in  a  place  nigh  springs  of  water  that 
may  make  pleasant  fountaynes  ;  neere  which  hee  erects  a 
tombe,  round  or  square,  vaulted  upon  pillars,  or  else  made 
close,  to  be  cntred  with  doores  ;  under  which  are  the  bodies 
of  the  dead  interred.  The  rest  of  the  ground  they  plant  with 
trees  and  flowers,  as  if  they  would  make  Elysian  iields  such  as 
the  poets  dreamed  of,  wherein  their  soules  might  take  their 
repose.  They  burie  not  within  their  churches.  There  arc 
many  goodly  monuments  of  this  kinde,  richly  adorned,  built 
to  the  memorie  of  such  as  they  have  esteemed  saints,  of  which 
they  have  a  large  kalender.  In  these  are  lamps  continually 
burning,  whither  men  transported  with  blinde  devotion  daily 
resort,  there  to  contemplate  the  happines  these  Pieres  [sec 
p.  180]  (for  so  they  call  them)  enjoy.  But  among  many  fairc 
jnles  there  dedicated  to  this  use,  the  most  excellent  is  at 
Secandra,  a  village  three  miles  from  Agra.  It  was  beganne  by 
Achabar-sha,  this  Kings  father,  who  there  lyes  buried,  and 
finished  by  this  present  King,  who  meanes  to  lye  beside 
him. 

Their  Moolaas  imploy  much  of  their  time  like  scriveners,  to 
doe  businesse  for  others.  They  have  libertie  to  marrie  as  well 
as  the  people,  from  whom  they  are  not  distinguished  in  habite. 
Some  live  retyred,  that  spend  their  dayes  in  meditation  or 
else  in  giving  good  morall  precepts  unto  others.  These  are 
of  high  esteeme  ;  and  so  are  another  sort  called  Seayds  [sec 
p.  171],  who  derive  themselves  from  Mahomet.  The  priests  doe 
neither  reade  nor  preach  in  their  churches  ;  ^  but  there  is  a  set 
forme  of  prayer  in  the  Arabian  tongue,  not  understood  by  most 
of  the  common  people,  yet  repeated  by  them  as  well  as  by  the 
Moolaas.  They  likewise  rehearse  the  names  of  God  and 
Mahomet  certayne  times  every  day  upon  beads,  like  the 
misse-led  Papist,  who  seemes  to  regard  the  number  rather 

'  In  the  1655  edition  this  statement  is  corrected  to  one  that  the 
mullahs  '  read  some  parcells  out  of  their  Alcoran  upon  Frydays  (which 
are  their  Sabboths  or  days  of  rest)  unto  the  people  assembled  in  their 
mosquit  or  churches,  and  then  further  deliver  some  precepts,  which  they 
gather  out  of  it,  unto  their  miserably  deluded  hearers  '. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  317 

then  the  weight  of  prayers.  Before  they  goe  into  their  churches 
they  wash  their  feete,  and  entring  in  put  off  their  shooes.  As 
they  beginne  tlieir  devotions,  they  stop  their  eares  and  fixe 
their  eyes,  that  nothing  may  divert  their  thoughts.  Then  in 
a  soft  and  still  voyce  they  utter  their  prayers  ;  wherein  are 
many  words  most  significantly  expressing  the  omnipotencie, 
greatnesse,  eternitie,  and  other  attributes  of  God  ;  many  words 
full  of  humiliation,  confessing  with  divers  submissive  gestures 
their  owne  unworthinesse  ;  when  they  pray,  casting  themselves 
low  upon  their  faces  sundrie  times,  and  then  acknowledge 
that  they  are  burthens  to  the  earth  and  poison  to  the  aire,  and 
the  like,  and  therefore  dare  not  so  much  as  looke  up  to  heaven, 
but  at  last  comfort  themselves  in  the  mercies  of  God  through 
the  mediation  of  Mahomet,  i  And  many  amongst  them  (to  the 
shame  of  us  Christians),  what~Tmpediment  soever  they  have, 
either  by  pleasure  or  profit,  pray  five  times  every  day,  at  six, 
nine,  twelve,  three,  and  six  of  the  clock.  But,  by  the  way, 
they  distinguish  their  time  in  a  different  manner  from  us, 
dividing  the  day  into  foure  and  the  night  into  as  many  parts, 
which  they  call  Pores  [pahar].  These  are  againe  subdivided 
each  into  eight  parts,  which  they  call  Grees  [ghari],  measured 
according  to  the  ancient  custome  by  water  dropping  out  of 
one  little  vessell  into  another,  by  which  there  alwayes  stand 
servants  appointed  for  that  purpose,  ^  smiting  with  an  hammer 
a  concave  piece  of  pure  metall,  like  the  inner  part  of  an  ordi- 
narie  platter,  hanging  by  the  brim  on  a  wyre,  the  number  of 
Grees  and  Pores  as  they  passe. 

For  the  temperance  of  many,  both  among  the  Mahometans 
and  Gentiles,  it  is  such  as  that  they  will  rather  die  (like  the   }   , 
mother  and  her  seven  sonnes  :   2  Mac[cabees]  7)  then  eate  or   |  "r 
drinke  any  thing  their  law  forbids.     Such  meate  and  drinke    \ 
as  their  law  allowes  they  use  onely  to  satisfie  nature,  not 
appetite  ;    hating  gluttonie,  and  esteeming  drunkennesse  (as 
indeed  it  is)  a  second  madnesse,  and  therefore  have  but  one   f 
word  in  their  language  {mest)  for  a  drunkard  and  a  mad-man. ^  I 
They  keepe  a  solemne  Lent,  which  they  call  the  Ram- Jan, 

*  '  To  turn  that  vessell  up  again  when  it  is  all  dropped  out,  and  then 
to  strike  ',  &c.  (1655  edition). 

2  This  is  an  overstatement,  though  mast  has  a  wide  connotation. 


318  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

about  the  moneth  of  August, ^  whicli  continues  one  whole 
nioone  ;  (hiring  which  time  those  that  bee  strict  in  their 
religion  Ibrbeare  their  women,  and  will  take  neither  meate  nor 
drinke  so  long  as  the  sunne  is  above  their  horizon  ;  but  after 
he  is  set,  eate  at  pleasure.  Towards  the  end  of  this  licnt  they 
consecrate  a  day  of  mourning  to  the  memorie  of  their  dead 
friends  ;  when  I  have  beheld  divers  of  the  meaner  sort  make 
bitter  lamentation.  (Beside  this  common  sadnesse,  there  are 
many  foolish  women  who  often  in  the  yeere,  so  long  as  they 
survive,  moysten  the  graves  of  their  husbands  or  children  with 
affectionate  teares.)  But  when  the  night  begins  to  cover  the 
day  of  generall  mourning,  they  fire  an  innumerable  companie 
of  lamps  and  lights,  which  they  set  on  the  sides  and  tops  of 
their  houses  and  all  other  most  conspicuous  places  ;  and  when 
these  are  extinguished,  take  foode.  The  Rnm-Jan  fully  ended, 
the  most  devout  Mahometans  assemble  to  some  famous  misquit, 
where  by  a  Moola  some  part  of  the  Alcoran  (which  they  will  not 
touch  without  reverence)  is  publikely  read.  They  keepe  a 
feast  in  November,  called  Buccaree  [Bakarah-id],  signifying  the 
Ram-feast,  when  they  solemnely  kill  a  ram,  and  roast  him  in 
memorie  of  that  ram  which  redeemed  Ishmael  (as  they  say) 
when  Abraham  was  readie  to  make  him  a  sacrifice.  Many 
other  feasts  they  have  in  memorie  of  Mahomet  and  their 
Pieres. 

They  have  the  bookes  of  Moses,  whom  they  call  Moosa 
Carym-Alla  :  Moses  the  righteous  of  God.  Ibrahim  Calim- 
Alla  :  Abraham  the  faithfuU  of  God.^  So  Ishmael,  the  true 
sacrifice  of  God  ;  Dahoode  [Daud],  David  the  prophet  of 
God;  Selimon  [Sulaiman],  Salomon  the  wisedome  of  God;  all 
expressed,  as  the  former,  in  short  Arabian  words.  To  whose 
particular  remembrances  they  daily  sing  ditties.     And  more- 

*  Teriy  was  misled  by  the  fact  that  both  in  1617  and  in  1618  the 
beginning  of  Ramazan  fell  within  the  month  of  August.  The  1655 
edition  substitutes  :  '  wliich  begins  the  first  new  moon  which  happens  in 
September ' ;  but  this  is  also  wrong.  As  the  Muhammadan  year  is 
lunar,  any  given  montli  in  time  moves  round  the  calendar  of  the  solar 
year. 

^  These  epithets  should  be  :  Musa  KalimitUah,  Moses,  the  man  who 
conversed  with  God  ;  TfnaMm  KhnlilvMh,  Abraham,  the  friend  of 
G'o(i. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  319 

over,  tliere  is  not  a  man  amongst  them  (but  tliose  of  the  ruder 
sort)  that  at  any  time  mentions  the  name  of  our  blessed 

Saviour,  called  there  Hazaret-Eesa,  the  Lord  Christ,  withoiit 
reverence  and  respect,  saying  tliat  He  was  a  good  man  and  a 
just,  lived  without  sinne,  did  greater  miracles  then  ever  any 
before  or  since  Him.  Nay  farther,  they  call  Him  Rhohow-Alla 
[RuJmlldh],  the  breath  of  God ;  but  how  He  should  be  the  Sonne 
of  God  cannot  conceive,  and  therefore  will  not  beleeve.  J^ot- 
withstanding  this,  the  Mahometans  in  generall  thinke  us 
CHristians  so  uncleane  they  will  not  eate  with  us,  nor  yet  of 
any  thing  is  dressed  in  our  vessels.  . 

"  "Among  the  Mahometans  are  many  called  Dervlses,  which 
relinquish  the  world  and  spend  their  dayes  in  solitude,  expect- 
ing a  recompence  in  a  better  life  ;  whose  sharpe  and  strict 
penances  they  voluntarily  under-take  farre  exceede  all  those 
the  Romanists  boast  of.  For  instance,  there  are  some  that 
live  alone  upon  the  tops  of  hills  remote  from  companie,  there 
passing  their  time  in  contemplation,  and  will  rather  famish 
then  move  from  these  retyred  cells  ;  wherefore  the  people  that 
dwell  neerest  to  them,  out  of  devotion,  releeve  them.  Some 
againe  impose  long  times  of  fasting  upon  themselves,  til  nature 
be  almost  quite  decayed.  There  are  many  other  among  them 
they  call  religious  men,  who  weare  nothing  about  them  but 
to  hide  their  shame  ;  and  these,  like  the  Mendicant  Friars,  i 
begge  for  all  they  eate.  Usually  they  live  in  the  suburbs  of  I 
great  cities  or  townes,  and  are  like  the  man  our  blessed  Saviour  X 
mentions,  about  the  citie  of  the  Gadarens,  which  had  devils  i 
and  ware  no  clothes,  neither  abode  in  any  house  but  in  the 
tombes.  They  make  little  fires  in  the  day,  sleeping  at  night 
in  the  warme  ashes,  with  which  they  besmeare  their  bodies. 
These  ashmen  suffer  not  the  rasor  at  any  time  to  come  upon 
their  heads,  and  some  of  them  let  their  nayles  grow  like  birds 
clawes,  as  it  is  written  of  Nabuchadnezzar,  when  hee  was 
driven  out  from  the  societie  of  men.  And  there  are  a  sort 
among  them,  called  Mendee,i  who,  like  the  priests  of  Baal, 

'  Sir  Charles  Lyall  suggests  that  this  term  may  represent  Mahdnivi, 
a  sect  of  Shiah  devotees  in  Gujarat.  In  India  MaMi  is  popularly 
pronounced  MenMi.  During  the  Muharram  such  devotees  often  gash 
their  bodies. 


320  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  TNDTA 

often  cut  their  flesh  with  knives  and  launcers.  Others  I  have 
scene  who  out  of  devotion  put  such  massie  fetters  of  iron  upon 
their  legs  as  that  they  can  scarce  stirre  with  them  ;  and  so,' 
as  fast  as  they  are  able,  goe  many  miles  in  pilgrimage  barefoote 
upon  the  parching  ground,  to  visit  the  sepulchres  of  their 
deluding  saints  ;  thus  taking  more  paines  to  goe  to  hell 
{tantum  reUigio  potuit  suadere  malorum^)  then  any  Christian  I 
know  doth  to  goe  to  heaven.  These  marry  not.  Such  as  doe, 
Mahomet  allowes  foure  wives.  Besides  they  take  libertie  to 
keepe  as  many  women  as  they  are  able.  Only  the  priests 
content  themselves  with  one.  Notwithstanding  this  polygamic, 
the  hot  jealousies  of  the  lustfuU  Mahometans  are  such  that  they 
will  scarce  endure  the  brothers  or  fathers  of  their  beloved  wives 
or  women  to  have  speech  with  them,  except  in  their  presence  ; 
and  Time,  by  this  restraint,  hath  made  it  odious  for  such 
women  as  have  the  reputation  of  honestie  to  be  scene  at  any 
time  by  strangers.  But  if  they  dishonour  their  husbands  beds 
or,  being  unmarried,  are  found  incontinent,  professing  chastitie, 
rather  then  they  shall  want  punishment,  their  owne  brothers 
will  bee  their  executioners  ;  who  for  such  unnaturall  acts  shall 
be  commended  rather  then  questioned.  Yet  there  is  toleration 
for  impudent  harlots,  who  are  as  little  ashamed  to  entertayne 
as  others  openly  to  frequent  their  houses.  The  women  of  better 
fashion  have  eunuchs  in  stead  of  men  to  wait  upon  them  ; 
who  in  their  minoritie  are  deprived  of  all  that  may  provoke 
jealousie. 

Their  marriages  are  solemnized  in  great  pompe.  For  after 
the  Moola  hath  joyned  their  hands,  with  some  other  ceremonie 
and  words  of  benediction,  the  first  watch  of  the  night  they 
begin  their  joUitie  ;  the  man  on  horse-backe,  be  he  poore  or 
riche,  with  his  friends  about  him,  many  cresset  lightly '  before 
him,  with  drums  and  wind  instrvunents  and  other  pastimes. 
The  woman  foUowes  with  her  friends  in  coaches,  covered  ;  and 
after  they  have  thus  passed  the  most  eminent  places  of  the 
citie  or  towne  they  live  in,  returne  home  and  there  part  with 
a  banquet,  the  men  and  women  separated.    They  marry  for 

*  The  1655  edition  adds  (p.  283)  :   '  covered  with  blew  mantles  '. 
^  A  well-known  quotation  from  Lucretius.    The  1655  edition  gives  the 
whole  passage.  ^  Lights  ? 


EDWARD  TERRY,  lGlG-10  32] 

the  most  part  at  the  ages  of  twelve  or  thirteene,  their  mothers 
most  commonly  making  the  matches. 

Now  more  particularly  of  the  Gentiles,  which  are  there 
distracted  in  fourscore  and  foure  severall  sects,  all  differing 
mainly  in  opinion  ;  which  had  oftentimes  fild  me  with  wonder, 
but  that  I  know  Sat^rT  (the  father  of  division)  to  be  the  seducer 
of  them  all.  Their  illiterate  priests  are  called  Bramins  ;  who, 
for  ought  I  could  ever  gather,  are  so  sottish  and  inconstant  in 
their  grounds  that  they  scarce  know  what  they  hold.  They 
have  little  churches  which  they  call  Pagodes,  built  round,  in 
which  are  images  for  worship  made  in  monstrous  shapes.  Some 
of  them  dreanie  of  Elysian  fields,  to  which  their  soules  must 
passe  over  a  Styx  or  Acharon,  and  there  take  new  bodies. 
Others  hold  that  ere  long  the  world  shall  have  a  period  ;  after 
which  they  shall  live  here  againe  on  a  new  earth.  Some 
Bramins  have  told  me  how  that  they  acknowledge  one  God, 
whom  they  describe  with  a  thousand  hands,  with  a  thousand 
feete,  and  as  many  eyes,  thereby  expressing  his  power.  They 
talke  of  foure  books,  which  about  six  thousand  yeeres  since 
were  sent  them  from  God  by  their  prophet  Ram  ;  whereof  two 
were  sealed  up  and  might  not  be  opened  ;  the  other  to  be  read 
onely  by  themselves.^  They  say  that  there  are  seven  orbes, 
above  which  is  the  seate  of  God  :  that  God  knowes  not  petie 
things,  or,  if  He  doe,  regards  them  not.  They  circumscribe 
God  unto  place,  saying  that  He  may  be  scene,  but  as  in  a  mist 

*  The  version  in  the  1655  edition  (p.  349)  is  as  follows  :  '  Those 
Bramins  talk  of  two  books,  wliich,  not  long  after  the  Creation,  when  the 
world  began  to  be  peopled,  they  say  were  delivered  by  Almighty  God  to 
Bramon  .  .  .  one  of  which  books  (they  say),  containing  very  high  and 
secret  and  mysterious  things,  was  sealed  up  and  might  not  be  opened  ; 
the  other  to  be  read,  but  onely  by  the  Bramins  or  priests.  And  this 
book  thus  to  be  read  came  after,  as  they  further  say,  into  the  hands  of 
Bremaw  .  .  .  and  by  him  it  was  communicated  unto  Ram  and  Permissar, 
two  other  fam'd  prophets  amongst  them,  which  those  heathen  do  like- 
wise exceedingly  magnifie,  as  they  do  some  others  whose  names  I  have 
not.  Now  that  book,  which  they  call  tlie  Shester,  or  the  book  of  their 
written  word,  hath  been  transcribed  in  all  ages  ever  since  by  the  Bramins, 
out  of  which  they  deliver  precepts  unto  the  people.'  In  this  '  Bramon  ' 
is  Brahma,  the  primeval  spirit :  '  Bremaw  ',  the  god  Brahma  :  '  Ram  ', 
Rama  :  '  Permissar  ',  Parameshvra  (i.  e.  Shiva) :  and  '  Shester  '  the 
Shastra, 


322  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

afarre  off,  not  neere.  They  beleeve  that  there  are  devils,  but 
so  bound  in  cliaiucs  that  they  cannot  luirt  them.  They  call 
a  man  Adam  [Hind,  ddmi],  from  our  first  father  Adam,  whose 
wife,  tempted  with  the  forbidden  fruit,  tooke  it  (as  they  say) 
and  eate  it  downe  ;  but  as  her  husband  swallowed  it,  the  hand 
of  God  stopped  it  in  his  throat  ;  whence  man  hath  a  bunch 
there,  which  women  have  not,  called  by  them  Adams  apple. 
As  anciently  among  the  Jewes,  their  priesthood  is  hereditarie  ; 
for  every  Bramins  sonne  is  a  priest,  and  marries  a  Bramins 
daughter.  And  so  among  all  the  Gentiles  the  men  take  the 
daughters  of  those  to  bee  their  wives  which  are  of  their  fathers 
tribe,  sect,  and  occupation  ;  for  instance,  a  merchants  sonne 
marries  a  merchants  daughter.  And  every  mans  sonne  that 
lives  by  his  labour  luarries  the  daughter  of  him  that  is  of  his 
owne  profession  ;  by  which  meanes  they  never  advance  them- 
selves. These  Gentiles  take  but  one  wife  ;  of  which  they  are 
not  so  fearefull  as  the  Mahometans  of  their  multitude,  for  they 
suffer  them  to  goe  abroad.  They  are  married  yong,  at  six  or 
seven  yeeres  old  (their  parents  making  the  contracts),  and 
about  twelve  come  together.  Their  nuptials,  as  those  of 
the  Mahometans,  are  performed  with  much  pompe  and 
joUitie. 

For  their  habit,  it  differs  little  from  the  Mahometans  ;  but 
many  of  the  women  weare  rings  upon  their  toes,  and  therefore 
goe  barefoote.  They  have  likewise  broad  rings  of  brasse  (or 
better  metall  according  to  the  qualitie  of  the  woman)  about 
the  small  of  the  legges  to  take  off  and  on  ;  haply  such  as 
the  Prophet  meant  by  the  tinkling  ornaments  about  the  feete, 
or  the  ornaments  of  the  legs,  which  the  Jewish  women  were 
wont  to  put  on  [Esay  3).  And  such  as  these  they  have  about 
their  armes.  The  flaps  or  nether  part  of  their  eares  are  boared 
when  they  are  yong,  which  hole,  daily  stretched  and  made 
wider  by  things  kept  in  it  for  that  purpose,  at  last  becomes  so 
large  that  it  will  hold  a  ring  (I  dare  boldly  say)  as  large  as  a 
little  sawcer,  made  hollow  on  the  sides  for  the  flesh  to  rest  in. 
Both  men  and  women  wash  their  bodies  every  day  before  they 
eate  ;  which  done,  they  keepe  off  their  clothes  (but  the  covering 
of  modestie)  till  they  have  fed.  This  outward  washing  apper- 
taines,  as  they  thinke,  to  their  clensing  from  sinne  ;  not  unlike 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  323 

the  Pharisies,  who  would  not  eate  with  unwashen  hands 
{Mar.  7).  Hence  they  ascribe  a  certaine  divinitie  to  rivers, 
but  above  all  to  Ganges  ;  daily  flocking  thither  in  troopes,  and  \ 
there  throw  in  pieces  of  gold  or  silver,  according  to  their  devo- 
tion and  abilitie  ;  after  which  they  wash  their  bodiesJ  Both 
men  and  women  paint  on  their  fore-heads  or  other  parts  of 
their  faces  red  or  yellow  spots. 

Now  farther  for  their  grosse  opinions,  they  beleeve  not  the 
resurrection  of  flesh  ;  and  therefore  burne  the  bodies  of  their 
dead  neere  some  river  (if  they  may  with  conveniencie),  wherein 
they  sowe  the  ashes.  Their  widowes  marrie  not  ;  but,  after 
the  losse  of  their  husbands,  cut  their  haire  and  spend  all  their 
life  following  as  neglected  creatures  ;  whence,  to  bee  free  from 
shame,  many  yong  women  are  ambitious  to  die  with  honor 
(as  they  esteeme  it),  when  their  fiery  love  brings  them  to  the 
flames  (as  they  thinke)  of  martyrdome  most  *villingly  ;  follow- 
ing their  dead  husbands  unto  the  fire,  and  there  imbracing  are 
burnt  with  them  ;  but  this  they  doe  voluntary,  not  compelled. 
The  parents  and  friends  of  those  women  will  most  joyfully 
accompanie  them,  and  when  the  wood  is  fitted  for  this  hellish 
sacrifice  and  begins  to  burne,  all  the  people  assembled  shoute 
and  make  a  noyse,  that  the  screeches  of  this  tortured  creature 
may  not  bee  heard.  Not  much  unlike  the  custome  of  the 
Ammonites,  who,  when  they  made  their  children  passe  through  sir 
the  fire  to  Moloch,  caused  certaine  tabret  or  drums  to  sound,  ]  \ 
tliat  their  cry  might  not  be  heard  ;  whence  the  place  wasj  1 
called  Tophet,  a  tabret  (2  Kings,  23.  10).  There  is  one  seet\\ 
among  the  Gentiles  which  neither  burne  nor  interre  their 
dead.  They  are  called  Parcees  ;  who  incircle  pieces  of  ground 
with  high  stone  walls,  remote  from  houses  or  roade-wayes,  and 
therein  lay  their  carkasses  wrapped  in  sheetes  ;  thus  having 
no  other  tombes  but  the  gorges  of  ravenous  fowles.'^ 

The  Gentiles  for  the  most  part  are  very  industrious.  They 
till  the  ground  or  else  spend  their  time  otherwaies  diligently 

'  And  the  nearer  they  can  come  to  the  head  of  that  river,  the  more 
virtue  they  beheve  is  in  the  water  '  (1655  edition,  p.  348). 

'  In  the  16.55  edition  this  account  of  the  Parsees  is  much  enlarged 
from  the  Rev.  Henry  Lord's  Display  of  Two  Formigne  Sects  in  the  East 
Indies,  1630 

y2 


',i'2l  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

in  their  vocations.  There  are  amongst  them  most  curious 
artificers,  who  arc  tlic  best  apes  for  imitation  in  tlie  world  ; 
for  they  will  make  any  new  thing  by  patternc.  The  Mahome- 
tans are  generally  idle  ;  who  are  all  for  to  morrow  (a  word 
common  in  their  mouthes).  They  live  upon  the  labours  of  the 
,  Gentiles.  Some  of  which  poore  seduced  infidels  will  eate  of 
nothing  that  hath  life  ;  and  these  live  upon  herbs  and  milke 
and  butter  and  cheese  and  sweet-meates,  of  which  they  make 
divers  kindes,  whereof  the  most  wholsome  is  greene  ginger, 
as  well  preserved  there  as  in  any  part  of  the  world.  Others 
will  eate  fish,  and  no  living  thing  else.  The  Rashbootes  eate 
swlnes-flesh,  most  hatefuU  to  the  Mahometans.  Some  will  eate 
of  one  kinde  of  flesh,  some  of  another  ;  but  all  the  Gentiles 
abstaine  from  beefe,  out  of  the  excellent  esteeme  they  have  of 
kine  ;  and  therefore  give  the  King  yeerly  (beside  his  other 
exactions)  great  summes  of  money  as  a  ransome  for  those 
creatures  ;  whence  among  other  good  provision  we  meete 
there  but  with  little  beefe.  Those  most  tender  hearted 
idolaters  are  called  Banians  ;  who  hold  Pithagoras  his  /xere/it- 
\l/uXoi(ris  as  a  prime  article  of  their  faith.  They  thinke  that 
the  soules  of  the  best  men  and  women,  when  their  bodies  let 
them  out  of  prison,  take  their  repose  in  kine,  which  in  their 
opinion  are  the  best  of  all  creatures.  So  the  soules  of  the  wicked 
goe  into  viler  beasts  ;  as  the  soules  of  gluttons  and  drunkards 
into  swine  ;  the  soules  of  the  voluptuous  and  incontinent  into 
monkies  and  apes  ;  the  soules  of  the  furious,  cruell,  and 
revengefuU  into  lyons,  tygers,  and  wolves  ;  the  soules  of  the 
envious  into  serpents  ;  and  so  into  other  creatures  according 
to  their  qualitie  and  disposition,  successively  from  one  to 
another  of  the  same  kinde,  ad  infinitum  ;  by  consequence 
lieleeving  the  immortalitie  of  the  world.  So  that  there  is  not 
a  silly  flie  but,  if  they  may  bee  credited,  carries  about  some 
soules  (haply  they  thinke  of  light  women)  '^  ;  and  will  not  be 
perswaded  out  of  these  grosse  opinions,  so  incorrigible  are  their 
sottish  errours  ;  and  therefore  will  not  deprive  the  most 
offensive  creatures  of  their  life  (not  snakes,  that  will  kill  them), 

*  The  1655  edition  adds  that  '  probably  they  further  believe  that  the 
souls  of  froward.  peevish,  and  teachy  [i.  e.  touchy]  women  go  into 
waapes  '. 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  325 

saying  it  is  their  nature  to  doe  harme  :    how  that  they  have 
reason  to  shunne,  not  Hbertie  to  destroy  them. 

For  their  workes  of  charitie  many  rich  men  build  Sarraas, 
or  make  wells  or  tankes  neere  to  high-wayes  that  are  much 
travelled,  where  passengers  may  drinke  ;  or  else  allow  pensions 
unto  poore  men,  that  they  may  sit  by  the  high-way  sides  and 
offer  water  unto  those  that  passe. 

Their  day  of  rest  is  Thursday  ;  as  the  Mahometans  Friday. 
Many  festivals  they  have  which  they  keepe  solemne  ;  and 
pilgrimages,  whereof  the  most  famous  are  specified  in  the  briefe 
descriptions  of  Negracut  and  Cyba  ;  where  people  out  of 
devotion  cut  off  part  of  their  tongues,  which  (if  Master  Coryat, 
who  strictly  observed  it,  may  be  beleeved)  in  a  few  dales 
became  whole  againe.  It  were  easie  to  enlarge,  but  I  will  not 
cast  away  inke  and  paper  in  a  farther  description  of  their 
stupid  idolatries.  The  summe  is  that  both  Mahometans  and 
Gentiles  ground  their  opinions  upon  tradition,  not  reason  ; 
and  are  content  to  perish  with  their  fore-fathers,  out  of  a,^ 
preposterous  zeale  and  loving  perversenesse,  never  ruminating 
on  that  they  maintayne,  like  to  uncleane  beasts  which  chew 
not  the  cud. 

Now  both  these  Mahometans  and  Gentiles  are  under  the 
subjection  of  the  Great  MogoU,  whose  name  signifieth  a  circum- 
cised man,i  and  therefore  he  is  called  the  Great  MogoU,  as 
much  as  to  say  :  the  Chief e  of  the  Circumcision.  He  is  lineally 
descended  by  the  father  from  that  famous  conquerour  of  the 
East,  called  in  our  stories  Tamberlaine,  in  theirs  Temar 
[Timur]  ;  who  towards  his  end,  by  an  unhappie  fall  from  his 
horse,  which  made  him  halt  to  his  grave,  was  called  Temar-lang, 
or  Temar  the  Lame.  The  present  King  is  the  ninth  in  a  direct 
line  from  that  his  great  ancestor.  The  Emperour  stiles  him- 
selfe  :  the  King  of  Justice,  the  Light  of  the  Law  of  Mahomet,  the 
Conquerour  of  the  World.^    Himselfe  moderates  in  all  matters 

'  The  same  statement  is  made  by  Salbank  (Lctlcr.s  Received,  vol.  vi, 
\).  184),  by  Roe  {Embassy,  p.  312),  and  by  Bluteau  (Vocabulurio,  1712- 
21) ;  but  there  is  no  ground  for  it. 

■•'  The  original  of  the  first  epithet  can  only  bo  guessed  at,  though  it 
may  be  a  perversion  of  Ghufran  pandh  ('  the  asylum  of  pardon  '),  wliich 
appears  as  one  of  the  Emperor's  titles  on  his  tomb.     The  rest  is  Nur-ud- 


326  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

of  consequence  which  happen  neere  his  court,  for  the  most  part 
judging  secundum  allegata  et  probata.  Tryals  are  qiiicke,  and 
so  are  executions  :  hangings,  beheading,  impaling,  killing  with 
dogges,  by  elephants,  serpents,  and  other  like,  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  fact.  The  execution  is  commonly  done  in 
the  market  place.  The  governours  in  cities  and  provinces 
pi'oceed  in  like  forme  of  justice.  I  could  never  heare  of  law 
written  amongst  them  ;  the  King  and  his  substitutes  will  is_ 
law.  His  vice-gerents  continue  not  long  in  a  place,  but,  to 
prevent  popularitie,  receive  usually  a  remoove  yearely.  They 
receive  his  letters  with  great  respect.  They  looke  for  presents 
from  all  which  have  occasion  to  use  them,  and  if  they  be  not 
often  visited  will  aske  for  them  ;  yea,  send  them  backe  for 
better  exchange.  The  Cadee  [Kdzi]  will  imprison  debtors  and 
sureties,  bound  with  hand  and  scale  ;  and  men  of  power  for 
payment  will  sell  their  persons,  wives,  and  children  ;  which 
the  custome  of  the  land  will  warrant. 

The  King  shewes  himselfe  thrice  a  day  ;  first,  at  sun-rising 
at  a  bay-window  ^  toward  the  east,  many  being  there  assembled 
to  give  him  the  salam,  and  crying  Padsha  salament  [Padshah 
saldmat],  that  is  :  Live,  O  King.  At  noone  he  sees  his  elephants 
fight  or  other  pastimes.  A  little  before  sun-set  he  shewes 
himselfe  at  a  window  to  the  west,  and,  the  sunne  being  set, 
returneth  in  with  drums  and  wind  instruments,  the  peoples 
acclamations  adding  to  the  consort.  At  any  of  these  three 
times,  any  sutor,  holding  up  his  petition  to  be  scene,  shall  be 
heard.  Betwixt  seven  and  nine  he  sits  privately,  attended  with 
his  nobles. 

No  subject  in  this  empire  hath  land  of  inheritance,  nor  have 
other  title  but  the  Kings  will  ;  which  makes  some  of  the 
grandes  to  live  at  the  height  of  their  meanes  ;  merchants  also 
to  conceale  their  riches,  lest  they  should  be  made  spunges. 
Some  meane  meanes  the  King  allowes  the  children  of  those 
great   ones  ;    which   they   exceed   not,   except  they   hai)pily 

din  Muhammad  Jahangir  ;  but  in  this  '  Muhammad '  is  a  personal  name 
and  has  no  relation  to  the  preceding  word,  as  Terry  supi)osed. 

'  '  In  a  place  very  like  unto  one  of  our  balconies,  made  in  his  liouses  or 
pavilions  for  his  morning  appearance  directly  opposite  to  the  east,  about 
s  ven  or  eight  foot  high  from  the  ground  '  (1655  edition,  p.  389). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  327 

succeed  in  their  fathers  favours.  His  pensions  are  reckoned 
by  horse,  of  which  hee  payeth  a  million  in  his  empire,  for  every 
horse  allowing  five  and  twentie  pound  yearely,^  raised  from 
lands  thereunto  designed.  There  are  some  twentie  in  his  court 
which  have  pay  of  five  thousand  horse  :  others  of  foure 
thousand  or  three  thousand  :  and  so  downward.  Hee  which 
hath  pay  of  five  thousand  is  bound  to  have  two  thousand  ^  at 
command,  and  so  in  like  proportion  others.  This  absolute 
dependance  makes  them  dissolute  parasites.  When  he  giveth 
advancement,  he  addeth  a  new  name  (as  Pharao  did  to  Joseph), 
and  those  pithily  significant  ;  as  Mahobet  Chan,  the  Beloved 
Lord  ;  Chan  Jahaun,  the  Lord  of  my  Heart  ^  ;  Chan  Allan,*  the 
Lord  of  the  World  ;  etc.  The  chiefe  officers  of  state  are  his 
Treasurer,  the  Master  of  his  Eunuches  (who  is  Steward  and 
Comptroller  of  his  House),  his  Secretarie,  the  Master  of  his 
Elephants,  the  Tent-master,  and  Keeper  of  his  Wardrobe. 
These  [There  ?]  are  subordinate  titles  of  honour,  as  Chan, 
Mirza,  Umbra  [see  p.  147]  or  Captaine,  Haddee  [see  p.  99], 
a  souldier  or  horseman.^  Gorgeous  apparell  is  prohibited  by 
the  sunnes  heate  ;  the  King  himselfe  being  commonly  vested 
with  a  garment,  as  before  described,  of  pure  white  calico 
lawne.  Blue  may  not  be  worne  in  his  presence  (the  colour  of 
mourners),  nor  the  name  of  death  sounded  in  his  eares  ;  but 
such  casually  is  mollified  by  tearmes  to  this  purpose  :  Such 
an  one  hath  made  himselfe  a  sacrifice  at  Your  Majesties  feet. 
That  heate  of  the  countrey  makes  little  sale  for  English 
cloth,  most  used  there  for  coverings  of  elephants,  horses, 
coaches.     Yet  may  this  king  be  thought  to  exceed  any  other 

'  In  the  1655  edition  Terry  reduces  this  sum  to  £18. 

■^  '  One  thousand  or  more  '  (1655  edition). 

^  Mahabat  Khan  means  '  the  lord  who  inspires  awe  '  ;  while  Khan 
Jahan  is  '  the  lord  of  the  world  '.  Sir  Charles  Lyall  points  out  that 
Terry,  whose  smattering  of  Persian  often  misled  him,  has  confused  the 
one  term  with  mahahhat  (affection)  and  the  other  with  jaii  (the  soul). 

*  Corrected  in  the  1655  edition  to  '  Chan-Allaam  '  (for  whom  see  p.  99). 

"  The  later  edition  amplifies  this  paragraph  into  :  '  All  tli(^  Kings 
children  are  called  Sultans  or  princes  :  his  daughters  Sultanaus  or 
princesses.  The  next  title  is  Nabob,  equivalent  to  a  duke  ;  the  next 
Channa,  a  double  lord,  or  earle  ;  the  next  Chan,  a  lord.  So  Meirsa 
signifies  a  knight  that  hath  been  a  general  or  commander  in  tlic  wars  : 
Umbra,  a  captain  :   Haddee,  a  cavalier  or  souldier  on  horse-back.' 


328  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

in  glorious  thrones  and  rich  jewels.  Hee  hath  a  throne  in  his 
palace  at  Agra,  ascended  by  degrees  [steps],  on  the  top  whereof 
are  foure  lions  made  of  inassie  silver,  gilded,  set  with  precious 
stones,  supporting  a  canopie  of  massie  gold.^  By  the  way  I  may 
mention  a  tame  lion  living  in  his  court  while  I  was  there,  going 
up  and  downe  without  hurt  like  a  dogge.  His  jewels,  where- 
with hee  is  daily  adorned  about  his  head,  necke,  wrists,  and 
hilts  of  his  sword  and  dagger,  are  invaluable.  He  is  on  his 
birthday,  the  first  of  September,  (now  sixtie  times  renewed) 
yearely  weighed,  and  account  kept  thereof  by  his  physicians, 
thereby  ghessing  at  his  bodily  estate. ^ 

Part  of  two  letters  to  His  Majestic  is  here  translated  out  of 
Persian  ;  sent  by  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  but  written  one  a  yeare 
before  the  other.^ 

'  When  Your  Majestic  shall  open  this  letter,  let  your  royall 
heart  be  as  fresh  as  a  sweet  garden  ;  let  all  people  make 
reverence  at  your  gate  ;  let  your  throne  be  advanced  higher 
amongst  the  greatnesse  of  the  kings  of  the  Prophet  Jesus.  Let 
Your  Majestic  be  the  greatest  of  all  monarches,  who  may 
derive  their  counsell  and  wisedome  from  your  brest  as  from  a 
fountayne,  that  the  law  of  the  majestie  of  Jesus  may  revive 
and  flourish  under  your  protection.  The  letters  of  love  and 
friendship  which  you  sent  me,  and  the  presents  (tokens  of 
your  good  affection  toward  mee),  I  have  received  by  the  hands 
of  your  embassadour  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  who  well  deserveth  to 
be  your  trusted  servant  ;  delivered  to  lue  in  an  acceptable  and 
happie  houre.  Upon  which  mine  eyes  were  so  fixed  that  I 
could  not  easily  remoove  them  to  any  other  object,  and  have 
accepted  them  with  great  joy,'  etc. 

The  last  letter  hath  this  beginning  : — 

'  How  gracious  is  Your  Majestie,  whose  greatnesse  God 
preserve.  As  upon  a  rose  in  a  garden,  so  are  mine  eyes  fixed 
upon  you.  God  maintayne  your  estate,  that  your  monarchic 
may  prosper  and  be  augmented,  and  that  you  may  obtayne 

*  In  the  1655  edition  Terry  says  that  he  had  this  information  from 
English  merchants  who  had  been  at  Agra.  He  adds  that  the  lions  stood 
on  pedestals  of  curiously  coloured  marble. 

^  See  notes  on  pp.  118,  245,  supra. 

'  Both  letters  are  given  at  full  length  in  Tli^  Emhassy  (pp.  557,  559). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  329 

all  your  desires,  worthy  the  greatnesse  of  your  renowme.  And 
as  your  heart  is  noble  and  upright,  so  let  God  give  you  a 
glorious  raigne,  because  you  strongly  defend  the  niajestie  of 
Jesus,  which  God  yet  made  more  flourishing,  because  it  was 
confirmed  by  miracles,'  etc. 

That  which  foUoweth  in  botlx  letters  is  to  testifie  his  care 
and  love  toward  the  English.  These  letters  being  written,  their 
copies  were  sent  to  the  Lord  Embassadour,  and  the  originals, 
rolled  up  and  covered  with  cloth  of  gold  and  sealed  up  at  both 
ends  ;   which  is  the  letter-fashion  of  those  parts. 

We  travelled  two  yeares  with  the  Great  MogoU  in  progresse, 
in  the  temperate  moneths  twixt  October  and  April,  there  being 
no  lesse  then  two  hundred  thousand  men,  women,  and  children 
in  this  leskar  or  campe  (I  amhereof  confident),  besides  elephants, 
horses,  and  other  beasts  that  eate  corne  ;  all  which  notwith- 
standing, wee  never  felt  want  of  any  provision,  no,  not  in  our 
nineteene  dayes  travell  from  Mandoa  to  Amadavar,  thorow  a 
wildernesse,  the  road  being  cut  for  us  in  the  mayne  woods. 
The  tents  were  of  divers  colours,  and  represented  a  spacious 
and  specious  citie.  The  Kings  tents  red,  reared  on  poles  very 
high,  and  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  campe,  covering  a  large 
compasse,  incircled  with  canats  [kandt,  a  screen]  (made  of  red 
calico  stiffened  with  canes  at  every  breadth,  standing  upright 
about  nine  ^  foot  high),  guarded  round  every  night  with 
souldiers.  He  remooved  ten  or  twelve  miles  a  day,  more  or 
lesse,  according  to  the  convenience  of  water.  His  wives  and 
women  of  all  sorts  (which  are  one  thousand  at  least,  provided 
for  in  his  tents)  are  carryed  in  palankas  or  upon  elephants,  or 
else  in  cradles  hanging  on  the  sides  of  dromedaries,  covered 
close  and  attended  by  eunuches.  In  wiving,  he  respects  fancie 
more  then  honour,  not  seeking  afflnitie  with  neighbour  princes, 
but  to  please  his  eye  at  home.  Noore-Mahal,  the  name  of  his 
best  beloved,  signifieth  the  Light  of  the  Court.  Shee  hath  much 
advanced  her  friends,  before  meane,  and  in  manner  commands 
the  commander  of  that  emjjire  by  engrossing  his  affections. 
The  King  and  his  great  men  maintayne  tiieir  women,  but  little 
affect  them  after  thirtie  yeares  of  their  age. 

*  '  Tea  '  in  the  1655  edition. 


330  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 

Tliis  multitude  of  women  notwithstanding,  the  Mogoll  hath 
but  sixc  cliildren  :  five  sonnes  and  a  daughter.  All  his  sonnes 
are  called  Sultans  or  Princes  :  the  eldest  Sultan  Cursero,  the 
second  Sultan  Parveis,  Sultan  Caroon  the  third,  Sultan  Shahar 
the  fourth.  The  last  is  Sultan  Tauct,  which  word  in  the  Persian 
signifieth  a  throne  ;  so  named  by  the  King,  who  the  first  houre 
of  his  quiet  possessing  the  throne  had  newes  of  his  birth,  about 
nineteene  yeares  since.^  The  first  sonne,  by  any  of  his  marryed 
wives,  by  prerogative  of  birth  inherits ;  the  elder  brother  beeing 
there  called  the  Great  Brother."^  Although  the  younger  be  not 
put  to  death,  as  with  the  Turkes,  yet  it  is  observed  that  they 
survive  not  long  their  father,  employed  commonly  in  some 
dangerous  expedition.  Achabar-sha  had  threatned  to  dis- 
herit the  present  King,  for  abuse  of  Anar-kalee  (that  is  Pome- 
granate Kernell),  his  most  beloved  wife  [see  p.  166]  ;  but  on 
his  death-bed  repealed  it.  This  Achabars  death  is  thus  reported. 
He  was  wont  upon  displeasure  to  give  pils  to  his  grandes  to 
purge  their  soules  from  their  bodies  ;  which  intending  against 
one,  and  having  another  cordiall  pill  for  himselfe,  whiles  hee 
entertayned  the  other  with  faire  flatteries,  by  a  happie- 
unhappie  mistake  hee  tooke  the  poyson  himselfe  ;  which 
vAth  a  mortall  fluxe  of  bloud  in  few  dayes  killed  him.^ 
Neque  enim  lex  justior  ulla  est  quam  necis  artifices  arte  perire 
sua.* 

This  Kings  disposition  seemes  composed  of  extreames  :  very 

*  Jahandar  (see  note  on  p.  100)  was  born  in  1605. 

-  '  Budda  Bij,  their  great  brother  '  (1655  edition).    This  phrase  stands 
for  hiiddJia  hhai,  '  old  brother  '. 

3  This  story  of  Akbar's  death,  though  not  accepted  by  modern  his 
torians,  had  evidently  a  wide  currency  in  India  at  this  time.  It  is  to  be 
found  also  in  the  Chronicle  appended  to  De  Laet's  De  Imperio  Magni 
Mogolis,  and  in  Peter  Mimdy's  journal  under  date  of  1632  (vol.  ii,  p.  103). 
In  both  of  these  the  intended  victim  is  identified  as  Mirza  Ghazi,  son  of 
Mirza  Jani  Beg,  ruler  of  Sind  ;  though  the  tradition  among  the  Rajputs 
was  that  he  was  Raja  Man  Singh  of  Amber  (see  Tod's  Bajasthan). 
Herbert  (<S'ow»e  Yeares  Travdl,  p.  72)  has  a  somewhat  difiFerent  version ; 
and  yet  another  is  given  by  Manucci  (vol.  i,  p.  150). 

*  In  the  1655  edition  Terry  translates  the  couplet  thus  : 

'  When  some  to  kill  most  deadly  engines  frame, 
Tis  just  that  they  themselves  be  caught  i'  th'  same.' 
It  is  from  Ovid's  Art  of  Love  (i,  655). 


EDWARD  TERRY,  1616-19  331 

cruell,  and  otherwhiles  very  milde  ;  often  overcome  with  wine, 
but  severely  punishing  that  fault  in  others.  His  subjects  know 
not  to  disobey  ;  Nature  forgetting  her  private  bonds  twixt 
father  and  sonne  to  fulfill  that  publike.  He  daily  relieves 
many  poore,  and  will  in  pietie  helpe  to  carrie  sometimes  his 
mother  in  a  palanka  on  his  shoulders.  He  speakes  respectively 
of  our  Saviour,  but  is  offended  at  His  crosse  and  povertie  ; 
thinking  them  incompetible  to  such  majestic,  though  told 
that  His  humilitie  was  to  subdue  the  worlds  pride. 

All  religions  are  tolerated,  and  their  priests  in  good  esteeme.  |  ;^ 
My  selfe  often  received  from  the  Mogoll  himselfe  the  appella- 
tion of  Father, '^  with  other  many  gracious  words,  with  place 
amongst  his  best  nobles.  The  Jesuites  have  not  only  admit- 
tance into  his  piresence  but  incouragements  from  him  by  many 
gifts,  with  libertie  of  converting  to  them  ;  and  to  the  subject, 
to  be  without  losse  of  favour  converted.  He  made  tryall  of 
one  convert  ^  with  many  threats  to  deterre  him  from  his  new 
profession  ;  and  finding  him  undauntedly  resolute,  he  assayed 
by  flatteries  and  promises  to  re-gaine  liim  ;  but  therein  also 
failing,  hee  bade  him  continue,  and  with  a  reward  discharged 
him  ;  having  told  him  that  if  he  could  have  frayed  [i.  e. 
frightened]  or  brought  him  from  his  religion,  he  would  have 
made  him  an  example  for  all  waverers.  The  chiefe  Jesuite 
was  Franciscus  Corsi,^  a  Florentine  by  birth,  living  at  the 
MogoUs  court  agent  for  the  Portugals.  I  would  I  were  able 
to  conflrme  the  reports  of  their  conversions.  The  truth  is 
they  have  spilt  the  water  of  baptisme  upon  some  faces,  working 
on  the  necessities  of  poore  men,  who  for  want  of  meanes, 
which  they  give  them,  are  content  to  weare  crucifixes,  but  for 
want  of  instruction  are  only  in  name  Christians.  I  observed 
that  of  the  poore  there,  five  have  begged  in  the  name  of  Marie 
for  one  in  the  name  of  Christ  [cf.  p.  276].  I  also  desired  to 
put  my  hand  to  this  holy  worke,  but  found  it  difficult,  both 

*  Padre — a  term  which,  introduced  by  the  Jesuit  inisaionaries,  still 
does  duty  in  India  for  a  cliaplain  or  minister  of  any  Christian  denomina- 
tion. 

2  '  A  gentleman  of  quality  and  a  servant  of  the  Great  Mogol '  (1655 
edition).    This  tale  was  derived  from  Coryat  (see  p.  280,  supra). 

^  For  an  account  of  him  see  The  Embassy,  p.  314. 


332  EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDLV 

by  Mahumetane  libcrtie  for  women  and  the  debauched  lives 
of  some  Cliristian-unchristian  men  amongst  them,  per  quorum 
latera  potitur  Evangelium.^  Hee  which  liatli  the  Key  of  David, 
open  their  eyes,  and  in  His  good  time  send  labourers  into  this 
vineyard.    Amen. 

'  '  By  whom  the  Gospell  of  Jesus  Christ  is  scandalized  and  exceedingly 
suffers  '  is  the  translation  given  in  the  1655  edition. 


INDEX 


'  Abashed ',  138. 

Abbas,  Shah.    See  Persia,  King  of. 

Abdullah  Khan,  17  w.,  98,  198  n.  ; 
Viceroy  of  Gujarat,  206. 

Abdurrahim,  Mirza,  71,  78,  80,  98, 
106,  108,  131  (3),  137-8,  155  w., 
162,  207  ;  influence  of, 165, 207  ; 
his  gardens,  138,  207. 

Abdurrahim.  Shaikh,  72-3,  77, 
126(2). 

Ab-i-barik,  168. 

Abraham,  the  Patriarch,  47,  241-2, 
259,  318  (2). 

Abulbi  Uzbeg,  99. 

Abulfath  Dekhani,  99. 

Abul  Hasan,  Khwaja,  6G  8,  85, 
87-95,  99,  146-7. 

Abu  RTsh,  9. 

Abyssinians,  138,  307. 

Achin,  35,  41,  128,  200  w.,  293. 

Acosta,  Christoval,  305. 

Ada,  21. 

Adam,  177,  322. 

Aden,  60-2,  68. 

Adil  Shah,  14,  15. 

Agates,  22,  27,  174. 

Agra,  47,  59,  278,  293,  295  ;  Fitch 
at,  5,  17  ;  Mildenhall  at,  55-9  ; 
Hawkins  at,  64-5,  80-95,  192 ; 
Finch  at,  146-8 ;  Canning  at, 
189,  200-2;  Withington  at, 
191-3,222-8;  Sherley  at,  212  m.; 
Coryat  at,  236-7,  244,  261,  267, 
283,  315  ;  described,  17,  182-5, 
226 ;  centre  of  the  Mogul's 
dominions,  100 ;  palace-fortress 
at,  100,  182-5,  226,  310,  328; 
black  throne  at,  115;  stone 
figures  at,  183 ;  Jesuits  at,  49, 55, 
222 ;  Christian  cemetery  at, 
201  ;  fires  at,  146,  185  ;  plague 
at,  237  ;  Governor  of,  192,  224. 

Ahadi,  99,  164,  184  (2),  277,  327. 

Ahraadabad,76. 100, 106, 170, 193- 
5,  213,  216-17  ;    described,  173, 


206,  300 ;  English  at,  190,  203-4, 
206-7,  251  ;  Jesuit  at,  207 ; 
Jahanglr  at,  288,  329 ;  Gover- 
nor of,  133  ;   Diwan  of,  197. 

Ahmadnagar,  city  of,  130,  146. 

Ahmadnagar,  l^ng  of,  13,  15,  130- 
1,  138,  291  ;  subdued  by  Akbar, 
130  71. 

Ajmer,  51-2,  225,  305  ;  described, 
170-1  ;  Akbar's  pilgrimage  to, 
148,  150,  171,  225  ;  Jahanglr  at, 
192,  225,  236-7,  280  ;  English  at, 
192  (2),  230,  236,  244,  253; 
Edwards  at,  192,  227-31,  236  ; 
Withington  at,  193-4,  224,  228  ; 
Sherley  at,  212  n.  ;  Roe  at,  194, 
237  ;  Coryat  at, 236-7, 244,  256, 
259,  262,  267  ;  factory  closed, 
237. 

Ajodhya,  176  (2). 

Akbar,  the  Emperor,  2,  3w.,  4:n., 
16-18,  62  n.,  85, 107, 139  n.,  142, 
168,  170  ;  his  conquests,  13,  17, 
23-4,  26,  28,  106,  130,  140,  208  ; 
defeats  Sher  Shah,  152  ;  builds 
Allahabad  castle,  177  ;  founds 
Fatehpur  Sikri,  149,  160  ;  leaves 
it,  150,  182  ;  his  pilgrimage  to 
Ajmer,  148, 171,  225 ;  Jahangir's 
rebellion,  107,  159,  177,  279  n.  ; 
deals  with  the  succession,  107-8, 
159,  330 ;  Bairam  Khan  and, 
165;  Partab  Shah  and,  137; 
Anarkikali  and,  166,  330  ;  Fitch 
and,  5,  17,  18  ;  MildenhaU  and, 
49,  50  ;  pictures  of,  163-4  ;  his 
magic  powers,  276  ;  his  piety 
towards  his  mother,  278 ;  his 
death,  49,  330 ;  his  widows,  186; 
his  tomb  :   see  Sikandra. 

Akbarpur  (Malwa),  140. 

Akbarpur  (Muttra  District),  155. 

Akbarpur  (Oudh),  176. 

Albuquerque,  Mathias  de,  11,  12 

Alcaron.    See  Kurdn. 


834 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Aldea,  132, 134,  13r.-7,  140, 143  (3), 

151,  215. 
Aldworth,  Thomas,  Chief  at  Surat, 

189-90,  192,  202,  219-20,  222-3  ; 

ill,  196  «.  ;  at  Ahmadabad,  204- 

8,  217. 
Aleppo,  2,  3,  6.  7,  9,  18,  47-8,  53, 

57,  124-5,  191,  202  ;   Coryat  at, 

235-7,  241,  243,  250,  256-7,  260- 

1  ;   consul  at,  7,  286. 
Alexander  the  Great,  177,  248. 
Alexandria,  202-3,  245,  260,  271. 
Alfandega,  128,  134. 
Aliad  indigo,  153. 
Ali  Akbar  Kuli,  Mlrza,  99. 
All  Boghan,  168. 
Ali  Mardan  Khan  Bahadur,  99. 
Ali  Masjid,  168. 
Alkin,  John,  203. 
Allahabad,  5,  19,  107,  177-8,  293  ; 

the  castle  at,  159,  177-8. 
Allare,  Henry,  256. 
Ally  Pomory,  77. 
Almonds,  297  n.  ;   used  as  money, 

25. 
Almora,  181  n. 
Aluwa  sarai,  158. 
Amara  237. 
Amar  Singh"  of  Udaipur,  100,  107, 

114,  170,  225;   his  son,  225. 
Ambala,  123, 158. 
Amber,  22,  47,  67  n. 
Ambere,  167. 
Aminabad,  167, 
Amindumara,  the,  98. 
Am-KMs,  159. 
Anah,  9  n. 
Ananas,  297. 
Anang  Pal,  Raja,  155  n. 
Anarkikali,  166,  330. 
Ana  Sagar,  the,  171. 
Angeli,  25-6. 
Anil,  40. 
Anne,  the,  289. 
Antelopes,  243,  246,  296. 
Antri,  144. 
Anup  Rai,  154. 
Apes,  313. 
Aplis,  309. 
Apples,  297. 
Arabia.      See   Mesopotamia,   Red 

Sea,  etc. 


Arabic   language,   the,   249,   254, 

284,  309-10,  315  16,  318. 
Arail,  178. 
Arakan,  26,  29,  182. 
Ararat,  mt.,  260. 
Aravad,  137. 
Areea  nuts,  38,  300. 
Aristotle,  309. 
Armada,  76  (2),  139. 
Armenia,  1,  10,  47,  242,  246,  259. 
Armenians,  53,   57,   64,   85,    133, 

138-9,  167,  206,  217,  223,  240, 

248,  267,  280-1,  307,  331. 
Arrack,  300. 
Arrows,  218,  312-14. 
Arsacia,  242. 
Arz,  56,  91. 
Asafetida,  18. 
Asaf  Khan  ( Itikad  Khan),  68, 94  n. , 

291  n. 
Asaf  Khan  (Jafar  Beg),  98,  139, 

163,  165. 
Ascensimi,  the,  64-5, 85  ;  wrecked, 

86,   132;    survivors  of,  65,  86, 

132-3,  155  n.  ;   her  pinnace,  85, 

131-2. 
Ashrafi,  101. 
Asir,  100,  140. 
Asoka   pillars,    156?).,    157,    177, 

248  M. 
Asses,  209,  304. 
Astrology,  310. 

Atescanna.    Se£  Yatish-khdna. 
Attock,  168,  292. 
Austin  of  Bordeaux,  51-2. 
Ava,  39,  182. 
Avicenna,  310. 
Ayuthia,  33. 
Aziz  Koka,  59,  98  (2),  155,  162, 

277%.  ;  his  son,  173. 

Babel,  Tower  of,  10. 

Babur,  the  Emperor,  164-5,  168. 

Babylon.    See  Bagdad. 

Badakhshan,  87  «.,  168. 

Bad-ki-sarai,  155. 

Baffin's  map  of  India,  240,  291  w., 

294  m.,  295  m. 
Bdffn,  175,  206  m.,  218. 
'  Bag  and  baggage  ',  130. 
Bagdad,  2, 9-1 1, 47,  59, 124-5, 245, 

260,  269  ;    described,  9  :    Basha 


INDEX 


335 


of,  124-5  ;  Venetian  vire-ronsul 

at,  125. 
Baglan,  78  n.,  136. 
Bahadur,  Sultan,  12. 
Bahadurpur,  138. 
Bahadur  Khan  of  Khandesh,  140. 
BahadurShah  of  Gujarat,  100, 133, 

136,  142,  173. 
Bahtra,  272. 
Bahrein,  11,  44,  47. 
Bairam  Khan,  71  w.,  165  (2). 
Bajaur,  292. 

Bajreswari  Devi,  180,  294:11. 
Bakar,  294. 
Bakarah-id,  318. 
Baker,  Philip,  227-8. 
Bakla,  27-8. 
Balapur,  16,  293  7i. 
Balass  rubies,  87, 89, 93, 102-3, 112, 

115. 
Balbi,  Gasparo,  8,  9  n. 
Baikh,  114. 
Balkhar,  140. 
Baltistan,  170. 

Baluchis,  210,  218,  220,  292,  314. 
Bamboos,  25,  30,  32,  47. 
Banchish,  292. 
Banda,  293. 
Bandar  Sindri,  170. 
Bandas,  the,  41,  46. 
Banderamde,  170. 
Bangash,  292. 
Bangham,  Nicholas,  93. 
Banians,  passim. 
Banian-tree.    See  Fig-tree. 
Bantam,  61,  63,  69,  73,  97,  200  n. 
Barbers,  308,  313. 
Bareja,  206,  217  m. 
Barld,  16  n. 
Bariku,  168. 
Barley,  296. 
Baroda,  205. 
Barrai,  143. 
Basawal,  168. 
Baso,  Raja,  98,  163,  179. 
Basra,  1,  2,  6,  8,  46-7  ;  described, 

10,  11. 
Bassein  (India),  13. 
Bassein  (Pegu).    See  Kusima. 
'  Bath',  Prince,  100. 
Bdtimn,  102-3. 
Bats,  135. 


Bawa  Farld  Shakarganj,  166. 

Bayana,  123  (2),  148-52  ;  indigo, 
151-2,  174,  179. 

Bayasanghar,  Prince,  154  ;  made 
a  Christian,  86,  116,  147-8. 

Bayazld  I,  265. 

Bazaar,  135,  149,  151,  167,  174, 
182-3,  305. 

Beads,  prayer,  114-5,  316. 

Bears,  246. 

Belgaum,  15. 

Bells,  315;  of  justice,  113,  184, 
226. 

Benares,  5,  20,  176. 

Bengal,  100,  114,  246,  295  ;  Fitch 
in,  5,  6,  18,  24-8,  43  ;  Portu- 
guese in,  5,  25,  181-2  ;  goods 
from,  34,  43-4,  46;  Pathan 
kings  of,  26,  28  n. 

Benzoin,  35,  38,  46. 

Berar,  293. 

Best,  Thomas,  188-90,  197-200. 
206 ;  defeats  the  Portuguese,  68, 
198-9. 

Betel,  143,  300. 

Bhadwar,  136-7. 

Bhagnagar,  131,  182. 

Bhagwan  Das,  Raja,  164  n. 

Bhao  Singh,  Raja,  163. 

Bhimbar,  169. 

Bliinmal,  173. 

Bhutan,  27. 

Biana.    See  Bayana. 

Bibi,  276. 

Bidar,  16. 

Bihar,  295,  314. 

Bihar  Banu  Begam,  101  n. 

Bihari  Mai,  Raja,  98  n.,  105  n. 

Bihat,  River,  169,  292. 

Bijapur,  city  of,  4,  14,  15. 

Bijapur,  kingdom  of,  4,  14,  15  ; 
King  of,  131,  204,  220,  291  ; 
embassy  from,  250. 

Bikaner,  294. 

Bikrami,  168. 

Bima,  43. 

Bwf,  Ho,  282. 

Bir,  9,  47,  53. 

Birds'  nests,  313. 

Bishur,  292. 

Bitlis,  53. 

Blue  the  colour  of  mourning,  327. 


330 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


BoUckIo,  209. 

Bond.  John, 258  n. 

Book  calicoes.  17.''>. 

Bora,  143. 

Bore  at  Cambaj',  174,  217. 

liorgaon.  139. 

Borneo,  35,  4G. 

Bottia,  27. 

Bowma,  Ragee,  211. 

Bows,  312-14. 

'  Boy ',  231. 

Boys,  Thomas,  124,  146,  167. 

Brahma,  321. 

Brahmans,2)ass('m ;  their  doctrines 

and  ceremonies,  18,    19,    21-2, 

226,  321. 
Brama  (Burma),  39,  40. 
Brass,  21,  22,  34-5,  40,   183,  226, 

248,  302-3,  306,  322. 
Bread-making,  296. 
Broach,  140,  174,  205  n.,  217,  277. 
Broadcloth,   35,   64,    192,   205-6, 

306,  327. 
Brokers  in  Pegu,  35. 
Brooke,  Christopher,  255,  258  n. 
Brown,  John,  251. 
Buck,  Francis,  70,  74,  126  (2), 
Budde-Charbag,  168. 
Buddha  Bhai,  330  n. 
Buffaloes,  17,  24, 38, 104, 184,  218  ; 

described,  296  ;   horns  of,  312. 
Bukkur,  155  n. 

Bukkur-Sukkur,  161,  218.  292. 
BuUBull,  Sultan,  211. 
Bulsar,  134. 
Buray,  River,  137. 
Burdiano,  210. 
Burhanpur,5, 16,  71  n.,  78,  93,  100, 

131,   133-4,  136-7,   143,  146-7, 

222 n.,  293  ;  Hawkins  at,  79, 80  ; 

Finch  at,  138-9  ;  castle  at,  138, 

222  n. ;  elephant  rock  at,  138  ; 

Governor  of,  139. 
Burials,  315. 

Burma,  39,  40.    See  also  Pegu. 
Bushire,  2. 
Butkhak,  168. 

Butter,  19,  152,  296,  304,  324. 
Byaval,  138. 

'  Cabie  ',  18. 
Cacohegate,  25 


Cairo,  48,  245,  260,  269. 

Calentures,  310. 

Calicoes,  175,  205  «..  289, 327, 329. 

Calicut,  44-5  ;  King  of,  45,  129. 

Calivers,  45. 

Callitalowny,  208  n. 

Callwalla,  208. 

Cambals  (camboline),  27,  36. 

Cambay,  12,  62-3,  84,  130,  173, 
203  ;  Finch's  account  of,  174  ; 
sacked,  133,  173 ;  Portuguese 
trade  with,  76  n.,  174  ;  bore  at, 
174,  217  ;  Jesuits  at,  83,  95-6  ; 
Hawkins  returns  via,  67-8,  93, 
95-6 ;  Mukarrab  Khan  in 
charge  of,  71-2,  87  n.  ;  Withing- 
ton  at,  190-1,  206,  217  ;  Gover- 
nor of,  206. 

Camels,  passim. 

Camla,  140. 

Camphor,  35,  46. 

Candere,  151. 

Canning,  Lancelot,  189,  200-1. 

Canning,  Paul,  189,  197.  200-1; 
death  of,  190,  201  w.,  202. 

Canton,  41. 

Caplan,  39. 

Capons,  297. 

Caraemit,  53. 

Caravallo,  Albert,  28. 

Caravans  described,  259. 

Cards,  312. 

Careless,  R.,  127  (2). 

Carpets,  18,  177,  308,  311. 

Carrots,  297. 

Cartaz,  129-31,  135. 

Cartwright,  John,  53-4. 

Cassumparo,  208  n. 

Caste,  138,  218,  220-1,  226,  322; 
caste-marks,  19,  20,  323. 

Cathaia,  102. 

Cats,  25,  33. 

Caucasus,  the  Indian,  243  n.,  291, 
294. 

Cavalero,  147. 

Ceylon,  28,  43-5  ;   King  of,  43-4. 

Chabiltara,  158  n. 

Chalani  rupees,  101  n. 

Chaldea,  241-2. 

Chamba,  293. 

Chambal,  R.,  145. 

Chandangaon,  170. 


INDEX 


ss; 


Chandeau,  26. 

Chand  Rai,  28. 

Chaparghata,  179. 

Chapman,  Libbeus,  286. 

Charikar,  168. 

Charke,  Charles,  155. 

Charles,  Prince,  289. 

Chatsu,  170. 

Ghauk,  183  n. 

Chauki,  144,  184. 

Chaul,  6,  13,  46,  129,  207  n. 

Chdtish,  53. 

Chautri,  158  n. 

Chay-root,  34. 

Cheese,  152,  296,  324. 

Cheetahs,  17,  104,  312. 

Chenab,  R,  167. 

Chess,  312. 

Chia-yii-kuan,  169  n. 

Childbirth  easy,  309. 

Chlma  Gakkhar,  167. 

China,  1,  2,  25  «.,  27.  47,  181,  282, 

295  ;  goods  from,  13,  34,  38,  41, 

46,  102:  trade  with  India,  169  ; 

aocomit  of,  41-2. 
China  dish,  story  of  a,  109. 
China-Machina,  109  (2). 
Chinches,  303. 
Chinese  in  India,  308  n. 
Chingas  Sarai,  169. 
Chin  Kilij,  Mirza,  99. 
Chintz,  16,  34,  43,  215,  227,  301. 
Chitor,  170,  293. 
Chittagong,  6,  26-7. 
CUtthi,  130. 
Chopra,  137. 
Chounter,  168,  162-6, 
Chunam,  42. 
Cinnamon,  44-5. 
Clarke,  Charles,  227. 
Clarkson,  Robert,  204. 
Claxton,  Robert,  204. 
Cloves,  46.    See  also  Spices. 
Coaches,  Indian,   311,   320,  327; 

English  coach  for  Jahangir,  252. 
Cochin,  6,  14,  43-6,  129  ;  King  of, 

45. 
Cochin-China,  25,  42,  46. 
Coco-nuts,  11,   13,  29,  38,  297 «. 

<Sfee  also  Palmeiro. 
Coffee,  300. 
Cogi  Alii,  45. 


Coir,  11. 
Colombo,  43. 

Comorin,  Cape,  44,  131,  182. 
Conowa,  169. 
Consent,  the,  61-2. 
Constantinople,  1,  18,  48,  53,  58, 
258  n.,  271  ;  Coryat  at,  235,  243, 

250,  257,  265,  268,  273. 
Coolies.    See  Kolis. 
Cope,  Sir  Walter,  50. 

Copper,  22,  34-5,  38,  41,  299  w., 
303;  ornaments,  11,  22-3,  28; 
coins,  302  n. 

Coral,  102,  115. 

Corn,  11,  13,  16,  20  1,  38,  44,  296, 
298. 

Cornelians,  102. 

Comet-player.    See  Trully. 

Corsi,  Francisco,  55,  148  n.,  331. 

Coryat,  Thomas,  157  n.,  315  ;  ac- 
count of,  234-41 ;  his  letters,  241- 
76;  notes  by,  276-82;  his 
address  to  Jahangir,  263,  284  ; 
his  speecli  to  a  Muhammadan, 
271;  King  James  and,  258  w., 
286  ;  Terry  and  :  see  Terry  ; 
his  death,  239,  287  ;  his  place  of 
burial,  239-40,  282,  287;  his 
mother,  248,  251,  259,  261  ;  his 
stepfather,  270  ;   his  uncle,  248, 

251,  275. 
Costus,  179. 

Cotton,  Sir  Robert,  258  n. 
Cotton,  17,  24;   goods,  16,  17,  20, 

24-6,  28,  34,  218,'  301  ;    yarn. 

34  ;  the  shrub,  301. 
Coulthrust,  Richard,  53. 
Course.    See  Kos. 
Covert,  Robert,  49, 65,  65  n.,  67  «., 

122,  155  n. 
Cows  venerated,  14,  22,  133,  218, 

220,  294,  324. 
Crocodiles,  30,  175,  303. 
Crtisado,  41. 
Curdes,  161. 
Curka,  136  (2). 
Cypress  trees.  158  (2),  178. 
Cyrus,  King,  242. 

Dabhol,  96. 

Da  Gunha,  Nuno,  188. 

Daka,  168. 


338 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


DdLin,  30. 

Daman,  13,77-8, 134, 192-3, 196  n. 

Dana,  304. 

Danak,  10. 

Dancing  girls,  183,  208. 

Uangali,  294. 

Daniyal,  Prince,  108,  147,  162; 
his  mother,  166, 

Darab,  MIrza,  99. 

Darbar,  162,  164,  178,  183-5. 

DarTkhana,  17. 

Darshani,  151,  163,  177,  183,  326. 

Darivdza,  166,  183. 

Danmz,  284,  319. 

Dates,  11,  297  ;  date-trees,  175. 

David,  King,  318. 

De  Castro,  Martin  Affonso,  128. 

Deccan,  the,  100. 114, 291 ;  wars  in, 
79,  94-5,  113,  130-1,  137-9, 143, 
146-7,  154-5,  1.55  71.  See  also 
Ahmadnagar,  Bijapur,  etc. 

Deer,  17,  25,  104,  157,  184,  209, 
296,  312. 

De  Feyra,  Conde,  88  n.,  129-31. 

Dekawara,  209. 

Dela,  29,  30. 

De  Laet,  Johannes,  122. 

Delhi,  47,  236,  248,  293;  the 
capital  of  India,  100,  156 ; 
Finch's  account  of,  15.5-7 ; 
Asoka  pillars  at,  156  n.,  157, 
248 ;  early  kings  of,  1.52 «.., 
155  n.,  156-7,  172,  181  ;  Fauj- 
dar  of,  157. 

Delout,  143.' 

De  Mascarenhas,  Francisco,  12. 

De  Mendoga,  Andre  Furtado,  128- 
31. 

De  Menezes,  Aleixo,  128,  130. 

Deo,  134,  163. 

Dergee  Seraw,  194. 

Derraain.  27. 

Dervishes.     See  Darwlz. 

De  Seine,  Jean,  207-8. 

Deura.  155. 

Dhaita,  78-9.  136-7. 

Dkameri,  179. 

Dharm  Parkash,  180  n. 

Dhauldgiii,  181. 

Dholpur.  145. 

Dhooly,  172, 

Diamonds,  15,  18,  41-2,  47,  111  ; 


the  Mogul's,  102-3,  11 1  -1 2, 1 15 ; 
mines,  15,47,  181. 

Diarbekr,  53,  236,  250,  266. 

Dipalpur,  142. 

Diu,  12,68,84,94,  129(2). 

Diul  Sind,  292. 

Diwan,  12.5. 

Diwdn-i-nm  and  Diwan-i-khds, 
81  n.,  1.59  ». 

Dhodnkliana,  151,  1.55,  162-5,  172^ 
178. 

Doaba,  168. 

Dogs,  22,  25,  33,  104,  312,  326. 

Donne,  John,  258  n. 

Dopydj,  311. 

Doraha,  158. 

Dorchester,  John,  127. 

Downton,  Nicholas,  84  n.,  192-3, 
223-4,  229  ;  defeats  the  Portu- 
guese, 68,  193,  224. 

Dragoman,  57,  72,  78-9. 

Dragon,  the,  61-2,  188,  191,  198 
(4). 

Dress  of  Indians,  308. 

Dromedaries,  104  71.,  105-6,  304, 
311,  329. 

Dnios,  11,  13, 17,  41,  47,  174,  179, 
206,  302. 

Ducats,  1.5,  31,  57. 

Ducks,  296. 

Durga,  180. 

Dutch,  the,  6,  97,  127,  146  ;  Eng- 
lish declared  to  be,  74,  125-6  ; 
war  with  the  Portuguese,  128-31. 

East  India  Company,  the,  1,  7,  48, 
50, 60,  289  (2) ;  and  Withington, 
195-6,  232-3 ;  their  offices,  232w. 

Ecbatana,  242. 

Edwards,  William,  at  court,  192, 
227-31,236-7,248;  beaten,  230; 
stabbed,  230;  his  title,  192, 
224-5,  229;  Witbington  and, 
193-5,  225,  227-8  ;  his  donation 
from  Jahangir,  229-30 ;  goes 
home,  231  «.,  232. 

Eglisham,  George,  233. 

Eldred,  John,  2. 

Elephantiasis,  44. 

Elephants,  in  Pegu,  27,  30-3,  35, 
38,  44  :  in  Ceylon,  43-4 ;  in 
India,    passim;     the     Mogul's, 


INDEX 


339 


104-6,  108,  184-5,  246-7,  304-7, 
314,  326,  329;  punishment  by, 
198-9,  305 ;  fights  of,  177,  184, 
247,  306,  326;  white,  31;  de- 
scribed, 304-7  ;  value  of,  307  ; 
age  of,  307. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  1,  2, 5,  48,  55, 58. 

Elks,  296. 

Elmer,  John,  132. 

Emeralds.  102-3,  112,  115. 

Emert,  266. 

Emmets,  140. 

Eahim,  102-3,  115. 

Etawa,  179. 

Ethiopia,  237,  282. 

Eunuchs,  18, 297, 311, 320, 327, 329. 

Euphrates,R.,9,10,53,241(2),259. 

Eve,  177,  322, 

Expedition^  the,  97,  212  n. 

Fairs  at  court,  278. 

Fakir,  135,  150k.,  164. 

Falcons  (cannon),  132. 

Famines,  12. 

Faridabad,  155. 

Farid  Bukhari,  Shaikh,  99,  127  (2), 
159,  163,  166,  279. 

Farman,  65,  68,  183,  188-9,  192. 

Fanash,  99. 

Fatehpur  (Vairowal),  158,  160. 

Fatehpur  Sikri,  3  w.,  4«.,  5,  170; 
described,  17,  18,  149,  226  7 ; 
built  by  Akbar,  149,  160;  deser- 
ted, 150,  182 ;  quarries  at,  157, 
187,  226 ;  pillar  found  at,  157. 

Faujddr,  157. 

Feasts  at  court,  117-18,  120,  245. 

Federici,  Cesar,  8. 

Feluja,  9. 

Fenton,  Edward,  1,  61. 

Fevers,  310. 

Figs,  29,  38, 166,  297 ;  fig-trees,  29, 
178,  299. 

Finch,  William,  account  of,  122-5  ; 
his  narrative,  62  n.,  12.5-87  ;  at 
Surat,  63-4,  75-8,  81,  85-6, 
122-3,125-33;  his  route  to  Agra, 
133-46;  at  Agra,  146-8;  at 
Bayana,  123 ;  at  Lahore,  67. 
123-4,  155-60;  Hawkins  and, 
70,  122-5,  146 ;  goes  home,  67, 
124 ;  dies,  124. 


Firoz  Shah,  156  n.,  157  n. 

Fishes  ringed,  168. 

Fitch,  Ralph,  account  of,  1-8  ;  his 
narrative,  8-47 ;  the  journey 
out,  8-12  ;  in  India,  12-29  ;  in 
Pegu,  29-43 ;  his  return  journey, 
43-7. 

Flies,  303,  307. 

Flowers,  166,  299,  303. 

Flux,  the,  76, 127,  137, 196  n.,  310. 

Foist,  28,  45. 

Ford,  William,  258  n. 

Fowls,  297. 

Foxes,  22,  28,  209. 

Frain,  Hugh,  96. 

Frankincense,  35. 

Frencham,  John,  155. 

Frenchmen  in  India,  146.  204, 
207-8,  222  n.,  223. 

'  Frigates ',  63. 

Fruits  in  India,  166,  297. 

Fryer,  John,  239. 

Ganaur,  157. 

Gandak,  295. 

Gandamak,  168. 

Gandevi,  65,  131,  134. 

Ganges,  R.,  19,  20,  23-4,  26,  28-9, 
175,  177-8,  180-1,  226,  247,  265, 
269,  295,  299,  323;  its  name, 
293 ;  its  source,  294 ;  water,  226, 
299. 

Gansa,  35. 

Garao,  171. 

Garhakatanka,  295. 

Garhwal,  180. 

Gariic,  297. 

Garrat,  George,  258  n. 

Gaur,  24-5,  294-5. 

Geese,  20,  296. 

Gelole,  161. 

Genefro,  131. 

Gentiles,  11,  307,  and  passiw,. 

Georgia,  242. 

German  swordblades,  103. 

Germans  in  India,  204  (2). 

Ghakkars,  294. 

Ghari,  317. 
Ghazi,  Mirza,  330  n. 
Ghazni  Khan,  172,  174. 
Ghiyas  Beg,  68,  94  (2),  99,  101. 
Ghorband,  168. 


Z2 


34<) 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Ohud-khdvn,  270. 

Giaour,  271 -5. 

'  Cing  ',  120. 

Cinger,  4G,  207,  324. 

Olaaa,  23  ;  not  used,  300. 

Ooa,  8, 12, 63-4,  02-3, 127, 129, 131 
(2),  135,  203,  305;  described, 
14  ;  customs  dues  at,  12  ;  trade 
with  Cambay,  76  w.,  174  ;  Fitch 
at,  3,  6,  14,  15,  46  ;  Viceroy  of, 
3-5,  12,  14,  15,  83-4,  88-9,  92, 
95,  128-31,  146,  188,  193,  197; 
Mukarrab  Khan's  mission  to,  66, 
85,  87-90,  93. 

Goats,  11,  25,  296. 

'  Gobins  ',  155. 

Godown,  30. 

Gogha,  62,  130,  199. 

Gogra,  R.,  292  n. 

Gohad,  293. 

Gojri,  135  n. 

Golconda,  city  of,  4,  182. 

Golconda,  kingdom  of,  15,  182 ; 
King  of,  15,  131,  182,  291. 

Gold,  15,  33-6,  38,  41,  180,  185, 
187,  269,  294,  302,  310-11,  323, 
328;  ornaments,  12,  250,306; 
digging  and  washing  for,  23,  42. 
176;  coins,  101,  159,  267,  302  n. 

Gold,  cloth  of,  117.  206,  213,  306, 
329. 

Gondoree,  135. 

Gondwana,  295. 

Goobade,  158. 

Gopi  Talao,  the,  132,  134. 

Gosains,  155  n. 

Grapes,  166,  297. 

Grassias,  the,  143. 

Gravener,  Stephen,  84. 

Greeks,  223. 

Greet,  Hugh,  96. 

Gujarat,  8,  12-14,  34,  47,  64-5, 
100,  114,  173,  293;  the  ancient 
dynasty,  100,  205 ;  conquered 
by  Akbar,  106,  207-8  ;  Viceroy 
of,  76.  See  also  Ahmadabad, 
Cambay,  etc. 

Gujarati  language,  the,  309  n. 

Gujars,  152  (2),  156-7. 

Gujrat  (Punjab),  167,  169. 

Gumlac.    See  Lac. 

Gundajaw,  211. 


Gunpowder,  314. 

Guns,  28,  .32,  43,  45,  21 S,  314     See 

aim  Ordnance. 
Ounth,  181. 
(iwalior,  293  ;   castle  at,  100,  144, 

293 ;      Finch     deacribes.     144 ; 

Governor  of,  145  (2). 

Haggatt,  Bartholomew,  124-5. 

Hai-nan,  47. 

Eaji,  301. 

Haji  Khan,  292,  314. 

Hakewill,  William,  255,  258  n. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  6-8,  40  w.,  62. 

Hardwar,  238,  269  n.,  294. 

Hares,  296-7,  312. 

Hasan  Abdal,  168. 

Hasan  Ali,  Khwaja,  77. 

Hassward,  King,  172. 

Hast  Caunk,  169. 

Hatya,  168. 

Hawkins,  WiUiam,  account  of, 
60-70  ;  his  narrative,  70-121 ; 
at  Surat,  70-9,  125-9;  his 
journey  to  court,  78-80 ;  at 
Agra,  65-8,  80-95,  146-8  ;  his 
return,  95-7  ;  Finch  and,  70, 
122-5,  146  ;  his  wife,  64,  67-70, 
84-5,  92-3,  96,  133. 

Hawks,  17,  104,  312. 

Hay,  the,  198. 

Hazarat  Isa,  246,  276,  315,  319. 

Hector,  the,  .52,  60-3,  68-9,  122. 

Henri  IV  of  France,  167. 

Henry,  Prince,  234-5,  257. 

Herba  cloth,  26. 

Herbert,  Sir  Edward,  277. 

Herbert,  Thomas,  122,  239,  277. 

Hermodactyle,  the,  150. 

Hijili,  25-6. 

Hindaun,  170. 

Hindi  language,  the,  309  n. 

Hindustani  language,  the,  284,  309. 

Hing,  18. 

HiraNand,  111. 

Hit,  10. 

Hodal,  155. 

Hoghe  Moheede,  160. 

Holland,  Hugh,  249. 

Horses,  in  India,  passim  ;  in  Tibet, 
27  ;  none  in  Ceylon,  44 ;  Persian, 
12, 304  ;  Tartarian  and  Arabian, 


INDEX 


341 


304  ;  special  breeds  of,  174,  181, 

218,    304;     the   Mogul's,    103, 

104  n.,  105-6,  137,  185. 
Hoshang,    Prince,    154 ;     made   a 

Christian,  86,  116,  147-8. 
Hoshang,  Shah,  141  n. 
Hosiander,  the,  188,  197-8. 
Hoskins,  John,  255,  258  n. 
Howdahs,  306. 
Hugli,  5,  18  n.,  25,  182. 
Humam,  Hakim,  101. 
Humayiin,  the   Emperor,   142  w.; 

SherShah  and,  141-2,  161,  165  ; 

his  tomb,  156,  156  r^.,  164-5. 
Hunt,  Edward,  200. 
Hyderabad,  131  n.,  182. 

Ibrahim  Lodi,  165. 

Idris  Khan,  98. 

Indigo,  40, 92, 149, 151-2, 155, 206, 

227,  301 ;    how  made,    152-4  ; 

purchase  of,  148,  190-2,  222-3  ; 

Bayana,  151-2,  174,  179;   Koil, 

179  ;   Sarkhej,  174,  207  ;   Sind, 

218. 
Indus,  R.,  161, 168, 243, 291-2, 299. 
InjU,  273. 
Iraj,  Mirza,  99. 
Iron,  72,  303,  306,  314,  320. 
Isa  Khan,  28,  181. 
Ishmael,  318  (2). 
Ispahan, 51,  54  ;  Coryat  at,  236-7, 

242,  260,  273. 
Italians  in  India,  3,  59,  220,  223. 
Itibar  Khan,  99. 
Itikad  Khan,  68,  94  n.,  297  it. 
Itimadpur,  179. 
Ivory,  13,  22,  28. 

Jackals,  303. 
Jacob  (a  German),  204. 
Jacobuses,  69. 
Jade.    See  Eshim. 
Jafar,  Mir,  197. 
Jafarabad,  198,  201. 
Jafar  Beg.    See  Asaf  Khan. 
Jagannath,  295. 
Jagannath,  Raja,  105,  163. 
Jagdalak,  168. 
Jaghal-aghli,  161  u. 
Jdgir,  161. 
Jagra,  13,  300. 


Jahan,  Khwaja,  90,  99. 

Jahandar,  Sultan,  100,  330. 

Jahangir,  the  Emperor,  52,  63, 
179-82,  189-90,  299;  Milden- 
hall  and,  58-9  ;  his  birth-name, 
102  ;  rebels  against  his  father, 
107,  159,  177,  279«..;  succeeds 
to  the  throne,  108,  330;  his 
daily  routine,  114,  183-5,  247, 
311,  326;  birthday  festivities, 
118,  245,  328;  his  income,  99, 
246,  324  ;  his  treasures,  101-3  ; 
his  chief  officials,  327 ;  his 
emblem,  306  ;  his  titles,  325  ; 
his  age,  245,  328 ;  his  dress, 
327-8  ;  his  aj^pearance,  245  ; 
unpopular,  108 ;  his  cruelty, 
108-11,  113,  184-5,  279,  326, 
331  ;  a  drvnkard,  67, 116,  185, 
331;  unorthodox,  147;  uncircum- 
cised,  246  ;  his  trust  in  astrolo- 
gers, 310 ;  his  fondness  for 
hunting,  154 ;  his  predilection 
for  devotees,  279  ;  his  intended 
place  of  burial,  316  ;  rumours 
of  his  death,  157  ;  pictures  of, 
162-4  ;  his  memoirs,  65  ;  Khus- 
rau  rebels  against  him,  82  /t. , 
108, 158-60, 178  ft.,  179,  279;  his 
relations  with  Anarkikali,  166, 
330 ;  he  makes  his  nephews 
Christians,  86,  116,  147-8 ; 
attacked  by  a  lion,  154 ;  his 
relations  with  the  Jesuits,  192, 
201,222-3,280,331;  story  of  an 
Armenian  and,  280,  331  ;  iiis 
wives,  90  ft.,  94,  lUl,  118,  164, 
170,  178,  247,  278,  306,  329; 
his  mother,  see  Maryam ;  his 
sister,  94,  107 ;  his  children 
(sec,  also  Khusrau  etc.),  98, 
100-1,  184,  330;  royal  letters 
to  and  from  :   sec  James  I. 

Jalmngiri  rupees,  102. 

Jahangir  Kuli  Khan,  99,  173. 

Jaisalmer,  291  n.,  292. 

Jaju,  146. 

Jalalabad,  167  8. 

Jalal-uddin  Firozi,  172  »t. 

Jalap,  179. 

Jalnapur,  131,  137. 

Jalor,  171-2,  174. 


342 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Jamalpur,  155  n. 

Jamba,  42. 

Jambusar,  174. 

James  I,  letters  to  the  Mughal 
Kmperor  from,  61-3,  (57,  70-4, 
80-2,  132,  189,  192,  200,  206, 
229,  252  ;  answer  refused,  92, 
95  ;  replies  to,  328  ;  abused  by 
the  Portuguese,  74-5,  78  ;  Cory- 
at  and,  258  n.,  286. 

.lampda,  170. 

Jangoma,  38,  46,  182. 

Jani  Beg,  Mirza,  330  n. 

Japan,  41-2. 

Japanese  in  India,  308  li. 

Jari  indigo,  153. 

Jaswan,  295. 

Jaunpur,  176-7,  179,  292  w,. 

Java,  303.    See  also  Bantam. 

Jawala  Mukhi,  238,  294. 

Jaxe,  272. 

Je,  180. 

Jenba,  293. 

Jengapor,  292. 

Jerusalem,  235,  241,  244-5,  249, 
253,  256,  259,  261,  268. 

Jesuits  at  Goa,  3,  15 ;  at  Surat, 
64  ;  at  Agra,  190,  192,  201,  222- 
3;  at  court,  49-52,  55-9,  64, 
83-4,  229,  276,  280,  331.  See 
also  Corsi,  De  Seine,  Pinheiro, 
Xavier,  etc. 

Jesus  Christ,  276,  328-9;  rever- 
enced in  India,  246,  319,  331  ; 
pictures  of,  115,  163,  184. 

Jews  in  India,  308. 

Jhusi,  178. 

Joagek  Hately,  169. 

Sogikagaon,  171. 

Johnson,  Robert,  203. 

Johnson,  — ,  122. 

Johor,  128  (2). 

Jonas,  the  Prophet,  269. 

Jones,  Inigo,  249. 

Jonson,  Ben,  234,  252,  255  n., 
258  n. 

Joseph,  Benjamin,  232  ic,  288. 

Jourdain.John,  at  Surat,  148  ;  his 
narrative,  64-7,  70,  85  n.,  91  n., 
95/t.,  mu.,  104 TO.,  109 M.,  llln., 
112  «,.,  123-4,127  w.,132v(,., 154  «. 

Julfa,  54. 


Juma,  210. 

Jumna,   R.,    17-19,    156,    177-80, 

182,  185,  226,  293  (2). 
Junagarh,  292. 
Junkseylon,  41. 
Junnar,  131  w. 
Juno,  210. 

Kabul,  100,  114,  154,  159  60,  167- 

8,  291  ;   route  to,  166-8. 
Kabul  R.,  168,  291. 
Kachahri,  183  (2). 
Kacha  Sarai,  167. 
Kachner  Sarai,  143. 
Kachua,  5,  28  n. 
Kajila,  63  ».,  143,  206,  208/6. 
Kahiva,  300. 
Kaim  Khan,  101. 
Kakarwar,  143. 
Kalabag,  143. 
Kalandar,  150,  164. 
Kalapani,  168. 
Kalsi,  180. 
Kanasia,  142. 
Kami,  329. 
Kanauj,  175. 
Kandahar,  48,  54,  100,  114,  161, 

167,  236,  283,  291  ;    King  of : 

see  Rustam. 
Kangra,  179,  238,  294  n. 
Kanwal  kakri,  150  n. 
Karan,  Prince,  225. 
Kamal,  158. 
Karod,  133,  136. 
Karoli,  78. 
Karvan,  205  n. 
Kashan,  54. 

Kashgar,  166,  168-9,  179. 
Kashmir,  104,  169,  292;    shawls, 

169. 
Kasim,  Mirza,  99. 
Kathiawar,  189,  198  «.,  292. 
Kaul  or  Kali,  R.,  292. 
Kazi,  183,  326. 
Kazmi  Khan,  99. 
Kazvin,  48,  50,  54,  59,  236,  242. 
Keehng,  William,  61-2,  62  n.;    at 

Surat,     193,     227,     229;      and 

Withington,  193-5,  231. 
Kerman,  54. 
Kerridge,  ThomaS;   51-2,    193-5 ; 

sent   to   court,   190,    192,   202; 


INDEX 


343 


at  Ahmadabad,   193-5 ;    letters 

from,  124  n.,  193-4. 
Keshu  Das,  Raja,  163. 
Khalji  kings,  141  «.,  142  rt.,  172  n. 
Khan,  meaning  of,  65,  83, 98,  327  n. 
Khan  Alam,  99,  327. 
Khan  Azam.    See  Aziz  Koka. 
Khandap,  171. 
Khan  Dauran,  98. 
Khandesh,   144,   293 ;     Kings   of, 

140/t.,  141  «.,  142  k. 
Khan  JahanLodi,i98, 143,  163,  327. 
Ivhan  Jahan  of  Khandesh,  141  /(., 

142  n. 
Khan-khanan  :    Aee  Abdurrahim  ; 

meaning  of  the  term,  71  n.,  162, 

165. 
Khankhanan  Saraij  160. 
Khanwa,  148,  151. 
Khargon,  140. 
Khawad,  209. 
KJiawasspur,  167. 
Khichri,  280. 
Khumbaria,  136. 
Khurram,  Snltan,  67  «..,  98.   100, 

154,  162-3,  330  ;   subdues  Udai- 

pur,  225  n. 
Khushkhabar  Khan,  82. 
Khuarau,   Sultan,   100,   163,   229, 

330;    Akbar  and,  107-8,    159; 

rebels,  82  n.,  108,  158-60,  279  ; 

a  prisoner,  98  «,.,  108,  277;    re- 
ported blinded,    108,   160;    his 

mother,    164.    178 ;     his   wife's 

devotion,  277. 
Khutiyal  indigo,  153. 
Kiack,  36-7. 

Kiang-mai,  5,  38,  46,  182. 
Kilij  Khan,  98,  163. 
Kiyara  Sundar,  100  n. 
Koil  indigo,  179. 
Kolis,  the,  143  w.,  173,  209. 
Kos,  passim  ;   length  of,  142,  144, 

213  n.,  222  n.,  295  ;   ten  a  day's 

journey,  225. 
Kos  pillars,  149,  225. 
Kosamba,  205  «.,  217. 
KotiiM,  159,  194. 
Kror,  99,  102. 

Kuch  Bihar,  5,  24-5,  27,  291  n. 
Kulharas,  143. 
Kum,  54. 


Kumaon,  181,  181  n. 

Kuran,  the,  278,  316,  318  ;  Coryat 

on,  272,  274. 
Kurds,  the,  47,  53. 
Kusima,5,  29,  34,  43. 
Kutbuddin  Khan  Koka,  162. 
Kyatpyin,  39. 

Labuan,  42. 

Lac,  35,  179,  206  n.,  303. 

Ladana,  170. 

Lahore,  18,  48,  54,  91,  100,  159, 
167,  179(3),  185,  218,  279; 
castle  at,  104,  159,  161-6  ;  im- 
portance of,  123,  283,  292-3; 
Jesuits  at,  55  «.,  124  ;  Finch  at, 
67,  92,  123-4,  155-67  ;  his  de- 
scription of,  161-6  ;  Coryat  and, 
236,  243-4,  270,  283- 

Lahribandar,  209,  292 ;  English  at, 
190,  208,  212;  Portuguese  at, 
212  ;   trade  of,  212  7i.,  218. 

Lakh,  99,  101,  176,  250. 

Lai  Bag,  138. 

Lala  Bir  Singh  Deo,  99,  163. 

Lancaster,  Charles,  247. 

Lancaster,  Sir  James,  6. 

Lan-chan,  38-9. 

Lar,  292. 

ian,  210-12;   described,  211  w. 

Lashkar,  329. 

Lashkari,  MIrza,  99. 

Law,  no  written,  326. 

Lawns  (muslins),  218,  301,  327. 

Lead,  18,  33,  35,  40,  72,  303. 

Leeds,  William,  2,  3,  4  ii.,  5,  8,  18. 

Lemons.  166,  297. 

Leopards,  17,  184,  246,  312. 

Lepers,  308. 

Levant  Comjjany,  6,  7. 

Lignum  aloes,  46,  115. 

Lillo,  Sir  Henry,  53. 

Limes,  297  n. 

Linschoten,  John   Huyghen 
2-4. 

Lion,  the,  195,  231  n. 

Lion  Quay,  231,  232  n. 

Lions,  110,  174,  184,  246-7,  303  ; 
tame,  at  court,  104,  HI,  328  ; 
Jahangir  attacked  by  a,  154. 

Lipsius,  Justus,  305.- 

Literature,  Indian,  309-10. 


U4- 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


London,  Treaty  of,  (iO. 

'  Long  Walk  ',  the,  24-1,  283-4,  293. 

Louro-Charebage,  IbS. 

Lucknow,  175. 

Lunera,  142. 

Macao  (China),  41. 

Macao  (Pegu),  5,  30 

Mace,  46.    See  also  Spices. 

Machado,  Anthony,  55. 

Madder,  Indian,  34. 

Mngarmachh,  175. 

Mahabat  Khan,  98,  155,  159,  163, 
327. 

Mahal,  148-9,  151,  156(2),  158(2), 
163-6,  178,  183,  185-7,  278. 

Mahdawi,  319. 

Mahdi  Kuli,  72,  12.5-6. 

Mahi,  R.,  205. 

Mahmud  I,  141,  142  h. 

Mahmudis,  127,  129,  131,  146, 
216-17,  223;  coinage  of,  136; 
value  of,  77  n.,  216,  302. 

Maiddn,  134. 

Makdm,  138,  142-3. 

Malabars,  the,  43-5  ;  pirates,  126, 
129  ;  and  the  Portuguese,  128-9, 
139. 

Malacca,  8,  26,  28,  30,  34,  182; 
Fitch  at,  5,  41,  43 ;  siege  of, 
128  (2),  130-1  ;  Captain  of,  41. 

Malays,  the,  41. 

Malik  Ali,  Khwaja,  159. 

Malik  Ambar,  100,  130,  138. 

Malik  Shah,  172  n. 

Malwa,  100  (2),  107,  142,  293. 

Manar  pearl  fishery,  44,  47. 

Mandu,  17,  152,  222  n. ;  palace  at, 
310  ;  Finch's  account  of.  140-2  : 
Jahangir  at,  238,  277-8, 285, 288, 
329;  Roe  at,  238-9,  277,  285, 
287-8  ;  Coryat  at,  238,  285,  287. 

Mango  trees,  134,  144. 

Mangoes,  297. 

Manihpur,  178. 

Manillas,  the,  128. 

Mansabdar,  98,  230. 

Man  Sah,  Raja,  180, 

Man  Singh,  Raja,  08,  162,  164  «., 
170,  179,  330  n.  ;  sent  to  the 
Deccan,  1,31,  1.38-9,  143;  his 
palace,  145 


Mardin,  47. 

Markets,  26,  313. 

Marlow,  Anthony,  62  n.,  63,  73-4, 

126. 
Maniage  ceremonies,  16,  22,  220-L 

320  322. 
Martaban,  34,  41,  43. 
Martin,  Richard,  249,  256,  258  n. 
Marwar,  170. 
Mary,     the     Virgin.     276,     331  ; 

pictures  of,  1 15,  163,  184. 
Maryam-zamani.  98  (2),  107,  118, 

148,   331  ;     her   trading    opera- 
tions, 123,  129,  191,  203. 
MasMk,  147. 
Mashalchi,  162. 
Massage,  313. 
Mast,  317. 
Masulipatam,  16,  34,  95,  133,  182  : 

Dutch  at,  97,  127. 
Mata  Devi,  294. 
Maund,  102-3,  105. 
Mecca,  14,  35.  165,  202,  301. 
Media,  242,  259. 
Medina,  202  •«.,  301. 
Medines,  9. 
Medon,  29. 
Melons,  297, 
Mendaker,  145. 
Mendee,  319, 
Menhapoore,  148. 
Mermaid  Club,  the.  234, 236, 250-1, 

256. 
Merta,  171. 
'Meskites',  140  2,  144,  149,  166, 

172,  176,  316  n.,  318  ;  described, 

315. 
Mesopotamia,  9-11,  47,  241-2,  246, 

259,  266. 
Mewat,  295, 

Mhowa  trees,  136  ;  wine,  136,  143. 
Michelborne,  Sir  Edward,  72,  12,5. 
Middleton,    Sir    Henry,    85,    95; 

at  Surat,  68,  94,  96,  124  n.,  203  ; 

is    ordered   to   leave,   68,    188 ; 

retaliates  in   the  Red  Sea,  68, 

96, 188,  197,  201,  203  ;  gees  east, 

68,  96-7. 
Mildenhall,  John,  191,  222  n.,  223  ; 

account  of,  48-52  ;    his  letters, 

52  9. 
Miliar,  157, 


INDEX 


345 


Mirrors,  Venetian,  164J 

MiTza,  title  of,  98,  327. 

Mitford,  Thomas,  227,  230. 

Mithkdl,  111-12. 

Mocket,  Richard,  258  n. 

Modra,  173. 

Mogargaon,  140. 

Mogen,  the,  26,  29. 

Mogul,  the  Great :  sec  Akbar, 
Jahangir,  etc.  ;  origin  of  the 
term,  325. 

Mohurs,  101,  159,  267. 

Mokha,  202-3  ;  the  English  and, 
68,  93,  96,  132;  Indian  trade 
with,  68,  76,  123,  129,  13.5,  197, 
202,  301.    See  also  Red  Sea. 

Moluccas,  the,  41,  46,  303. 

Monkeys,  174,  313. 

Monsoon,  the,  135,  303. 

Montague,  Bishop,  258  n. 

Moses,  269,  318(2). 

Mosques.     iSVc  Meskites. 

Mosquitoes,  303. 

Mosul,  47. 

Mota,  136. 

Mozabad,  170. 

Mozambique,  129-30. 

Mubarak  Shah,  84-5. 

Mughalsarai,  170. 

Mugs,  the,  26,  181',  291. 

Muhammad,  the  Prophet,  202,  301, 
308,  316-18,  320;  Coryat  on, 
271-2,274,315. 

Muhammadan  devotions,  273-4. 

Muhammad  Hakim,  Mirza,  101  ; 
his  son,  148. 

Mulnuddin  Chisbti,  148,  171,  280. 

MukarrabKhau,631,31, 163, 188-9; 
and  Hawkins,  63-4,  66,  71-3, 
75-80, 85-7,  95, 127,  146-7  ;  and 
Fmch,  127,  130,  132  ;   his  nego- 
tiations  with   the   English,   68, 
189,  201  ;   at  court,  65,  86,  188, 
229  ;   complamts  against,  65-6, 
86-7 ;  sent  to  Goa,  66, 85, 87-90, 
93  ;  favours  the  Portuguese,  83- 
4,  88-90 ;    sent  against  them, 
93  ;.  his  brother,  63. 
Mulberry  trees,  186. 
Mules,  104-5,304,311. 
Mulher,  1.36. 
Mullahs,  308,  315-16,  318,  320. 


Multan,    114,    161    (2),   236,  271, 

291. 
Mundiakhera,  145- 
Mundiapura,  148  n. 
'  Munition ',  183. 
Murad,  Sultan,  108,  162,  293  n. 
'  Murtherera  ',  183. 
Musaff  Khan,  205. 
Muscovy.    See  Russia. 
Musical    instruments,     103,    310, 

315. 
Musk,25,27,35,38,41,46-7, 169(2), 

181. 
Muzafifarabad,  198,  20L 
Muzaffar  Shah  III,  100,  133. 
Myrobalana,  179,  297  n. 

Nagarkot,  179,  294. 

Nagar  Parkar.  191,  209,  214-17. 

Nairs,  the,  44-5. 

Naites,  the,  135. 

Nakchivan,  54. 

Nakodar,  158. 

Nandurbar,  137. 

Narayanpur,  136-7. 

Narbada,  R.,  140,  277. 

Narela,  156. 

Nariad,  206. 

Namaul,  295. 

Narwar,  100,  144,  293. 

Nasiruddin  Ghazi,  157. 

Naubat,  166. 

Nauroz  feast,  117,  310. 

Nausari,  134. 

Nmvab,  title  of,  132,  327  n. 

Negapatam,  26,  44,  182. 

Negrais,  29,  34. 

Newbeiy,  .John,  1-6,  8,  18. 

Newman,  Richard,  51-2. 

Newport,  Christopher,  97  w.,  212v(. 

New  Year's  feast.    iS'ee  Nauroz. 

Nicobars,  the,  6. 

Nilab,  R.,  291. 

Nimgul,  137. 

Nimla,  168. 

Nineveh,  47,  245,  260,  269. 

Nizam,  Khwaja,  76. 

Noah,  the  Patriarch,  177,  260. 

Nondogue,  215. 

Nonnigong,  170. 

'  Notee  '  indigo,  153. 

Nuraquimire,  210, 


346 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Nur  Jahan,  101,  247,  277  n.,  279- 
80 ;  married  to  Jahangir,  68, 
94  ;   her  great  influence,  329. 

Nut  Mahal.    Sec  Nur  Jahan. 

Nurpur,  179. 

Nuruddin,  Govern  or  of  Suiat,  70-1 , 
73-4,  77,  79,  126-7,  131-3. 

NuruJlah  Ibrahim,  209. 

Nutmegs,  46.    See  also  Spices. 

Odcombe,    234,    237,     254,    258, 

270. 
Onions,  297,  311. 
Opium,  18,  24,  34-5,  71,  116  ;  how 

made,  142. 
Oranges,  29,  166,  297. 
Ordnance,  133,  141,  183(2),  226, 

301,  306,  314. 
Orfah,  47  .53,  241,  259. 
Orissa,  25-6,  182,  295. 
Ormus,  1,  8,  12,  14,  129,  135,  278  ; 

described,  11,  12;    Fitch  at,  1, 

3,  6,  11,  46  ;  Captain  of,  11,  12. 
Osborne,  Sir  Edward,  1,  2,  9. 
Ounces,  17,  104. 
Oxen,  104-5,  297-8,  311. 

Padre,  the  term,  331  n. 
Padshah,  85,  326. 
Padshah  Banu  Begam,  101. 
Pagodes  (idols),  15,  31,  33-4,  155, 

158,  177. 
Pagodes  (temples),  15  n.,  35  n.,  36, 

134. 142, 171-2, 221  (2),  226, 321. 
Pahar,  317. 
Paithan,  295. 
PakhH,  169. 
Pakka,  168. 
Palanquin,  108, 154,  278,  329,  331  ; 

described,  312. 
Palmeiro  (palm  tree),   10,   13,  14, 

29,  31,  44-5,  175,  297. 
Palwal,  155. 
Pamri,  169- 
Pan,  143  n.,  300. 
Panipat,  157. 
Panklm,  164,  184,  313. 
Paradise,  241,  246,  259,  273-4. 
Paraich,  144. 
Parameskifra,  321. 
Pardoy  29,  30,  45. 
Pargana,  170. 


Parsees,  the,  323. 

Parsons,  Richard,  52. 

Partab  Shah,  136-7,  293. 

Parthia,  259. 

Partridges,  296-7. 

Parwiz,  Sultan,  98  (2),  100,  110, 
162-3,  222  n.,  330  ;  sent  to  the 
Deccan,  131  n.,  138-9 ;  Finch 
and,  139. 

Pathankot,  295. 

Pathiln  Kings,  26, 152, 155».,  156-7, 
161,  170,  172,  176-9,  181. 

Pathans,  78-9.  136,  141 /i.,  144, 
167,  314;   story  of  a,  110. 

Patna,  5,  295  ;  described,  23-4 ; 
disturbances  at,  113,  147. 

Pattamar,  202. 

'  Pawn  ',  36. 

Peacocks,  21,  174,  296. 

Pearl,  the,  69. 

Pearls,  11,  18,  44-7,  102-3,  112, 
115,  118,  310. 

Pears,  297. 

Pedraria,  220. 

Pegu,  city  of,  5,  29,  30,  43. 

Pegu,  kingdom  of,  5,  6,  8,  16,  18, 
27,  34,  35,  46-7,  182;  Fitch 
visits,  29-43  ;    King  of,  31-4. 

Penang,  6. 

Peons,  129,  200,  209,  228-9. 

Pepper,  14, 16,  25-7,  35,  41,  44-5  ; 
shrub,  45-6. 

Pepper,  long,  26,  35,  46. 

Percival,  Dr.,  195. 

Persia,  1,  10  18,  27,  259;  the 
TurLs  and,  161,  167;  Milden- 
hall  in,  51,  54,  59  ;  revenues  of, 
246  ;  trade  between  India  and, 
167  ;  ambassadors  from  (see  also 
Sherley),  161,  212  n. ;  King  of, 
110,  161  (2),  167,  236,  242-3, 
260,  262,  268,  291-2.  See  also 
Ispahan,  etc. 

Persian  language,  the,  57,  249,  254, 
262-3,  268,  284,  288,  309. 

Persians  in  India,  307. 

Peshawar,  168,  292  n. 

Peyton,  Walter,  97  n. 

Pharwala,  294. 

Phelips,  Sir  Edward,  241  n.,  247, 
249,  251,  270  ;   letter  to,  252. 

Phelips,  Sir  Robert,  249,  255,  270. 


INDEX 


347 


Philip  II  of  Spain,  1,  4, 6, 126, 128  ; 
at  war  with  England,  49,  55,  60. 

Philippines,  the.    See  ManiUaa. 

Phillaur-ki-sarai,  158. 

Pice,  205,  278,  302. 

Piehuna,  151. 

Pigeons,  104,  296. 

Pigot,  Laurence,  124. 

Pindar,  Sir  Paul,  235. 

Pineapples,  297. 

Pinheiro,  Father  Manoel,  55,  75, 
77-9,  83,  89,  90,  127,  146. 

Pipar,  171. 

Pipliagaon,  143.  143  n. 

Pippli,  182. 

Pit,  180,  316,  318. 

Pirates,  45,  181  n. 

Plr  Panjal  paas,  169. 

Piscaria,  the,  47. 

Piyali,  164. 

Plague  at  Agra,  237. 

Plantains,  297. 

Plaster  of  Paris,  311. 

Polle-Medomy,  175. 

Polyandry,  244. 

Pome-citrons,  297. 

Pomegranates,  166,  297. 

Pomelo,  297  n. 

'  Ponde  '  (pundit),  155  n. 

Porcelain,  34,  41,  169. 

Porgos,  26. 

Porto  Grand,  26,  29. 

Porto  Piqueno,  18,  25. 

Portuguese,  148,  203,  278,  282  «., 
331  ;  at  Surat,  75-7,  126,  129, 
197-9 ;  at  Tatta,  191  /*.  ;  on 
the  Coromandel  Coast,  182  ;  in 
Bengal,  5, 25, 181-2  ;  their  trade 
in  fiidia,  14,  63,  76 ».,  174; 
demand  cartaz  money,  129-30, 
135 ;  oppose  the  admission  of 
the  Enghsh,  1-3,  49,  50,  55,  60, 
64-8,  83-4,  88-9,  132,  146, 230  ; 
intrigue  against  Hawkins,  75-8. 
83-4,  88,  95  ;  their  war  with  the 
Enghsh, 49.  60, 68,  73-5,  96, 126, 
188,  193,  198-9,  224,  288  ;  with 
the  Dutch,  128-131  ;  with  the 
Indians,  130-2,  191-3,  201,  203, 
208,  223;  and  with  Malabar 
pirates,  128-0,  139.  See  also 
Goa,  Ormus,  Malacca,  etc. 


Porus,  King,  248. 

Post,  145. 

Potatoes,  297. 

Prayaga,  19,  20,  177. 

Prester  John,  237,  282. 

Priaman,  73. 

'  Prigonies ',  170. 

Prithwi  Raj,  156  n. 

'  Protoplast,  Master,'  250. 

Prunelloes,  297  n. 

Punjab,  the,  100,  292.  See  aldu 
Lahore,  etc. 

Purb,  107,  147,  159,  181. 

Purchas,  Rev.  Samuel.  62«.,  70, 
74«,.,  122,  125,  157  74.,  185 «., 
196,  235,  240-1,  258  n.,  289. 

Quails,  296. 
Queda,  130,  182. 
Quicheu,  27. 
Quilon,  44. 
Quitaml,  103. 

Radhanpur,  173,  191,  208  n.,  209- 

10,  215,  217. 
liahltni,  the,  203. 
Rainy  season,  16,  17,  298. 
Rai  Pithora,  156  n. 
Rai  Singh,  Raja,  163. 
Raisins,  9,  14. 
Ralyat,  113. 

Raja, passim;  term  explained,  215. 
Raja,  the  atheistic,  276. 
Rajpura,  295. 
Rajputs,  106,  139, 154, 183  n.,  21 1, 

217-21,  281,  324 ;  their  bravery, 

106;  freebooters,  143 «.,  199,  205, 

314. 
Ram,  19. 
Rama.  321. 
Rama  Chandra,  176. 
Ra7nazdn,  317-18. 
Ram  Das  Kachhwaha,  98, 154, 163. 
Rame,  kingdom  of,  26. 
Rander,  135.  * 

Rankata,  155. 

Ranthambhor,  100,  145,  293. 
Rati,  89,  lOln.,  112. 
Rats,  33,  303. 
Raver,  138-9. 

Ravi,  River,  161-4,  167,  179. 
Rawalpindi,  168. 


348 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Ray  Durga,  98. 

Red  rails,  the,  91,  115,  120,  184. 

Red  Sea  trade,  12,  14,  30,  35,  41, 
191,  293 ;  its  importance  to 
Surat,  188,  197.  See  also 
Mokha. 

'Rogalled ',  182. 

Renegades,  English,  203-4. 

Revctt,  William,  132. 

Rhinoceroses,  246,  304  ;  horns  of, 
176. 

Rhubarb,  Chinese,  169. 

Rials  of  eight,  value  of,  11  n., 
109;  purity  of,  302. 

Rice,  11,  13,  14,  16,  19,  20,  21,  26, 
28,  35,  37-8,  44,  296,  311  ;  wine 
from.  35. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  69,  70, 231, 291 « . , 
297 /(,.,  328-9;  at  Surat,  193, 
230,  237,  252 ;  at  Ajmer,  194, 
237  ;  at  Mandu,  238,  277,  285, 
288,  329  ;  at  Ahmadabad,  288, 
329;  returns,  288-9;  Teny 
and,  288-9 ;  Witliington  and, 
194-5  ;  Coryat  and,  237-40,  252, 
266-7,  282,  286. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Peter,  227-9,  231  n., 
236,  247,  253.  255-6,  258,  267. 

Rohri,  161. 

Rohtas  (Bihar),  100,  145. 

Rohtas  (Punjab),  168. 

Eomeria,  165,  171. 

Roses,  166.  299. 

Rowli,  37. 

Rubies,  15,  18,  33-5,  39, 44,47,  66, 
67  n.,  68,  87,94, 102-3,  112, 115. 
See  also  Balass. 

Rudra  Chand,  Raja,  181. 

Ruhulldh,  319. 

Rupees,  pussim  ;  value  of,  16,  65, 
83  ri.,  99 /t.,  102  //.,  109-10,  206, 
208,  213,  228,  230,  246  «.,  250, 
266-7,  284,  302;  varieties  of, 
101-2 ;  purity  of,  302. 

Russia,  1,  27,  59. 

Rustam,  Mirza,  99,  139,  162,  212. 

Sadullah,  Miiza,  99. 

Saettia,  53. 

Safar,  57. 

Safawi,  Kwaja  Beg  Mirza,  99. 

Bali'roa,  27,  169. 


Safi,  Shaikh,  197. 

Sahib  Kiran,  265  n. 

Saif  Khan  Barha,  99. 

St.  Augustine's  Bay,  62,  135- 

Saiyid,  171,  316. 

Salam,  115,  326. 

Sal-ammoniac,  158. 

Salbank,  Josei)h,  100  w.,  101  m. 

Saldania.    See  Table  Bay. 

Salher,  136. 

Salim  Shah.    See  Jahanglr. 

Salim  Shah  (son  of  Sher  Shah), 

142  «.,  152. 
Salim  Chishti,  Shaikh,  102  n.,  150. 
Salt,  11,  18,  297. 
Samarkand,  179,  237,  260,  265-6, 

310. 
Sambhal,  293. 
Sandalwood,  13,  34,  46. 
Sandwip,  29,  181  n. 
San  Thome,  34,  182. 
Sapphires,  15,  33-5,  39,  44,  47. 
Sarai,    142^,    148-9,    151,     158, 

167-8,     179,    225,    311,     325; 

female  attendants  in,  225. 
Sarang,  205. 
Sarangpur,  143. 
Saraswati,  R.,  295  (3). 
Sardar  Khan,  194,  198-9. 
Sariandgo,  209. 
Saris,  John,  68,  96-7. 
Sarkhej,  174,  190 ;  described,  207. 
Sarod,  217. 
Sarpesh,  103. 
Sarrunne,  211,  213,  215. 
Satgaon,  18,  25-6. 
Sati,  14,  17,  22;    described,  219, 

323;  Jahans;iraud,  119  ;  reason 

for,  221. 
Satin,  302. 
Sawai  rupees,  102. 
Scanderoon,  53,  235. 
Scarlets,  35. 
Schesche,  19. 
Scio,  53,  235. 
Scorpions,  303. 
Seguro,  92-3. 
Selwy,  40. 
Semiam6s,  227. 
Sequins,  9  *«.,  83  v. 
Seralia  (seragho),  226. 
Sergius,  272. 


INDEX 


349 


Serpents,  33,  303,  324,  326  ;  wor- 
ship of .  173. 

Serrion,  33,  37,  42. 

Servants,  fidelity  of,  313 ;  waoea 
of,  313. 

Servidore,  16. 

Seward,  Rev.  John,  270. 

Shahabad,  158. 

Shahbandar,  71  w. 

Shah  Begam,  the,  164.  178. 

Shahdaura,  143. 

ShaU,  267  n. 

Shah  Jahan.    See  Khurram. 

Shahnawaz  Khan,  99  m. 

Shahpur,  293. 

Shahrukh  Oglu,  Mirza,  99. 

Shahryar,  Sultan,  100,  330  ;  anec- 
dotes of,  105,  117. 

Shakaru-n-nisa  Begam,  94,  107. 

Shamiydna,  117,  156,  163,  184, 
187. 

Shamsuddin,  Mirza,  99. 

Sharif  Khan,  99  n.,  163. 

Sharif,  Mirza,  162. 

Sharpeigh,  Alexander,  96,  132. 

Shashes,  20.  308. 

Shdstra,  321. 

Sheep,  25,  296-7. 

Shemines,  33. 

Sher  Khan,  79. 

Sherley,  Sir  Robert,  212;  his 
wife,  236,  243,  267  ;  Coryat  and, 
236,  243. 

Sher  Shah,  141-2,  156  n.,  165. 

Shikar,  154. 

Ships,  Indian,  301. 

Shiraz,  283. 

Shwe  Dagon,  36. 

Siam,  33,  39,  46,  182.  See.  also 
Kiang-mai. 

Siba,  294. 

Sigiatam,  54. 

Sikandar,  Mirza,  280. 

Sikandarabad,  152,  170. 

Sikandar  Shah  Lodi,  152  n.,  165. 

Sikandra,  Akbar's  tomb  at,  120, 
186,  227,  237,  316. 

Silk,  raw,  11,  13,  25,  27,  177,  302  ; 
goods,  11,  13,  18,  28,  302,  306  ; 
Chinese,  41,  169  (2). 

Silver,  15, 33-5,  38, 40-1,  323,  328  ; 
ornaments  of,  11,  12,  22-3,  28, 


306  ;  India  rich  in,  112,  302  3  ; 
its  relation  to  gold,  101  n. 

Silver  tissue,  206,  213,  306. 

Sind,  12;  de.scribed,  217;  con- 
quest of,  211  ;  outlaws  in,  114. 
See  also  Tatta,  etc. 

Sindkhera,  137. 

Simghdra,  150. 

Sipri,  144. 

Sirhind,  158,  180-1. 

Sirmiir,  180  n. 

Sironj,  17,  143. 

Sistan,  54. 

Sitpur,  161. 

Slaves,  154. 

Smyrna,  53. 

Smythe,  Sir  Thomas,  70,  232  (4). 

Snake-charmers,  313. 

Snakes.    See  Serpents. 

Soap,  9. 

Sojitra,  206,  217  n. 

Sokotra,  60,  62,  132. 

Solomon,  King,  318. 

Solomon,  the,  69,  97  (2). 

Some,  9. 

Sonargaon,  5,  28,  100,  100  n. 

Sorath,  292. 

Soughtare,  100. 

Spahi,  250. 

Spain,  King  of.    See  PhiUp  II. 

Speake,  George,  258  n. 

Spices,  11,  13,  16,  41,  46,  303. 

Spikenard,  179. 

Spinels,  33,  35,  39,  44,  47. 

Spodium,  47. 

Srinagar  (Ka.shmir),  169,  292. 

Srinagar  (Garhwal),  181. 

Sripur,  5,  28. 

Stang,  30. 

Staper,  Richard,  1,  2,  9,  48,  50-2. 

Starkey,  Anthony,  190, 191  n.,  200. 

'  Stawed  ',  212.  " 

Steel,  Richard,  51-2,  285. 

Stevens,  Thomas,  3,  15,  234. 

Stone  quarries,  157, 187. 

Story,  James,  2-4,  8. 

Strapado,  15. 

Styles,  Thomas,  124-5. 

Suckel  Counse,  25. 

Sugar,  palm,  13  ;  cane,  24,  26,  35; 
price  of,  297. 

Sukesera,  143. 


350 


EARLY  TRAVELS  IN  INDIA 


Sultan,  98,  327  «.,  330. 

Sultana,  327  7*. 

Sultanieli,  54. 

Sultanpur,  123,  158. 

Sultanunnissa,  101  n. 

Sumatra,  16,  26,  28,  30,  41-2,  303. 
See  also  Achin  and  Tiku. 

Sumbreiro,  29,  37. 

Sunera,  142. 

Stira,  175. 

Surah,  274. 

Surat,  references  to,  passim ;  de- 
scribed, 62,  133  ;  its  trade,  293 ; 
customs  dues  at,  134  ;  castle  at, 
133-4 ;  bar  of,  133,  148,  197  ; 
Diwan  of,  125  ;  Governor  of  (see 
also  Nuruddin),  197,  219,  229  ; 
Shahbandar  of,  71-3,  77 n.,  131  ; 
English  at,  passim ;  English 
tombs  at,  239-40 ;  farmdn  for 
their  trade,  188-9,  197  ;  Portu- 
guese at, 75- 7, 126, 129, 148, 197 ; 
Jesuits  at  (see  also  Pinheiro), 
132 ;  threatened  by  Bahadur 
Shah,  133. 

Surgeons,  132. 

Surkhab,  168. 

Siirsing,  Raia,  98. 

Susa,  237. 

Suttee.    See  Sati. 

Sutulana,  171. 

Swally,  passim, 

Swally  Hole,  discovery  of,  96. 

Swords,  European,  314. 

Syria,  241,  246. 

Syriam,  30,  35. 

Tabashir,  47  n. 

Table  Bay,  62,  69,  97,  196,  232  n. 

Tables  (backgammon),  312. 

Taborer,  Andreas,  15. 

Tabriz,  167,  236,  242. 

Taffetas,  206 ,  302. 

Tahmuras,  Sultan,  154, 162  ;  made 

a  Christian,  86,  116,  147-8. 
Takht,  Sultan,  100  n.,  330. 
Talikhan,  168. 
Tallipoies,  36-9, 
Tamarind  trees,  144,  299. 
Tamasha,  176,  184. 
Tamerlane.    See  Timur. 
Tanda,  5,  24-5. 


Tanks, passim;  term  explained,  300. 

Tapestry,  11. 

Tapi  Das,  131,  146. 

Tapti,  R,  62,  240,  293. 

Tarapur,  140. 

Tarbiyat  Khan,  99. 

Tareghe,  35. 

Targets  (shields),  187,  314- 

Tari,  175. 

Tartars,  98,  168,  266,  307. 

Tartary,  27,  46,  166,  169,  243,  260, 
265, 282, 291, 294 ;  Kings  of,  242. 

Tash  Beg  Khan,  99. 

Taslim,  184-5. 

Tatta,  100, 161,  190-1,  191  n.,  209, 
212-13,  292  ;  trade  of,  212  n., 
218;  Governor  of,  212;  Sherley 
at,  212. 

Tattooing,  40. 

Tavoy,  41. 

Temmery,  179. 

Temple,  Richard,  200. 

Tenasserim,  41,  182. 

Terry,  Rev.  Edward,  notice  of, 
288-90 ;  his  account  of  India, 
290-332;  and  Coryat,  236 «., 
238-40,  248  n.,  282-8,  310  m., 
325  ;  and  Roe,  288-9. 

Teukes,  103. 

Thalner,  137. 

Thana,  13. 

Thanesar,  158. 

Thomas,  the,  69  (5),  97. 

Tibet,  27. 

Tibet,  Little,  170. 

Tiger,  the,  2,  9. 

Tigers,  17, 19, 24-5, 28-9, 174,  303. 

Tigris,  R.,  10  (4),  242. 

Tiku,  69,  97. 

Tilok  Chand,  179. 

Time,  measurement  of,  317. 

Timor,  41,  46. 

Timur,  165,  237,  260,  265,  307,  310, 
325. 

Tinr22,  35,  41. 

Tippera,  26,  29. 

Tobacco,  299. 

Toddy,  13,  175,  297. 

Toddy-trees,  13,  175,  297. 

Tola,  101-2. 

Tongues,  sacrifice  of,  180,  294,  325. 

Topaz,  102. 


INDEX 


351 


Towerson,  Gabriel,  69  (2),  70. 

Trade's  Increase,  the,  69,  97. 

Traj,  173. 

Tree  of  life,  178. 

Tripoli,  1,  9,  47. 

Tripura  Das,  24. 

Trully,  Robert,  189,  190,  200, 
201 11.,  204. 

Tuck  (turban),  156. 

Tucker,  Thomas,  133. 

Tughlakabad,  155  n. 

Tughlak  Shah,  156  n. 

Turbans,  20, 143, 156, 187, 218, 308. 

Turbith,  179. 

Turkey,  10,  11;  Sultan  of,  53; 
territories  and  revenues  of,  245- 
6  ;  English  trade  with,  1,  6.  See 
also  Constantinople,  Aleppo,  etc. 

Turkey  cock,  93  n. 

Turkey  Company,  1,  6. 

Turks,  the,  245,  330 ;  and  Persia, 
161,  167. 

Turpentine,  179. 

Turquoises.  103. 

Tut,  166. 

Typhoons,  135. 

Uchen,  151. 

Udaipur,    Raja    Rana    of.     See 

Amar  Singh. 
Ude  Chand  Parkash,  180  n. 
Ufflet,  Nicholas,  84-5,  92,  96,  123- 

4,  126  (2),  170  ;   book  by,  185  n. 
Ujjain,  5,  17,  100,  142,  170,  288. 
Umara,  147,  167,  327. 
Unicorns,  246  ;   horns  of,  176. 
Ur.    See  Orfah. 
Urs  Mela  festival,  280. 
Uzbeg  Tartars,  98,  168. 

Vairowal,  158,  160. 
Van,  53  ;   Lake  of,  53. 
Varella,  35-6. 
Variao,  134,  175,  205  n. 
Vasad,  205.  ^ 

Vechiete,  Joao  Battista,  59. 
Velvets,  35,  117,  206,  302,  306. 
Venereal  disease,  310. 
Venetian  mirrors,  164. 
Venetians,  124,  146. 
Vemey,  the  Ladies,  258  n. 
Viara,  136. 


Vijayanagar,  8,  47,  182. 
Virginals,  189. 
Viss,  35. 

Wasseth,  205. 

Water-clocks,  317. 

Waterfowl,  device  for  taking,  312. 

Waztr,  08,  183-5. 

Weaver  bird,  313. 

West  Indies,  82,  299. 

Wheat.    See  Corn. 

Whitaker,  Laurence,  241,  255-7, 
270  71. 

Wine,  35,  300. 

Withington,  Nicholas,  101  n. : 
account  of,  188-96  ;  his  narra- 
tive, 196-233  ;  Roe  and,  194-5  ; 
the  East  India  Company  and, 
195-6,  232-3  ;  his  brother,  196, 
232-3. 

Wolves,  303. 

Women  veiled,  309. 

Wool,  27,  297. 

Wotton,  Sir  Henry,  286. 

Xavier,  Jerome,  49,  55,  67,  80-1, 
83,  85  w.,  89,  90,  92,  148  w., 
223,  282  n. 

Xerafim,  101. 

Yadgar,  Khwaja,  198  n. 
Yadgar  Ali  Sultan,  161. 
Yaktails,  27. 
Yamani,  102. 
Yarkand,  169. 
Yashm.    See  Eshim. 
Ydtish-khana,  162  (2),  164,  184. 
Year,  beginning  of,  310. 
Yeovil,  251,  262,  270  (2). 
Yezd,  54. 
Young,  John,  204. 
Young,  Robert,  193,  225,  231. 

Zafar  Khan,  99. 

Zahid,  Mirza,  99. 

Zain  Khan  Koka,  101. 

Zamana  Beg.    See  Mahabat  Khan. 

Zamorin,  the,  45,  129. 

Zante,  53,  235. 

Zimme.    See  Kiang-mai. 

Zobah,  241. 

Zulkamain,  Mlrza,  267  n.,  280  n. 


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